Evening star. [volume], October 06, 1939, Page A-7, Image 7

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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Russian Pact 'One of Peace and Co-operation/ Hitler Asserts
■ - i ^--—■ ---———
Soviet and Reich
To Determine Future.
Of Poland, He Says
Proposes Boundaries
'Do Justice to Historic
And Economic Facts'
(Continued Prom Page A-6.)_
longer morally Justified to carry out
such a procedure.
America First Refused
To Ratify the Treaty.
After America had been first to
refuse to ratify the treaty of Ver
sailles, or to join the League of
Nations, and later when other
countries also felt they could no
longer reconcile their presence In
this organization with the interests
of their respective countries, the
League degenerated more and more
into a clique of parties interested in
the Versailles dictate.
At any rate, it is a fact that none
of the revisions recognized from the
outset as necessary had ever been
effected by the League of Nations.
Since in our time it became custo
mary to regard a refugee govern
ment as still existing even if it con
sists of three members, providing
they have taken with them suffi
cient gold so as not to be an eco
nomic burden to the democratic
country offering hospitality, It may
be assumed that the League of Na
tions too will carry on bravely if
but two nations sit there together.
Perhaps even one will do!
But according to the government
of the league any revision of the
Versailles clauses would still be ad
judicated exclusively by,this illus
trious organization—that is, in other
words, revision would be practically
impassible.
League of Nations Is
Already a Dead Thing.
The League of Nations is not a
living but already a dead thing:
nevertheless the peoples concerned
are not dead but alive and they
will uphold their vital interests how
ever incapable the League of Na
tions may be of seeing, grasping or
respecting those interests.
National Socialism is not a phe
nomenon which has grown up in :
Germany with the malicious intent |
of thwarting league efforts at re
vision. but a movement which arose
because for 15 years the most |
natural human ana social rights of :
i a great nation had been suppressed
and denied redress.
And I personally take exception '
at seeing foreign statesmen stand
up and call me guilty of having
broken my word because I have now
put these revisions through.
On the contrary, I pledged my
sacred word to the German people
to do away with the treaty of Ver
sailles and to restore to them their
natural and vital rights as a great
nation.
The extent to which I am securing
these vital rights is modest.
This I ask: If 46.000.000 English
• men claim the right to rule over
40.000. 000 square kilometers of the
earth, it cannot be wrong for
82.000. 000 Germans to demand the
right to live on 800,000 square kilo
meters, to till their fields and to fol
low their trades and callings.
And if they further demand the
restitution of those colonial posses
sions which formerly were their
property, whieh they had not taken
away from anybody by robbery or
war, but honestly acquired by pur
chase, exchange and treaties. More
over, in all my demands I always
first tried to obtain revision by way
„ of negotiation.
I did, it i»s true, refuse to submit
the question of German vital rights
to some non-competent interna
tional body in the form of humble
requests. Just as little as I suppose
that Great Britain would plead for
respect of her vital interests, so lit
tle ought one to expect the same of
National Socialist Germany. I have,
however, and I must emphasize this
fact, most solemnly limited in the
extreme the measure of these re
' visions of the Versailles treaty,
RO,000,000 People
Must Live Somewhere.
Notably in all those cases where I
did not see any menace to the natu
ral, vital interests of my people, I
have myself advised the German
nation to hold back. Yet these 80,
000.000 people must live somewhere.
There exists a fact that not even the
Versailles treaty has been able to
destroy. Although it has in the most
unreasonable manner dissolved
states, torn asunder regions eco
» nomically connected, cut communi
cation lines, etc., yet the people, the
living substance of flesh and blood,
has remained and will forever re
main in the future.
It cannot be denied that since
the German people has found its
resurrection through National So
cialism, the relation existing be
tween Germany and the surround
ing nations has been cleared up to a
great extent.
The uncertainty that today** is
weighing down the common life of
* nations is not due to German de
mands, but to the malignant in
sinuations published in the so
called democracies.
The German demands themselves
were formulated in a very clear and
precise way. They have, it is true,
found .their fulfillment, not thanks
to the insight of the League of Na
tions, but thanks to the dynamics
, of natural development.
The aim of the German foreign
policy as pursued by me has never
been other than to guarantee the
existence—that is to say, the life—of
the German people, to remove the
injustice and nonsense contained in
a treaty which not only destroyed
Germany economically, but has
drawn the victor nations into dis
aster as well.
«o country Has Ureater
Longing for Peace.
For the rest, however, our whole
work of rebuilding was concerned
' with the home affairs of the Reich
and no country in the world had a
greater longing for peace than the
German people. It was fortunate
for humanity and no misfortune
at all that I succeeded in removing
the craziest, mast impossible clauses
of the Versailles treaty by peaceful
methods and without compromising
foreign statesmen in the internal
politics of their countries.
4 That some details of this action
may have been painful to certain
Interested parties is comprehensible.
But the merit is all the greater for
the fact that thia reorganization
M
was brought about without blood
shed in all cases but the last one.
The last revision of this treaty
could have been brought about in
exactly the same peaceful way had
not two circumstances I have men
tioned had tile contrary effect.
That is chiefly the fault of those
who not only took no pleasure in
the former peaceful revision, but, on
the contrary, complained of the
fact that by peaceful methods a
new Central Europe was being built
up—that is to say, a Central Europe
that was able once more to give its
inhabitants work and bread.
Aims to Clear Up
Relations With Neighbors.
As I have already mentioned. It
was one of the aims of the govern
ment of the Reich to clear up the
relations between ourselves and our
neighbors. Allow me to point out
some facts that cannot be refuted
by the scribblings of international
press liars.
Firstly, Germany has concluded
non-aggression pacts with the Bal
tic States. Her interests there are
of an exclusively economic nature, j
Secondly, in former times already
Germany never had any conflict of
interests, or indeed litigation points,
with the northern states and she has
none today either.
Thirdly. Germany has taken no
steps in regard to the German ter
ritory handed over to Denmark un
der the terms of the treaty of Ver
sailles: she has, on the contrary,
established local and friendly rela
tions with Denmark. We have1
claimed no revision, but we have
concluded a non-aggression pact
with Denmark. Our relations with
that country are thus directed to
ward unswervingly loyal and friendly
co-operation.
Fourthly, Holland: The new Reich
has endeavored to continue the tra
ditional friendship with Holland; it
did not take over any differences
between the two states nor did it
create new ones.
Fifthly. Belgium: Immediately
after I had taken over the govern
ment I tried to establish friendly
relations with Belgium. I re
nounced any revision as well as any
desire for revision. The Reich has
put forward no claim which migh
in any way have been regarded as a
threat to Belgium.
Rplalinnc With Swicc
Always Have Been Friendly.
Sixthly, Switzerland: Germany
adopted the same attitude towan.
Switzerland. The Reich govern
ment has never given the slightest
cause for doubt regarding their de
sires to establish friendly relations
with the country. Moreover, they
themselves have never brought for
ward any complaint regarding the
relations between the two countries.
Seventhly, immediately after the
anschluss (with Austria) became
an accomplished fact I informed
Yugoslavia that the frontier in
common with that country would
henceforth be regarded as unalter
able by Germany and that we
wished only to live in peace and
friendship with that country.
Eight. The bond which binds us
to Hungary is old and traditional,
one of close and sincere friendship.
In this instance, too, our frontiers
are unalterable.
Nine. Slovakia appealed to Ger
many of her own accord for assist
ance in connection with her estab
lishment as a state. Her independ
ence is recognized and not infringed
upon by the Reich.
10. However, it is not only with
these states but also with the great
powers that Germany has improved
and settled those relations which to
certain extent had been adversely
affected by the treaty of Versailles.
Italy, One-time Enemy,
Now a Sincere Friend.
My first step was to bring about
an alteration in the relations be
tween Italy and the Reich. The
existing frontiers between these two
states have been formally recog
nized as unalterable by both coun
tries. Any possibility of a clash of
interests of a territorial nature has
been removed. One-time enemies
during the World War, they have
in the meantime become sincere
friends.
Establishment of friendly rela
tions was not the final development,
but, in the periods which followed,
this led to the signing of a cordial
pact based on our mutual philos
ophies and political interests which
has proved- Itself to be an impor
tant factor in European co-opera
tion.
My chief endeavor, however, has
been to rid our relations with France
of all trace of ill will and render
them tolerable for both nations. I
once set forth with the utmost
clarity Germany's claims in this
domain and have never gone back
on that declaration Return of the
Saar territory was one demand
which I regarded as an indispensable
pre-condition of Franco - German
understandings.
After France herself had found
a just solution of this problem,
Germany had no further claims
against France. No such claims
exist any longer and no such claim
shall ever be put forward. That is
to say, I have refused even to men
tion the problem of Alsace-Lorraine
not because I was forced to keep
silent, but because this matter does
not constitute a problem which
could ever interfere with Franco
German relations.
Has Expressed Desire
To Bury Ancient Enmity.
I accepted the decision made in
.1919 and refused to consider ever
embarking upon war for the sake
of a question which, comparatively
speaking, is of slight importance
for Germany's vital interests, but
which is certainly likely to involve
every second generation in a deadly
war fear. France realized this.
It is impossible for any French
statesman to get up and declare I
have ever made any demands upon
France, the fulfillment of which
would be incompatible with French
honor or French interest. It is,
however, true that instead of de
mands I have always expressed to
France my desire to bury forever
our ancient enmity and bring to
gether these two nations, both of
which have such glorious pasts.
Among the German people I have
done my utmost to eradicate the
Idea of everlasting enmity and to
inculcate in its place a respect for
the great achievements of the
French nation and for its history,
just as every German soldier has
the greatest respect for the feats
of the French Army. I have devoted
no less effort to the achievement
3f an Anglo-German understand
ing—nay, more than that, of an
Anglo-German friendship.
At no time and in no place have
I ever acted contrary to British in
terests. TJnfoitunately, I have only
too often Uen forced to guard
against instances of British inter
ference in German affairs, even in
cases which did not concern Great
Britain iti the least. I actually
considered it as one of my life aims
to reconcile these two peoples, not
only through mutual understanding,
tut through inner sympathy.
The German nation has gladly
followed my lead in this respect.
If my endeavors have been unsuc
cessful it is only because of an
animosity on the part of certain
British statesmen and journalists,
which has deeply affected me per
sonally.
Germany and Britain
Must Come to Understanding.
They made no secret of the fact
that—for reasons which are un
fathomable to us—their sole aim was
to seize the first opportunity in order
to resume the fight with Germany.
The fewer reasons of substantial
nature these men have for their
schemes, the more they attempt to
motivate their actions with empty
phrases and assertions.
But I believe even today that
there can be real peace in Europe
and throughout the world if Ger
many and Epgland come to an un
derstanding. Because of this con
viction I have often shown the way
to an understanding. If in the end
there has not the desired result, it
was really not mv fault.
Finally, I how also attempted to
bring the relations between the
Reich and Soviet Russia to a nor
mal and. In the end, to a friendly
basis. Thanks to a similar trend
of thought on the part of Mr. Sta
lin. these endeavors have now been
realized. Now with that state last
ing and friendly relations have been
established, the effect of which will
be a blessing to both nations.
Thus, the revision of the Ver
sailles treaty carried through by me
did not cause any chaos in Europe,
but on the contrary produced the
prerequisite of clear, stable and
bearable conditions.
Only those who detest this order
of things in Europe and wish for
disorder can feel hostile to these
actions. If, however, certain peo
ple think themselves obliged to re
ject with a hypocritical air the
method by which a tolerable order
of things was established in Cen
tral Europe, then my only reply to
them is that in the end it is not
so much the method but the useful
result that counts.
States Were In Distress
Before He came to Power.
Before I came into power Central
Europe, that is to say not only Ger
many but also the surrounding
states, were sinking into the hope
less distress of unemployment and
production had decreased, involving
an automatic jump in commodity
consumption. The standard of liv
ing went down. Distress and misery
were the result.
No criticizing foreign statesman
can deny that not only In the old
Reich but also in all the territory
now merged with It, It has become
possible to remove these indications
of decay in the face of the most ad
verse conditions.
It has thus been proved that only
as an entity is this Central Euro
pean space capable of existence and
that whoever breaks up that entity
commits a crime against millions of
people.
To have wiped out that crime does
not amount to a breach of my word,
but to me is honor itself; I am proud
of it as my deed before history.
Neither the German people nor
myself has taken an oath on the
treaty of Versailles; I have merely
taken an oath on the welfare of my
people who give me my mandate
and on the welfare of those whom
destiny has placed within our living
space, thus inseparably binding
them to our own welfare.
To guarantee the existence and
thus the life of all them is my sole
concern.
Was Called to Post
By German People.
Any attempt to criticize, Judge or
reject my actions from the rostrum
of international presumption has no
foundation before history and per
sonally leaves me stone cold. I was
called to my post by the confidence
vested in me by the German people
whose attitude toward me is only
strengthened by any such attempt
at criticism or interference from
abroad.
Moreover, previous to each single
revision I have put forward pro
posals. I had attempted, by means
of negotiations, to achieve and se
cure what was absolutely indispen
sioie. in a certain number of cases
I was successful. In other cases, I
am sorry to say, my readiness to
negotiate and perhaps also the small
extent of my demands and modesty
of my proposals, were interpreted
as a sign of weakness and therefore
rejected. Nobody could have re
gretted this more than I did.
There are, however, in the life of
nations certain necessities which, if
they are not brought about by peace
ful methods must be realized bv
force. However regrettable this ap
pears, not only to the life of the
individual citizen, but also to the
life of the community. It is unde
niable that the greater interests
common to all must never be im
paired by the stubbornness or ill will
of individuals and communities. To
Poland, too. I made the most moder
ate proposals.
They were not only rejected, but
on the contrary brought forth the
general mobilization of that state,
for which reasons were advanced
which proved conclusively exactly
that it was the very modesty of
my proposals which was considered
a confirmation of my weakness, nay,
even of my fear. Really, such an
experience is apt to make any. one
shrink from ever again making any
reasonable and moderate proposals.
Also at present I once more read
in certain newspapers that every at
tempt to bring about a peaceful set
tlement of relations between Ger
many on the one hand and Prance
and England on the other was
doomed to failure, and that any pro
posal in that direction only proved
that I. filled with apprehension, an
ticipated Germany's collapse, and
that I only made such a proposal out
of cowardice, or from a bad con
science.
When, irrespective of all this, I
have expressed my ideas on this
problem, I am prepared to appear in
the eyes of these people as a coward
or a finished man. I can afford to
run that risk, because the Judgment
(Continued on Page A-9.) ’
UP EARLY TO HEAR SPEECH—With ear phones clamped to
their ears. Senators Capper (left) and Herring, shown at a local
studio, listened to Hitler and broadcast their opinions of the
speech. _A. P. Photo.
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