Evening star. [volume], August 30, 1939, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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' Guilt Cry
Endangers
Revision
President May
Complicate Changing
Neutrality Law
By DAVID LAWRENCE.
It may be natural for President
Roosevelt and various officials like
Assistant Secretary of War Johnson
to point out that failure of the
Senate Foreign
Relations Com
mittee at the
last session of
Congress to per
mit a definition
of American pol
icy on the mat
ter of exporting
war supplies was
a contributing
factor in en
couraging Herr
Hitler to plan
his drive for
Danzig this
summer, but
such tactics are »»vid Lawrence,
not calculated to make easier the
coming revision of the present neu
trality laws.
What the United States needs at
the moment is national unity and,
-therefore, to place the blame on the
“isolationist” Senators is merely to
etart more controversies and provoke
resentments which are wholly su
perfluous. Nobody is going to be
able to prove conclusively, for one
thing, that Hitler did or did not
derive stimulus from the attitude
of the isolationists in the United
States Senate. Events in Europe
have a way of becoming entangled
without reference to what happens
on this side of the water.
The isolationist Senators did not
foresee what was going to happen.
They realized in a sense that they
were taking a chance and that
Europe might become embroiled in
war. but they did not think it would
come before the January session of
Congress. Mr. Roosevelt, relying
on secret information from his am
bassadors and ministers, insisted
that a crisis was in the offing. Sen
ator Borah disputed the value of
this information.
There have been so many crises
Which have not resulted in war that
many Senators felt there was time
enough at the January session to
deal with neutrality. Others felt
that the very action of the Senate
Itself might be taken as unneutral
In serving warning to Germany that
America might supply her potential
opponents. Similarly, administra- :
tion Senators for the opposite reason
wanted the neutrality laws revised
ao that America would not be dis
criminating in favor of Germany
and Italy by withholding supplies
from Britain and France.
Matter of Conjecture.
The neutrality controversy is so
largely a matter of conjecture with
respect to the effects of one policy or
the other, that, basically, many
Senators are now beginning to say
that a simple return to the precepts
of international law may be the best
way out. This would mean removal
of any restrictions whatever as to
what America could send in the way
of supplies to any belligerent coun
try. There would, on the other
hand, most certainly be an amend
ment to the old law so as to require
foreign governments to establish
their own credit here, and to come
and get the products in their own
Bhips. Title to the foreign purchases
would have to be shifted before the
goods left America.
In this way, the United States ■
would presumably keep from be
coming involved in the necessity of
protecting the war trade. Likewise,
American citizens would be required
to keep out of danger zones or to
travel at their own risk.
If Congress were to meet tomor
row in special session, there seems
little doubt that such amendments
Would promptly be made.
The defeat of the administration’s
proposal for a revision of the neu
trality laws so as to allow a return
to international law was accom
plished by three groups in Congress
—those who were fighting the
President on domestic issues and
wanted to administer a defeat, those
who sincerely believed the United
States would become involved if the
war trade were permitted, and those
who thought there was no special
hurry and that January was time
enough to change laws.
Would Reflect National Will.
As a matter of fact, a special ses
sion called during a war emergency
abroad would probably be more like
ly to reflect the national will than
measures adopted long in advance of
war when the whole subject is en
tangled in theoretical considerations.
The administration is hopeful of
peace but is preparing for any con
tingency. The Government machine
is functioning without thought of
partisanship or divisions on domes
tic questions. But administration
officials have it in their power to put
a political aspect on current happen
ings by making speeches attacking
their Republican opponents and the
Isolationists In both parties.
Washington being a political capi
tal, there is much gossip as to what
the outbreak of a European war
might do to a national political
campaign. The answer is that the
closest election in the last 50 years
was held in 1916, during the period
of the World War, while America
was neutral. If, on the other hand,
America become involved in a war
—which is considered very remote
here—the whole domestic situation
might be altered and the price of
national unity might be equivalent
of a coalition government such as is
found in parliamentary systems
abroad.
If peace comes, the neutrality
issues and foreign policy itself will
be of less and less importance,
though the Democrats may endeavor
to "point with pride" to the record
their administration has made in
trying to prevent a world war.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
Shorn of Suspicion
OMAHA, Nebr., Aug. 30 (/P).—A
free haircut started Omaha police
on a hunt for a public enemy. They
explained it this way:
An enthusiastic but unskilled
barber college student sheared most
of the hair off the head of an un
employed patron. A passerby saw
the “convict” haircut, thought it was
Irving Chapman, Public Enemy No.
1, and called the police. They towed
in the shorn one, kept him over
night, then apologized for detaining
him.
British Actress Held
On Immigration Charge
By the Associated Press.
LOS ANGELES, Aug. 30.—Joan
Manners, British film actress, whose
differences with her divorced hus
band, Screen Dialogue Director John
Langan, recently sent her to jail,
was arrested yesterday by Federal
immigration authorities.
Inspector Francis Hickey of the
Immigration Service alleged Miss
Manners, a native of Rustenberg,
South Africa, illegally remained in
the country after entering at Blaine,
Wash., on a temporary visitor's per
mit.
Miss Manners was arrested last
June while picketing a studio em
ploying Mr. Langan. She was sen
tenced to five days in jail for con
tempt of a court order prohibiting
her from molesting him. She was
freed three days later on a writ of
habeas corpus.
SAVE 30
88CMIIEMS
Ask for Bargain I.i>t W.S. i
—If* FREE
BAinAEAnfifAw
The Capital Parade
Move to Repeal Johnson Act
Forecast if War Comes
By JOSEPH ALSOP AND ROBERT KINTNER.
Behind the scenes, while the world’s fate still trembles in a crazy bal
ance, administration preparations for giving all possible aid to the em
battled democracies are already under way. No one now doubts that war
will be the signal for the President to demand immediate, drastic revision
of the Neutrality Act of a special session of Congress. Indeed, it is an
open secret that he would prefer to see the act repealed outright.
Neutrality revision, and particularly removal of the mandatory em
bargo on arms exports to belligerents, will let the English and French have
the desperately needed bombing planes which they have on order in Amer
ican factories. It is an obvious step. Really more significant of the
administration desire to help France and England is the sudden Bust of
uuk aDouc revision or tne sacrosanct Johnson Act.
The Johnson Act, fruit of all the loud to-do about the unpaid war
debts, prohibits flotation of loans in this country by any nation still in
default on its obligations to the *
United States. Its public support
has always been far stronger than
that of the Neutrality Act, yet the
men who are thinking of and even
planning Johnson Act changes are
among the most highly placed and
influential administration officials.
One of them remarked succinctly:
“We'll revise it if we can, and If
there is delay we'll probably Inter
pret it. which is likely to be almost
as good. Whatever method is adopted, you can be sure we are going to go
just as far as public opinion will allow in aiding the democracies, and I
don't believe you'll And anyone round here who doesn’t think that is very
far inrtppH ”
Ways to Go Far
Some authoritative sources even state that Johnson Act revision will
be requested of Congress by the President simultaneously with neutrality
revision. In view of the preponderant public sentiment for supplying the
democracies with arms, this would not seem, on the surface, an unreason
able step. Nevertheless, it would be a risky one, considering the rugged
independence of the Senate, and it seems more likely that, on sober second
thought, the President will prefer to get the neutrality problem out of the
way first.
Meanwhile, the effort to find some way around the Johnson Act’s
limitations has gone further than mere talk. The act's terms have been
studied by appropriate officials, presumably at the behest of the White
House. It has been discovered that, while the European democracies may
not offer ordinary bond issues in this country, they are permitted to bor
row from such governmental agencies as the Export-Import Bank. Other
loop-holes, such as the possibility that the city of London, for example,
might float a bond issue here, have also been noted.
Amendments are understood to have beeen actually drafted. One of
them would simply expand the Export-Import Bank's'capital to a point
where the United States Government could help finance the democracies’
struggle, under the goise of facilitating American exports. As just this
type of financing is likely to be the first move to obtain real public sup
port, the amendment, is a good bet to be put forward. It has the ad
ditional advantage of being ostensibly neutral, since it is merely an ex
pansion in the provisions of an existing American law. Such iegalisms
are the curious commonplaces of diplomacy.
llVrfll IVIIVIIJ VI I .
The signs of the times are unmistakable, and a tremendous upset
in public opinion will be required to reverse the administration trend.
At the War Department, for instance, there is meaningful talk of the
“wastefulness” of the Neutrality
Act, as "preventing England and
France from paying for educational
orders which our Army cannot af
ford to give our manufacturers.”
This argument, which applies with
equal force to the Johnson Act, is
sure to be loudly heard. Prepared
ness will soon become a rallying
cry. On the whole, it seems vir
tually certain that the resources of
. this country will be at the de
mocracies disposal without restriction long before they have exhausted
their present reserves of American purchasing power.
The co-operation between the administration and the governments
of England and France is well illustrated by the fact that our Treasury
and the English treasury had arranged all details of liquidation of English
owned American securities as long ago as last April. And even while
Neutrality Act and Johnson Act revision is awaited, there is no reason
to suppose that the co-operation will cease.
(Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.)
- --
(THE opinions of the writers on this page are their ovtn, not
* necessarily The Star's. Such opinions are presented in The
Star’s effort to give all sides of Questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may he contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
Washington Observations
Anti-Trust Laws Declared Designed
To Free Business From Fear and Pressure
During Frederic William Wile’s
absence on vacation his tri
weekly "Washington Observa
tions" are being written by a
series of notable guest columnists.
Today’s contribution appears
under pie signature of Thurman
Arnold, Assistant Attorney Gen
eral of the United States in
charge of the Anti-Trust Division
in the Department of Justice.
By THURMAN ARNOLD.
A political democracy is impossi
ble unless it is founded on an in
dustrial democracy. Free and inde
pendent political organization can
not survive when
free and inde
pendent b u s i
ness enterprise
has disappeared.
These propo
sitions are true,
for the very sim
ple reason that
if you control a
man's livelihood
you control all
his actions. Re
cently a busi
nessman in a
Western State
whose business
had been ruined Thurman Arnold,
by the aggressive tactics of a large
organization made a speech at
tacking that organization. He was
called into his bank and told that
he had better seek financing else
where. The bank did not wish to
be in a position of encouraging
those elements in the community
opposed to business recovery. This
particular businessman has been
quiet ever since.
Yoke of Industrial Autocracy.
Most people caught in the power
of industrial autocracy accept the
yoke willingly enough. It takes very
little pressure to hold them in line.
An official of a large company told
me that he did not dare to do any
thing else than follow the prices of
his still larger competitor. I asked
him what would happen if he did
not follow these prices. He replied,
“That is a question which I hope
never to be able to answer from
experience.” Perhaps in this par
ticular case the larger company
would not have retaliated. Never
theless, the mere fact that they i
dominated the market deprived the
small man of all initiative. He had a
family to support. He had to play
safe.
The object of the anti-trust laws
is to make business secure from
this kind of fear and this kind of
pressure. To give freedom to the
independent businessman there
must be a policeman to whom he
can appeal if some one restrains
him in tne exercise of his business
judgment, whether it be good or
bad. Progress requires the taking
of private business risks. It is stifled
when there is added to these rules
the fear of organized coercion.
* * * *
The Group Medicine Case.
Anti-trust enforcement does not
mean the destruction of mass pro
duction or research or high stand
ards of efficiency. However, those
who desire to sabotage enforcement
often try to represent it as such.
Thus when a medical society was
prosecuted for boycotting physicians
who did not happen to agree with
the conventional fee system a
prominent publication circulated a
pamphlet called “The Department
of Injustice,” which gave the im
pression that the attack was on
high standards. Actually the aim
of that prosecution was simply to
allow a properly-trained doctor to
exercise his judgment on the ques
tion of whether he wanted to go
into private practice or assist in a
group health movement to give
cheaper medical service to low-in
come groups. In a democracy auch
a choice should be free.
* * * *
The Building Racket.
In the same way attempts to re
move unreasonable labor practices
are often represented as attacks on
labor standards or collective bar
gaining. Recently the following
complaint came into the depart
ment: A contractor (who, no doubt,
was guilty of a number of restrictive
practices himself) was building a
long row of houses. The truck
men’s union delivered bathtubs to
the curb. He asked them to carry
them into the houses. They told
him it was against union rules. He
then asked the plumbers, who were
inside, to help him carry the bath
tubs across the curb. They told
him that their own rules pre
vented them from going across the
threshold. He then called some un
skilled laborers engaged in picking
up things about the place to give
him a lift—whereupon everybody on
the job threatened to strike. Such
practices do not aid in collective
bargaining. They cannot be justi
fied on the grounds of protection
to health or working hours.
Of course, it is natural and per
haps excusable for labor organiza
tions or corporations or professional
men to applaud the attacks on
others and at the same time to
bitterly resent prosecutions against
themselves. The Anti-Trust Division,
however, can play no favorites be
tween labor unions or corporations
or professional men when any of
these groups attempt unreasonable
coercion of others.
* * * 4r
Clearing Away the Barbed Wire.
These are all simple illustrations!
of a problem with many compli
cations. They bring home the point,
however, that the fntrpose of anti
trust laws is to clear away the
barbed-wire entanglements which
prevent experimentation and exer- j
else of private initiative. The effect
of those barbed-wire entanglements
is clearer in the building industry
than in almost any other. When
in 1936 and 1937, under the influence
of Government subsidy the volume
of building doubled in many cities,
the costs should have come down.
Instead they rose, sometimes as
much as 24 per cent.
No organizd group is immune
from the temptation to exercise
power over others. It is not a
problem of whether the organiza
tion is big or little. It is just as
unreasonable for a small organiza
tion to prevent the use of stand
ardized products, which can only
be produced on a large scale, as it
is for a large organization to elim
inate the competition of small units
which offer lower prices. Indeed,
the boycott of standardized ma
terials is one of the principal re
straints of trade today in the build
ing industry. The stoppage of the
flow of competing materials and
services in commerce is equally bad
whether it be done by vertical com- j
binations or by contractors, or by [
manufacturers, or even by mu- j
nicipal ordinances and State laws,!
which are, in reality, protective
tariffs against other States of the
Union.
* * * *
Evils in All Industries.
These situations do not cure them
selves. Neither the businessmen nor
the labor leaders who try to domi
nate others are, ordinarily, immoral
people. Uusually they confuse their
own selfish interests with the good
of the Nation. Therefore, the an
swer does not consist in letting busi
ness alone. We have done that in
the past. If I were able to show you
the flies of our complaints in the
Anti-Trust Division you would see
a picture of interference with the
free channels of trade in practically
even,' single industry. The devices
are different, but they all form part
of the general design, in which
powerful concerns or groups con
trol economic toll bridges over which
they permit only a chosen few to
pass. Sometimes they exercise this
control by the use of patents. Other
times, by price leadership made ef
fective by the fear of retaliation.
Other times by organized boycotts.
Other times by the granting of spe
cial privileges to those who join the
gang. The complaints to the Anti
Trust Division do not come from
crackpot reformers, nor from dis
gruntled minorities, nor from radical
agitators. It is business and labor
which file practically all the com
plaints with my division, and it is
to assure freedom for business and
labor that the anti-trust laws must
be enforced.
* * * *
To Save Industrial Democracy.
Of course, the decision of whether
a restraint of trade is reasonable or
unreasonable can never be reduced
to a formula or a definition in an
age when mass production is a
necessity. The courts are in the
position of an umpire in the com
petitive game. Partisans will al
ways shout to kill the umpire or
deprive him of his power. They will
complain about his power to im
pose penalties. Yet without the um
pire the game cannot proceed. If
definite directions are demanded by
the American people it will mean
that our economy is changing and
tfmt we desire some one who gives
precise orders because we are afraid
of economic freedom. I repeat, a
political democracy cannot exist un
less founded on an industrial de
mocracy. It is the preservation of
our industrial democracy. It is the
preservation of our industrial de
mocracy to which the Anti-Trust
Division is pledged.
(Released by North American Newspaper
Alliance, Inc.)
rt-7
Headline Folk
And What
They Do
Italy's Romantic
Marshal Balbo
Renounces Romance
By LEMUEL F. PARTON.
It is something of a shock to And
the always romantic Marshal Italo
Balbo now renouncing romance. He
has contributed some of the best
showmanship, in his person and
his achievements, to the Italian
imperial resurgence, but now, in his
newspaper, published in Ferrara, he
says:
“Italy is not now a romantic na
tion (if, indeed, it ever has been).
Italy looks to its
own self-inter
est, with an eye
to the unforget
table lesson
against inter
vening precipi
tately provided
by the Versailles
treaty."
As the tension
increased in the
last few weeks,
there have been
frequent reports
that several of
the Fascist high
Marihai Baibo. command have
not been feeling so romantic as they
had felt in their short stretch of
empire building. It has not been
reported, however, until today that
Marshal Baibo was among them,
and it seems almost incredible. As
Governor of Libya, Italy’s most im
portant colonial possession, he read
ied a magnificent show for II Duce'a
visit.
Handsome, bearded, with beauti
ful gleaming white teeth, he has
been no less than the beau sabreur
of the new Italy, frequently men
tioned as one who would lead it to
new grandeur with the passing of
Mussoum.
After Marshal Balbo's leadership
of the Italian mass plane flight to
Chicago in 1934, in which his charm
and manly pulchritude w-on nim
great acclaim, he was sent to Libya.
At that time the Manchester
Guardian ran a series of article*
characterizing the marshal s assign
ment as “banishment,” necessary
because he was rapidly outgrowing
his role of assistant Caesar.
It is indicated that Marshal Balbo
has been talcing a quite unromantic
look at the axis and wondering what
Italy would get out of a war. win,
lose or draw. Naturally the short
ender never feels romantic, which
may explain his surprising apostasy.
The travel bureaus are reassuring.
They still emblazon posters with the
legend, "See romantic Italy.”
(Released by Consolidated News Features.)
We, the People
Isolationists Have No Ready Answer
When 'Do-Nothing' Formula Fails
By JAY FRANKLIN.
Of all the currents of opinion affecting democratic foreign policy,
the “isolationist” creed is both the most and least realistic.
Isolationism is most realistic in that there are many times when the
wisest course of action for a great nation is to do nothing, to wait for
developments- to indicate the proper line of interest and sentiment.
Such was the policy developed by America during the 1914-17 period of
>_. . the World War. Such also was the
siewTbTHj attitude of Soviet Russia (though
iMurnw not one of the world’s democracies)
BosiMKs^i during the 1933-9 period of Hitler’s
ascendancy. Such was the policy
of Great Britain toward Europe
from 1878 to 1903. There are pe
riods when it is better to go slow
and to avoid military or moral com
mitments toward other nations.
Where isolationism is most dan
gerously unrealistic, much more so
than the half-baked emotionalism of the liberals and the sly-eyed cyni
cism of the conservatives, is in the reason behind its policy of international
do-nothingism.
Would Permit Encirclement
If followed to its logical conclusion, the isolationist policy would
permit the complete encirclement of a democracy by its foes, simply
because they were not yet in a position to make a direct attack. British
isolationism encouraged Japan to proceed with the conquest of the Far
East in 1931, despite American willingness to co-operate in discouraging
Japanese aggression. French isolationism encouraged Mussolini to
proceed with the conquest of Abyssinia.
French and British isolationism connived at the axis’ conquest of
Spain, in the face of their political traditions and strategic interests.
The whole world accepted the conquest of Austria, Albania and Czecho
slovakia. and breathed a sigh of relief that the successive crises had
been isolated.
Now the emotional basis of isolationism is fear of being dragged
into conflicts which do not directly concern a nation’s safety. The
trouble is that the line cannot be drawn between those conflicts and
others which really jeopardize national security. Our own Monroe
Doctrine is an attempt to draw such a line, but even today there are
many Americans who would feel no convincing impulse to defend Chile,
Argentina, Uruguay or Peru from transoceanic invasion.
Attempt to Draw Line
But the isolationist goes further than the attempt to draw a line out
side of which he will not admit that the national safety is involved. He
refuses to recognize that there are certain broad contingencies in which
America—to deal with only one of the democracies—must fight or face
ruin. A generation ago, we decided that the threatened destruction of
the British Empire was a vital issue, for Americans. Today, it is even more
so. A generation ago, the preservation of British naval power was the first
strategic concern of our intervention in the World War. Today, now that
we have comparable naval strength
ourselves and have made the North
Atlantic an Anglo-American lake, it
is even more so. A generation ago,
the preservation of democracy fired
Americans to fight on the battle
fields of France. Today, the whole
principle of popular self-government
is under fire.
To none of these larger questions
of our external relations does the
theory of isolationism supply a con
vincing answer. Just so disarmament and German admission to the League
of Nations did not provide the answefr for Great Britain, which later de
clared that its frontier was the Rhine and that it must guarantee Polish
independence.
(Released by the Consolidated News Features, Inc.)
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As Long as the Quantities Last!
When we think of what we paid for this merchandise, we get i
headache—but things are down to “Remnant Lots,” and they
must be cleaned out at “Remnant Lot” prices. Here they go!
The savings are well worth coming in for. But hurry!
*•“^1_Were_ Article—Description Now
997 $1-05, $2 cirrorrc White broadcloth and fanes' (1 in
*0/ nnri oMIBIa madrases. Collar attached and
UTIU $6.DU neckband. 81ses 13*4 to 18. t« for S7>
■- 1---—- --
69 $1.00 TIES Handmade, wool lined, resilient eon- 22c
__ atructlon,_(» for >1)
114 $1.50 & $2 TIES Handmade, wool lined, resilient eon- 69c
198 35c and 50c HOSE r»7™ and silk, and lisle. Slses 27c
_ nUag< 10 to 12._ (4 for >1)
68 $2 & $2.50 PAJAMAS *139
__ ____ <3 for ft)
17 $3.50 & $5 SPORT SHIRTS ;nndd £ure ,Uk 95c__
~~19 $2.95 tO $5 SPORT SLACKS Broken .l«e, 95c
$2.95, $3.95
5 and $5 Bathing TRUNKS $1.45
9 $1 and $2 Bathing SHIRTS and stripes. Broken 45c
sizes.
15 $2.50 HATS Plbre felt. Sizes 6% to 7%. 45^
21 $5 & $7.50 HATS °r" u" *nd *<""> $1.95
6 $5 HATS Oenulne Panamas. Broken sizes. $1.95
7 >7.50 & $8.50 TROUSERS fl.nneTs^e^d ££ $2.95
ardlne. Broken sizes. ^
MEN’S CLOTHING
*>ean. Were Article—Description Now
11 \\WoltSt SPORTCOATS, broken sizes. $2.9T"
21 $18.75 TROPICAL WORSTED SUITS $995
Broken sizes. Regulars, longs, shorts. "
GROSNER of 1325 F Street
A K A ,s a