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Backers Give No Ground \ Cling to Their Ideas Like Supporters Of Volstead Law By DAVID LAWRENCE. There's a curious parallel between the way the defenders of the Wag ner Labor Act, including Senator Wagner himself, are behaving and tne way me ae- c fenders of the s eighteenth | Amendment and ■ the Volstead Act refused to give ground to the opposition after a case had been made out .show lng that, in some | Instances, the;; evils bred under s prohibition were far worse than the ills sought to I be cured by en- 1 forced temper ance. David Lawrence senator wagner or New York, as the author of the law which bears his name, has declared in a speech that he does not favor the amendments sponsored by the spe cial investigating committee headed by Representative Smith of Virginia, Democrat. One by one Mr. Wagner assails these proposals including those which simply attempt to put j Into the statute what the Supreme i Court of the United States in two i important cases has proclaimed to j be the basic constitutional doctrine of labor relatioins. The Supreme Court has said that, “sit-down” strikers need not be re- I employed, but when an amendment! is proposed to give statutory effect to such a declaration, Senator Wagner takes his position alongside of the “sit-down” strikers and the promoters of physical violence as a means of settling labor disputes. The Supreme Court said that em ployers could not be compelled to make a contract in a collective bar gaining negotiation, but the Labor Board has twisted the words of the preamble of the labor law to compel an employer to accept some of the employes’ demand even if he can not afford them. No Word of Condemnation. Again although the record of the Smith committee has shown flagrant maladministration, indeed a be trayal of justice and collusion with litigants, to say nothing of violation of Federal laws, the New York Sen ator does not utter a single word of condemnation of the men who were responsible for this abuse of power. me intolerance oi me majority when in power and its complete disregard of the minority viewpoint, which is really at the heart of the controversy over Wagner Act amendments, merely means that ultimately collective bargaining will be severely restricted in America. The small businesses of America are today being hurt by abuse of the collective bargaining power. The large businesses can afford to meet the demands of the organized groups or to fight .hem because they have a large volume of business and big profits. Little by little these facts will come home to the people Just as the drys refused to concede that boot legging was a social evil and public opinion at last turned from the drys. The professional drys had a ma jority in Congress for a long time. They would not consent to any change which would bring back even light wines and beer, so in the end their attitude forced the repeal of the entire prohibition amendment. Failure to adjust points of view The Capital Parade End of Finland's Struggle Starts Controversy; British and French Disagreed on Sending Her Aid By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. % In the sad aftermath of Finland's heroic struggle, the failure of out side aid is already generating a bitter controversy. But as related by authoritative American sources, the real story seems perfectly compre hensible. Essentially, the British and French did not help the Finns becau se the British ouite reasonably feared that an attempt to fight a war in an Arctic country, at the end of a long, tenuous line of communication, would end in sure disaster. If the story is correct as related, aid for Finland was a subject of continuous disagreement between the British and French from the last weeks of December until the middle of February. As soon as the Finns had demonstrated their magnificent will to fight, Premier Daladier and the French high command began to urge assisting them with a substantial expeditionary force. Tne French proposal was that troops be landed at the Finnish ports on the Arctic Ocean, thus avoiding the problem of obtaining transit through Sweden. Prime Minister Chamberlain and the British high command im mediately pointed out two serious defects in this plan, however. First the transport difficulties, which would have had to the met almost exclusively by the British navy, hake up YOU#. MINDS I ■s&t fa were really enormous, secondly a German attack was certain, once an allied force had arrived in Finland, and the difficulties of transport being so great, it might have been all but impossible to send adequate reinforce ments. Fruitless Persuasions Daladier, who had perfected his plan to the point of securing Gen. Sikorsky's promise to form a Polish volunteer division, was not ready to relinquish it easily. Despite the force of the British objections, he con tinued to plead for aid for the Finns until, early in January, the British consented to join in sending an expeditionary force. But the British still insisted that transport through the Arctic Ocean was impracticable, and Sweden was therefore asked to let the allied army pass through to Helsinki. The Swedes’ position was in the last degree painful. The Swedish air force was small; so was the Swedish Army. Across the Baltic, a short distance by air or troop ship, lay the vast German air force and the huge German Army. The Germans had put the Swedes on warning that if they gave transit to allied troops bound for Finland, all of Scandinavia would become a theater of war. With all their sympathy for the Finns, which they exhibited in tangible form throughout the conflict, the Swedes did not wish to commit suicide. They therefore informed the British and French that unless the allies were prepared to protect both Sweden and Denmark (which the Germans had also threatened) from being overrun, transit for troops to Finland could not be granted. The Swedish reply was categorical; nothing remained for Daladier to do but revert to his original scheme of sending the force through the Arctic Ocean. He and his generals pleaded for it unremittingly and at last, at the Supreme War Council of February 5, Induced Chamberlain to agree to take the risk. Preparation of such a force takes some time, however. The Germans, desperately anxious to get the Russian supplies being poured into the Finnish campaign, began to put severe pressure, accompanied by threats, on the Finnish Government. On February 18, the first peace overtures were made. About the Peace The view taken here of the peace is extremely gloomy. For the Finns, the best that can be hoped is that like the other Baltic nations, they will be allowed to retain a measure of domestic Independence, so far, Russia has only insisted on controlling the foreign policy and trade t WHERE VO ri WE GO FROM '/5 HERE,JOHN? dw n of Latvia and Estonia, and although the Russian insistence -on a rail road through the heart of Finland looks very bad, possibly the Finns will fare as well as their neighbors. For the British and French, the peace is a most serious setback, as their last-minute efforts to prevent it showed. Germany will get Rus sian supplies 'more freely. The Russians will be enabled to concen trate their energies on an attack to tne soutnwara, in tne BaiKans. Ana tnere win De otner aangerous repercussions, such as the possible cessation of the American ‘ moral embargo” on arms exports to the Soviet Union. Yet indiscriminate accusation of the British, although a safe form of arm-chair strategy, is hardly justifiable. Obviously, they would have bepn wiser to make up their minds, one way or the other, at the start. The fact that they subsequently changed their minds suggests that they must now regret their first decision. (Released by North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) on controversial legislation at the opportune moment merely means, in the long run, more and more re sentment and an accumulation of bitterness that causes a national reaction. Wherever pressure groups overreach themselves they usually pay a much more severe penalty in the end. Senator Wagner has ap parently decided to take his stand on the side of the men who have maltreated the law of which he Is author. He refuses to concede, moreover, that there is anything fundamen tally wrong with a statute which has been revealed by a House commit tee investigation to have been ad ministered by men who were zeal ots and not judges. The attempt now also is to be little the evidence before the House committee. But unlike any other investigation in years, the incrimi nating evidence was taken out of the flies of the accused—the labor board itself. Memories of Representative Vol stead who, too. was the author of a great law that bore his name, come back faintly today. Will the same be said some day of the law which bears the name of Senator Wagner when repeal comes and a really fair labor relations law is put l in its place? Mary Healy to Appear with Jimmy Fiddler at Loew's Capitol. 10-Diamond Bridal Set in KORAL gold. CERTIFIED PER FECT center diamond and four smaller stones in the engage ment ring. The matching band has 5 sparkling diamonds. Pay $2 a week. $100 Engagement ring. CERTIFIED PERFECT center diamond with a smaller diamond on either side. In white or natural gold mounting. Pay 50c a week. $29.75 (THE opinions of the writers on this page are their own. not 1 necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of tnterest to its readers, although such optnions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star's. Washington Observations Finland's Fate Revives Roosevelt's Words In 'Quarantine' Address in 1937 By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. Finland’s doom revives with omi nous significance, President Roose velt's words at Chicago in his famous ‘‘quarantine’’ Address of uctuoer, At that time totalitarian ma raudings had sealed the fate only of Man churia and Ethi opia. Hitler’s 90, 000,000,000-mark war machine was not yet ready, and Sta lin was still pos ing as an apostle of Marxist peace and brotherly love. But Japan’s depredations in^reaerie wnu» wile. China and Italy's in North Africa Impelled Mr. Roosevelt to say at Chicago: “If these aggressions and inhumanities increase, let no one imagine that America will escape, that it may expect mercy, that this Western Hemisphere will not be attacked, or that it will continue to carry on the ethics and arts of civilization.” * * * * What Has Happened Since. If the President had “planned it that way,” nothing could possibly have borne out his grim admonition to the nations of the New World more fully than subsequent events in Europe and Asia. History will chronicle that the Russo-Finnish war started on December 1, 1939. As a matter of fact, it had its inception more than eight years before; namely, on Sep tember 18, 1931, when the Japanese Army launched its unprovoked attack in Manchuria, paving the way to the present undeclared war on China and to the orgy of aggres sions which ensued in Europe. Sev eral other dates are associated with the origin of the cruel fate which has overtaken Finland. Japan’s in vasion of China was followed by Italy’s campaign against Ethiopia in December, 1934. In March, 1938, Germany seized Austria. On Octo ber 1 of the same year, with Anglo French acquiescence at Munich, Hitler occupied the Sudeten section of Czecho-Slovakia. In March, 1939, the Nazis took Prague and annexed Bohemia. Moravia and Slovakia. A month later Mussolini seized Al bania. Meantime Memel was brought under German sway. * * * * Beginning of Finns’ End. Last fall in Northeastern Europe saw the beginning of the ruthless program of brigandage which is climaxed by Russia’s dearly bought victory over the Finns. On Septem ber 1 Hitler’s armies and air forces overwhelmed Poland and subjugated her In three weeks, whereupon the Soviet was Invited to march into Eastern Poland and take possession of that portion of the conquered country. Having thus unmasked his intention to extend Russian domina tion to the Baltic, Stalin then im posed territorial demands upon Lat via and Estonia, which reduced those states to Communist vassalage. Next the Kremlin sprang demands which the hopelessly outnumbered Finns for three and a half months tena ciously resisted before yielding to superior strength. * * # * A Consistent Pattern. So, poor Finland’s tragedy as master of the democratic destinies which until this week were hers is proved to be only the latest link in the nine-year series of brutal land grabbings, which the dictator pow ers, beginning with the rape of Man churia and ending—for the time be ing—with the partition of Finland, have pursued almost according to a fixed pattern. The “aggressions and inhumanities,” of which Presi dent Roosevelt spoke in 1937, have “increased." The world's remain ing democracies were unable or un willing to checkmate them. It is an hour of grief and for grave heart-searching in London, Paris, Washington, and in Stock holm, Oslo and Copenhagen. The music has now to be faced. The United States’ duty is clear—to omit no opportunity, to spare no ex pense—to augment national defense to a degree designed to convince “have-not” governments on the make that attempts to secure Lebensraum anywhere on this side of the Atlan | tic would be suicidal. * * * * Stalin in Driver's Seat. At today’s cabinet meeting In the White House, at least one member of President Roosevelt's official household, whose business it is to be minutely informed of interna tional developments. Was prepared to submit a view of the European situation, which diverges from the common theory that Finland's de feat is a Russo-German triumph. This well-posted departmental chief points out (1) that the Finns re sistance delayed Soviet supplies to Germany for 3'i critical months: <2) that the prestige of the Red Army is irreparably punctured; <3> that the Russian assault on the little republic has definitely turned neutral opinion all over the world against Russia; (4) that Russia has now secured the water approaches to Leningrad against attack by Ger many: (5) that by establishing a powerful Soviet naval-military base at Hango at the Juncture of the Gulfs of Finland and Bothnia, in conjunction with the bases previ ously extorted from Latvia and Estonia, Stalin makes himself mas ter of the Northern Baltic. The Soviet henceforth will sit squarely astride the vital water route from Scandinavia, upon which the Ger mans are dependent for Swedish iron ore supplies, and (6) that while, theoretically, Russian war sinlws, including foodstuffs, are now more freely available to Germany than before, Stalin’s hands are un tied, his strategic power in the Baltic immeasurably strengthened and the Soviet Union is in position This Changing World Ribbentrop Claims Surrender of Finland To Soviet as His Own Victory By CONSTANTINE BROWN. .. surrender of Finland will prove in the end more detrimental to the allies than to the Finns themselves. The scheme for Finland to become a part of Sweden is likely to strengthen both nations. It is believed that the plan, which was de vised some time ago, provides that at first Finland will maintain is political entity. It will remain a republic with its own president and parliament and diplomatic representation. Later, it is thought in responsible quar ters, the union will become much closer and a merger between the two countries will be brought about. The Finns have always considered them selves Scandinavians. Norway for the time being is quiet. There are no obvious signs that sne wm join me nnmsn-swecnsn merger which has all the earmarks of a German initiative. But reports from Oslo indicate the Norwegian government is following the develop ments with keen interest and when the time comes will be ready to Join the new economico-political unit which will definitely lean toward the Reich for protection against an eventual invasion by Russia. All these countries armear to be willing to let uermany have all the raw materials she may need. It would be cheap insurance. Ribbentrop Pleased With Himself Herr von Ribbentrop Is licking his chops. The peace treaty between Finland and Russia and especially the merger between Finland and Sweden have been his pet ideas. According to him, the war in Finland was a war between Great Britain and Germany using Russian and Finnish troops as victims. It was not Mar.nerheim who had to surrender—according to the Berlin ideas—but Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. And it was not Gen. Stern who won a victory, but Herr von Ribbentrop. These ideas seem to be shared by the neutrals in Eastern Europe. Rumania had almost been won over by the allies in their war to prevent Germany from ob taining oil and raw materials from that country. Now Herr von Rib bentrop is acting as the honest broker between the U. S. S. R. and Ru mania to bring about a non-aggression pact which would not be worth the paper it is written on if Germany does not assure Rumania that she will have nothing to fear from her Eastern neighbor, after certain con cessions have been made by King Carol's government. Even Turkey is growing somewhat restless, although that country has less to fear from the Russians and the Germans than any other Balkan country. The army of Gen. Weygand, while lacking offensive possibilities, is certainly in an excellent position to help the Turks in the event of a 1 Russian aggression. I An Argument Against Allies The German ambassadors and ministers in that section of Europe are using the surrender of Finland to the utmost to prove to the Balkan nations that it would be futile to throw their lot with the allies. They tell the governments to which they are accredited: ‘‘Finland is not an exception. The western democracies have never been able to protect a single one of their proteges.’ And they produce a long list of ‘‘sacrificed nations.” such as Ethiopia which received no effective assist ance from the League of Nations; Austria, which was taken over by Ger many in a few hours without any of the guarantors of her independence lining tneir lime nnger to neip Chancellor Schuschnigg; Czecho slovakia, which almost caused a European war; Albania, which never received even the usual condolences of the western democracies; Poland; the Baltic states (to a lesser de gree, because they did maintain a form of political independence’ and now Finland. • The Germans are acting now 1 like those county fair wrestlers who , have thrown all the village strong ' men ana now are snouting at tne top or tneir voice: wnos next; j&u to the man who can resist me for more than 10 minutes!” The Balkan states shake their heads and say nothing; they don't I want to wrestle, but they are looking at the strong men in the distance. to maintain a firm stand against unreasonable Nazi demands of any kind. * * * * Italy Sees the Light. Another view held by the cabinet officer just above mentioned con cerns the recent Italo-British con troversy. By agreeing to Import no more German coal by sea, Mussolini implicitly recognizes the British blockade and Great Britain’s right to do what she pleases with neutrals or "non-belligerents” who venture to circumvent it. In other words, the man in the best position in all Europe to know how the wind is blowing — Benito the Wise — has manifestly made up his mind which side is on top and likely to remain there. F STREET AT 7th SUITS TOPCOATS >25 *30 *35 Eiseman’s suits and topcoats are on parade here now ... and they’re right in step with the times. Imported hearty tweeds in colorful patterns! Pure striped worsteds. Genuine sharkskins in distinctive designs. Rich-looking herringbones. And many others in checks, stripes, pin dots and fancy models. Conservative, drape and British lounge; single and double breasted. 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The effort of the Smith investigating committee—or, rather, three of its five members—to perform a major operation on the act is calculated to do more harm than good to the cause of proper amendments, and so also to the cause of better capital labor relations. It is the purpose here to discuss only one of the proposed changes— that which would create a separa te administrator to initiate and con duct cases before the board, which would then sit only as a court. Now this division of functions wears the deceptive aspect of fair ness and of entire conformity v.l h the democratic process. The t~o facile criticism runs that the Na tional Labor Relations Board ac\s as policeman, prosecutor, judge and jury and ought therefore to be d:s membered. Often the implication is given that the board is uniaue in this respect among the agencies of the Government. Real Problem Created. The fact is that the machinTy used by the National Labor Ra tions Board is the same as that generally employed, under author ization by Congress, by the adm'n | istrative agencies which the grow ing complexities of Government have called into being. The pro cedures under the Labor Relations Act are essentially the same as those j under the Securities and Exchange ! Act, the Interstate Commerce Act, ! the federal Trade Commission Act. | Like it or not, we have these and similar administrative agencies, and with them a large and increasing ! body of administrative law. That | this condition creates a real problem i nobody denies. The problem con i stantly engages the attention of the ' Supreme Court and it is now beurg studied by a Committee on Admin istrative Law set up by the Attorney General and consisting of ds tinguished judges, teachers of the law and practicing attorneys. It is, however, equally rnden!aK1e that if wc are to have efficient ad ministration in many fields now covered by the law. we have got to have the administrative agency with quasi-judicial functions. As pointed out by Justice Frankfurther in a recent case, the supervision which Congress has decreed should be exercised over economic enter prise can be exercised in a multi tude of instances, .“neither directly through self-executing legislation nor by the judicial process.' Hence the modern administrative tribunal like the National Labor Relat'ons Board, the Interstate CommP’ce Commission, and so on. Hen<-e a development which Ei'hu Root r5 j years ago foresaw as “natural and inevitable”—the r-eation of a b -v of administrative law quite diferp^t in its machinery from the processes of the courts. ine problem, of course, is to keep this administrative law from getting out of hand. It is up to Congress, in its vigilance, to do this. But this is not to say that Congress, because of the mistakes which the N. L. R. B. has made, should now strike from the board the powers which, experience has shown, are essential to the efficient working of a regulatory agency of this charac ter. The Smith amendments are a blow at the foundation of the ad- / ministrative process. If Congress wants radically to change that process, it should do so only in pursuance of a general, considered policy—not hastily and in reference only to the National Labor Rela tions Board. As Senator Waener suggests, the Smith committee would have done well to aweit the report of the Attorney /3eneral's commit tee before proposing its sweenirg procedural changes in the Wagner Act Confusion Certain to Arise. What would be the practical effect of setting up a separate prosecut ing administrator under this act? Senator Wagner analyzes the diffi culties and the confusion which would certainly arise. For example, there would be nothing to prevent the administrator from adjusting cases in a manner out of line with the board’s decisions: nothing to keep him from arbitrary refusal to issue a complaint clearly within the board's province. Senator Wagner points out that under its present procedure, the board has adjusted 93 per cent of its cases in con formity with the Labor Relations Act without any formal complaints or hearings. He suggests that this procedure has obvious advantages to the employe, the employer and the public, and he doubts whether any administrator could achieve so high a percentage of satisfactory results. Senator Wagner says that the proposed separation of powers would subject both workers and employers to “the delays and frustrations of a confusing, inefficient and obstruc tive administrative arrangement," that it would impede our progress toward Industrial peace. Senator Wagner’s points in favor of giving the act a chance are rein forced by the showing the N. L. R. B. has made before the Supreme Court. I stated in a recent article ^iat the board had been upheld completely in 15 of the 19 of its cases reviewed by the court. This was true, but only up to the beginning of the present court term. It should have been added that during this term, the board has won six cases and lost none, so that the record to date is 21 cases won by the board, two cases lo6t and two cases in which the board partly won and partly lost.