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Wagner Law Acid Test of Liberalism Garner Strategy May Bring Up 'Sit-Down' Issue By DAVID LAWRENCE. Whether the convention of Young Democrats has contributed anything to the cause of the party justifying the adjective "young” is a matter of considerable doubt among those Democrats who, as to their years alone, might consent to the adjective -old.” For. examined closely, the strategy of the Young Demo crats' convention resembled very much what would be ex pected of a po litical conven- DaTid Lawrence, tion of old deal days. Only the political recklessness of youth, for example, can explain the pUDUCliy UUWlIlg UUl Ui burgh convention condemning the Hatch law, when the head of the party, the President who was lauded In the resolutions adopted, actually said when signing the measure that it was “at least a step in the right direction.” It is not often that political strategists miscue. For, while the President may not have liked the Hatch bill a bit more than do the Young Democrats, he publicly gave the impression of great enthusiasm and went to the length of pointing out that the “genesis” of this great reform was to be found in a para graph in his message to Congress January 5, 1939. Shows Eagerness for Power. But the Young Democrats made another mistake. They permitted the biggest third-term-for-Roosevelt publicity to emanate from Mayor Kelly of Chicago of the far-famed Kelly-Nash machine. If there is one psychological virtue supposed to attach to these “Young Democratic" and “Young Republican" move ments. it is that rejuvenated party members presumably have nothing In common with old deals and old machine politics. To broadcast speeches and statements, therefore, suggesting that Federal officeholders should not have been prohibited by law from participating actively In politics and urging coincidentally a third term for Roosevelt ideals, will stamp the Young Democratic movement as just as eager for polit ical power at any cost as the fol lowers of the newly christened school of “evil old men.” otherwise Irnnn’r* oc ctdfpgmpn ATP Klin posed to be. Speaking of “evil old men,” among whom John Lewis sought to classify Vice President Garner, it is significant that the majority leader of the House of Representatives. Samuel Rayburn of Texas, the man who has been fighting the battles of the administration this last ses sion, nas come out publicly for Mr. Garner for the presidency in 1940. Representative Rayburn took cog nizance of the John Lewis effort to make Mr. Garner seem a reaction ary and pronounced the Vice Presi dent instead a “great liberal.” If Mr. Rayburn, majority leader of the House, considers Mr. Garner a lib eral, can the Young Democrats or any other Democrats characterize the Vice President effectively as a “reactionary” conservative? Definition in Order. The Democratic plot plainly thickens and very soon it wdll be necessary to call for a definition again of what is a liberal and what is a conservative. If Vice Presi dent Garner could be persuaded to talk, he probably would begin by defining a reactionary as some one who stands or sits pat, for that mat ter, and he might say.that advo cates of the “sit-down” strike are by no means liberate but trespassers and squatters. If one omits Vice President Gar ner's opposition to the sit-down strike, you find him far away from the conservative side of the argu ment. To denounce the sit-down strike is perhaps after all not a matter of liberalism or conservatism but of asking for obedience to law and order. Mr. Garner has been a supporter of most all New Deal measures. He quietly helped pass the public util ity holding company bill. He was behind every New Deal reform ex cept the Supreme .Court bill and he has been an opponent of increased spending. All this is not enough however, from a New Deal view point. T j nr_a The acid test of liberalism, It wil have to be conceded, is the one ap plied by the New Deal itself, anc that is whether the Wagner Labo Act is to be sabotaged or amendec in only minor particulars. Despit all the camouflage about other is sues, the Wagner labor relation* law is the key to the first over con servative and liberal candidates That's why, while there are manj New Dealers who would have pre ferred some other method of attack • y the outburst of Mr. Lewis now ap pears on reflection not at all as s spur-of-the-moment affair, but * premeditated broadside against th< foes of the sit-down strike by the C I. O., principal ally of the New Deal So far as sit-down strikes are concerned, it is an open questior whether the Democratic party* "evil old men” or "young” hopeful: are going to relish handling a de mand for a denunciation of sit-dowr Strikes to be inserted in the next na tional platform as the acid test o; Whether the Democratic party is yel freed from domination by the C. I O.—and it may be this will be one piece of Garner strategy that will come to the fore at the next na tional convention as a means oi fighting the Lewis influence. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) The market fluctuates and crashes. Know what you’re doing and where you're going and avoid crashes. ciii'iaiRiiiiiiFfl If you have any hearing difficulty, you it to youraelt and your family to take advantage of this opportunity and secure a free demonstration of the amazing new ACOUSTICON. See for yourself how it will bring you again the pleasures of GOOD HEARING. Plan now to have a free custom fitting TODAY10* TOMORROW'S HEARING Acousticon Institute 8°‘t* 689 fttM^ts. N W NA ”” A The Capital Parade Murphy and His Corcoran New Dealers Take Political Flavor Out of Prosecutions By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. The tax evasion indictment of Moses L. Annenberg, who probably enjoys America's largest cash income and can speak as an equal to the Aga Khan himself, makes this a good moment for a report on the De partment of Justice. Since Frank Murphy was named Attorney General, the large, be-muralled building with the plutocratico-ionic facade has un dergone an invisible but revolution ary transformation. Because tempering the wind tt the fat lamb is one of the most im portant branches of practical poli tics, the Justice Department's po litical flavor has usually been onl} slightly less rank than that of thi post office. This has been true ir progressive Democratic as well as ir conservative Republican administra tinno TnrlooW t Vm rlnnnvfivtnvit’n /->«!< VfS h>9Ut/TY L |SnT“ 60im& To & o*Lr HC A9tT OF Goofip*’ non-political periods in recent memory were under George W. Wickersham in the Taft administration and Harlan Fiske Stone in the time of Coolidge, while few Attorneys General have been so amiably political as Homer S. Cummings, who served at Justice before Murphy came. Frank Murphy succeeded Cummmgs at a time especially propitious for a new kind of Justice Department. The department had been political because the New Deal snared the unwillingness of all administrations to deny favors to powerful political supporters. When Frank Murphy was appointed, however, the President and his New Dealers had already in volved themselves in their bitter struggle with the practical men of their party. There was no reason to grant favors. In truth, the temptation was to mete out punishments. New Faces Thus it was feasible for Murphy to reorganize the Justice Department as. in any case, he would have wanted to. There have already been many intimations of what he was up to. It may now be said that his work of re organization is complete. The best test of Murphy’s thoroughness is the extraordinary number of new faces in the top departmental posts. O. John Rogge, Assistant Attorney General in charge of the criminal division; Samuel O. Clark, Assistant Attorney General in charge of tax cases; Francis Shea, in charge of claims: Norman M. Littell, in charge of the land division—these are me mu.iv uu|jui vitm ui mr new men, annougn mere are so rnanv that it is hard to mention any hold-overs besides G-man J. Edgar Hoover, Solicitor Gen. Robert H. Jackson and trust-buster-in-chief Thurman W. j Arnold. Without exception, the new men at the Justice Department are mem bers of the New Deal group, and many of them began their Washington careers as clients of Thomas G. Corcoran's celebrated amateur employ ment agency. They are energetic, imbued with a firm distaste for prac tical politicians of any sort, and vastly excited by the task before them. Already they are beginning to be known by their fruits. A Chicago gambler famous for his political contributions was indicted shortly before Annenberg. The Louisiana ring, once the beneficiaries of the “Second Louisiana Purchase,” is now being hounded by the relentless Rogge. And 60 it goes. Gift Horse's Mouth The changes at the Justice Department manifest themselves in many other ways, such as Murphy’s effort to clean up the judiciary and get ; better judges, and his just-starting drive against organized crime. But the department's assaults on the politicians and the politician's fat-cats are really more significant, being a complete departure from ancient practice. They should not be taken as being wholly the department's work, or as wholly pure and fine in purpose. Both the Pendergast and Annenberg cases, for example, were really prepared in the legal division of the JuiT LtA>IE ME OvTTA ffcoTicj/ / -.Sk .— ucasuiy. ftnu 11 motives are to ot investigated, it is always well to re member that going after the politi cians, even the Democratic politi cians. is going after the enemy from i the New Deal point of view. Indeed | the New Dealers, who also hope that Murphy w'ill give Dewey pretty stifl competition, are frank in saying ■ that one of the finest results of the Justice Department's reorganizatior win be the destruction of many whc might oppose the President in the 1940 convention. Nevertheless, there is no use looking gift horses in the mouth. If the country cannot have a non-political Justice Department unless the Presi dent and his lieutenants fall out with their party leaders, it may be well tc give thanks for the falling-out. The only thing to watch for now is a sudden leniency toward such party leaders as may be induced, by threats of awful Judgments, to see things the President's and his lieutenants way. (Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) Legion Invites Hearst OAKLAND. Calif., Aug. 15 (JP).— | Stephen F. Chadwick, national com ' mander of the American Legion, has invited W. R. Hearst, the pub | lisher, to attend the Legion's na tional convention in Chicago next month as a guest of honor. $70 for One Breakfast OKLAHOMA CITY. Aug. 15 UP).— Mrs. Maud Tarbert's breakfast cost $70. She hid the money in the oven near the burner, later lighted it to cook breakfast, then remem bered—too late. CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not ± necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves ana directly opposed to The Star’s. | -— Washington Day Book U. S. Agencies Fighting Foreign Propaganda Worry, but Privately and Not Much nv int.rmM unuvtn. The United States has at least half a dozen agencies officially keep ing an eye out for foreign propa ganda. They all worry about it, but very, very privately. They don't worry, to the best of our knowledge, very, very much. Most porten tous worrier is J. Edgar Hoo ver’s Federal Bu reau of Investi gation. TheF. B. I. recently was given the job of c o - o r d i nating anti - espionage Preston Grover, activities. Sometimes it is hard to draw the line between espionage and propaganda. At times a foun tain of propaganda may be a clue to a bit of espionage, so J. Edgar's men watch all these things. Right at this point we might as well add that we can give you no j secret inside information as to how j these agencies react when a par j ticularly apt piece of propaganda shows up. Recently and in times ! past we have talked to individuals ; in every one of the agencies we could j recall. They are as secretive as you might expect. Most busy watchers of propa ganda, in addition to F. B. I. are the : State Department, the War and I Navy Departments, the Coast | Guard, and the Federal Communi I canons commission, tne lauer oe i cause it has the best facilities for ; tapping foreign propaganda broad casts. The Treasury is sometimes interested. * * * * British Suggestion. Tire Treasury gives us our most concrete instance. A few months I ago England put out a suggestion ; that it would be nice if she could chisel a little on her tripartite monetary agreement with the United States and France. Secre tary’ Morgenthau of the Treasury put out a little, counter-propaganda to the effect that it wouldn't be such a smart idea for England to try. England didn't. Capt. Monroe, assistant chief of the Naval Intelligence Office, suggested that with a free and un bridled press and radio it was hard for propaganda to do much in this country unless the press and radio let down their guard. "Americans want plain facts and by and large they get them." he said. He commented that during the World War the most effective prop ; agandists were England and France 1 and that Germany bungled by mak ing more enemies than friends. He declined to comment on current conditions. In a sense every Navy officer is on the watch for propaganda and volumes of it file across Capt. Mon roe's desk. He made a noise like pfhgt! and pointed it to the waste basket, where most of it goes. Of course the President of the United States is the principal out witter of propagandists. His right | hand in this respect is the State Department. The exchange of notes ana speeches around Munich time a year ago was a sample of Ger man-American propaganda spar ring. * * * * We’re “Aware.” Currently the State Department is “aware” of German and Italian propaganda efforts in Latin Amer ica. Thflmas Burke, chief of the international communications sec tion in the department, said it was doubtful if foreign propaganda, by radio or otherwise, had any serious effect in the United States. He was talking about Germany at the time, so he perhaps did not include England. As a general blanket summary we would surmise that all of the agen cies think England can do and is doing a fair-to-middling good job of keeping this country friendly. Ordinarily it isn’t especially hard work. England rubbed our hair the wrong way a lot during the World War and we didn’t scratch back much—not a tithe of the scratching we gave Germany. We have a treaty that binds Russia not to. propagandize Com- j munism in this country. A couple of ! years ago a meeting of the Com munist Internationale in Moscow| exuded a tone of propaganda we ob jected to and we gave Russia the fishy eye for several months to re mind her of her treaty obligations. Of course, don’t forget Congress. The members are fighting propa ganda. both phantom and real, at i an nours. Ana n«e tire wary Gov ernment agencies they also spread a little from time to time. Internal Revenue Golf Tourney Tomorrow The Internal Revenue Athletic Association Golf League will hold its annual midseason handicap golf tournament tomorrow at the White Flint Country Club in nearby Mary land. A hundred association members are expected to take part, it is an- ! nounced. and play is scheduled to begin at 2,30 p.m. Registrations for the tournament are to close at noon tomorrow. Next Saturday the Athletic Asso- 1 ciation will hold an outing, to be 1 featured by a boat trip aboard an 85-foot, two-masted schooner sched uled to leave Shady Side, Md„ at 3 p.m. The program calls for swim ming in the West River, chicken dinner at Galesville. Md., and fish ing in the Chesapeake Bav off Maryland’s Eastern Shore There will be dancing aboard the schooner. Wreck Breaks Legs Again BRYN MAWR, Pa.. Aug. 15 HP).— An automobile carrying Mrs. Gwen dolyn Whittier, 28. home from a hospital where she had been under going regular treatment because she fractured both legs ski-ing last win ter. was wrecked yesterday. Both legs were broken again. Fhis Changing World Mussolini Again Casts Himself in Role Of Europe's Peace Angel By CONSTANTINE BROWN. Eleventh-hour efforts are being made at present to bring about a new ippeasement In Europe. Mussolini is anxious to play once more the role of the peace angel of Surope—like last September. He wants to take advantage of the shattered lerves of certain European statesmen and call another five-power con ference which must necessarily result in Danzig and a part of the Corridor jeing returned to Germany. According to reports received yesterday in Washington, Italian diplo ma* mats have befflin to snunri mit tha French and the British foreign of fices as to what would be acceptable to them for a peaceful solution of the present crisis. Hitler has set his price already and does not intend to bargain except on some minor de tails. Premier Chamberlain would not mind being the hero of another ap peasement but he must take into consideration two factors which did not exist in September a year ago. One is that the Poles, unlike the Czecho-Slovaks, refuse to be sold down the river and have decided to fight regardless of what Mr. Chamberlain wants or says. The other is that public opinion in Great Britain, despite the grave dangers of a conflict to the safety of the non-fighting population, is determined to put an end to a policy of capitulation. If peace can be obtained without fighting—that is to say an honorable peace—well and good. But if there is a question of surrendering to brute force, the British people are willing this time to take a chance. Because of these tendencies in Britain and in France, the British Premier has not deputized a high British official to discuss with the Poles and the Germans the “solution” of the Danzig question. They sent Burchardt, a German Swiss reputedly with strong Nazi tendencies, to act as the go-between. Burchardt represents the League of Nations, which nominally has control of Danzig. But this representative does not get his instructions from Geneva—the League is dead and a corpse cannot give instructions. He receives them directly from London. Diplomats to Step Fast The next few days will witness an intense subterranean diplomatic activity. The British and the French feel that Hitler is determined to strike without delay w’ithin the next three or four weeks. i lie uiui.iii ncci, nmj uc auic iu x-tconwj ai| uic uuuian cyiuim let un the high seas and even bombard Italian towns. But the Germans will not be handicapped in the same manner as they were in 1914 by the destruc tion of their oversea trade. They have important stocks of raw materials hidden in specially prepared warehouses and can get a lot more from the Danubian states while they still are at peace. The chances of Yugoslavia doing more than maintaining a neutral attitude in another international conflagration are practically nil. The Yugoslavs will not send troops to help the Italians and the Germans but will sell their products to the axis faster than ships and railroads can carry them. It is true that both the British and the French are at present in better shape than they were a year ago. But they are still very vulnerable. Their main concern is that the Poles may be crushed before they have had the possibility of breaking through the German lines in the west. Russia Plays Sly Game There is a sardonic smile in every chancellery when the question of Russia’s co-operation is being mentioned. The true facts are that the Poles don't want the Russians in their country; the British and the French pnvprnmpnts limi t helievp the U. S. S. R. Armies can be of great help, and the Moscow government itself does not want to become entangled until a war is well advanced in Eu rope. The British and the French are carrying on conversations merely to soft-soap their extremists — the | British Laborites and the French Socialists of the left and the Com The negotiations smack of a musical comedy performance. The British and the French ambassadors meet with Molotoff, the Soviet foreign secretary. They present to him certain proposals and after days of nego tiations they all agree about something. Then, the agreement is being wired to London and Paris. There certain changes are made or it is ac cepted. In the latter case, the ambassadors return to see Molotoff and in form him of the decision of their governments to accept the draft treaty. Molotoff looks pained and says: "Gentlemen, this is all right but the situa tion has changed materially since we last talked, 10 days ago. There is a new situation which requires other conditions." And thus the conversa tions are resumed with new proposals, a new draft, another set of code telegrams to London and Paris until they become obsolete, too. The staff conversations which are proceeding now are of the same negative value because there can be no staff agreement unless there also is a political agreement. Headline Folk And What They Do Political Observers Regard Brauchitsch Speech as Significant By LEMUEL F. PARTON. One of the rarest things is a po* litical speech by an active German general—unless he happens to be associated with the government. SO that speech of Col. Gen. Wal ther von Brauch itsch before a meeting of metal workers assur ing them that war would not come lightly, that they would be led into armed strife only as a last resort, is regarded by those versed in intern a t i o n a 1 politics as sig nificant in many Gen. Ton Brouehltirh; ways. v The general was made commander of the German Army in February, 1938, one of the officers of the nre World War regime who stayed with troops after the conflict ended and rose slowly by seniority. The sug gestion therein contained that his career has never been of spectacular character Is borne out by facts. He was one of many staff officers in the war, reliable, trustworthy, but in no wise distinguished. In many ways, as a fact, his career resembled that of the Marshal Werner vop Blomberg whose resignation as min istpr nf war wac Cl lhmittarl f proximately the time of Gen. von Brauchitsch's elevation to supreme command. Von Brauchitsch is now 57 years old and has been in command of the 1st Army Corps since 1935. He spent most of his time before the outbreak of strife in 1914 either in artillery service or in desk work or on the general staff in Berlin. He was made captain in 1913 and re tained that rank almost throughout the war, his majority coming to him in 1918. At the close of hostilities, he shifted back and forth from the ministry of war to the field artillery and after passing in turn through various grades he attained ranking as major general eight years ago. In this capacity, he was inspector gen eral of artillery and then, in 1935, commander of the 1st Army Corps, receiving at the tifne full rank as general. His recent speech was the first he is ever known to have made, but international repercussions cause one to suspect that, having waited long to speak, he did not wait in vain, CHmEMfe> CREDIT?" BREMIER pkmmrvs iHfrcTMBrST l l <rwy^ <rv»^. r^^ry"? ' | /In cnnonncement o£ importance, to men. 1 \ who. take pride in their ^ine iturti f( i H l#| fiHIS SALE is unusual in that white shirts "are not excluded", but is ^ C LL a Sale consisting entirely of white shirts. Furthermore they are all 3 $> from our regular stocks of the world's finest fabrics, made by McMullen— ¥ G America's foremost manufacturer of fine shirts. Never in our history 3 C have we offered our ENTIRE STOCK OF FINE WHITE SHIRTS. Never 3 $ before have hnvers hart enr-h rrr> ovrnllonf t A L.... _» « * - r i — I i y a supply of white shirts at such low prices. We suggest that you buy them by the dozen, for there will be no replacements at this price. Come in early while sizes are intact. 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