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Attempts on Hatch Bill Hit Amendments Held Unlikely to Kill Measure Bv DAVID LAWRENCE. The effort sponsored by Senator Hatch and Representative Demp sey of New Mexico to purify Amer ican politics by restrictive legislation has achieved a momentum which even mis chievously i n - sorted amend- W menus by oppo- f rents will not thwart at this session of Con- • gress. But those sab otaging amend ments, designed to make the measure so un palatable to the Republicans that they would de- I>avid Lawrence, sert certain allies on the Democratic side who have been pushing the bill, are likely to be accepted rather than to endanger passage of the meritori ous additions to the original Hatch law. These latter clauses would pre vent State employes working on projects supported by Federal funds from being regimented for political purposes. There are two sabotaging amend ments, however, to which in mo ments of thoughtlessness some ad ministration leaders have given their support in the Senate and to some extent, in the House, One provision in the Senate bill would limit in dividual contributions to $5,000. An other provision adopted by the sub committee in the House which is dealing with the bill would limit any political committee to $3,000,000 total expenditure in any one cam paign. The language of these two changes is so loosely phrased by those who hoped to kill the bill that they have inadvertently introduced new elements in campaigning which ' are apt to prove a boomerang. Means Nothing. Thus a $3,000,000 limitation for the Republican National Commit tee and tor the Democratic National Committee, respectively, will merely mean that all kinds of decentralized committees will be formed, each of which will be able to collect $3,000. 000. The so-called “Labor Non-Par tisan League'’ can collect $3,000,000, and so can a Dewey-for-President club or a Vandenberg-for-President or a Taft-for-President club, as the case may be. Also there can be formed a dozen American Liberty Leagues, with broad general pur poses, but using their funds for politiral campaigning. As long as 1 contributions are properly reported to the clerk of the House of Repre sentatives these various national po litical committees can arise by the scores. Then there are the State commit tees. Such a political committee need have no name on it referring to any national candidate at all. but simply the name of the Republican cr Democratic nominee for the gov ernorship. Contributions can be gathered all over the country and 1 sent to these different State com mittees. It would take a board of psychoanalysts, if not G-men, to discover when a paid precinct ; w-orker who urges the voter to cast' his ballot for the gubernatorial ran- | didate and a “straight ticket” is really being compensated for na- [ tional or State purposes. These are practical considerations Which everybody familiar with pol itics knows about. Thus the sup posed virtue of the plan to limit | expenditures to $3,000,000 for each political committee is transformed ! Into a particularly vicious sort of ; political campaigning. For the more i political committees in existence the more racketeering there develops. i Decentralization of a national cam paign into 20 or 30 collection agen- [ ties w'ill only mean that more money will be collected and more will be wasted, and possibly as the funds ! are trebled there will be even more j corruption than before. Better Plan. A much better plan would be to j take the highest campaign expendi ture in the past by any political party and set that as a top limit for each party with the proviso that no funds can be expended except through the regularly designated national committees of any party entitled to a place on the ballot. Even this cannot touch the ques tion of State political committees. Nor can $5,000 contributions be con fned to national committees, for there Is a lawful right to contribute to State campaigns and the Federal Constitution cannot be stretched to cover the conduct of elections to State offices where no Federal funds are involved in the picture. Much can be done to purify poli ties by specific legislative prohibi V The Capital Parade Pittman Backed Effort to Hamstring Trade Pacts; Reported to Have Acted in Interests of Cattlemen By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. During the past week a truly strange scene was enacted in the Senate chamber. In debate was Secretaiy of State Cordell Hull's trade agree ments program, which is both the keystone of administration foreigfi policy and this country’s chief contribution to the economic stability of a sorely shaken world And the tricky amendment to hamstring the trade agreements p ogram was sponsored by Key Pittman of Nevada, chairman or tne senate Foreign Relations Committee, leading Democrat, and nominally administration foreign policy's most eminent supporter. No great principle was involved . in Pittman s stand. Peace or war / did not hang on the issue. Pittman was not fighting for the safety or honor of the people of the United States. He was fighting for the pocketbooks of a handful of big cattle ranchers in Nevada. Because me qaiuemen iear me importation oi a iew pounns oi canneo Deei irom the Argentine, Pittman was willing to propose what amounted to a vote of no confidence in the entire foreign policy of the United States. Furthermore, leading Democrat though he is, Pittman agreed to do what he did at the suggestion of Republican Leader Charles L McNary. The shrewd McNary was the real brains of the junta of Republicans and special interest Democrats opposing the trade agreements. McNary went to Pittman and told him frankly that as chairman of the Foreign Rela tions Committee, he would carry most weight as sponsor of the hamstring ing amendment. Special Interest Senator This sort of thing is no more, to be sure, than the Pittman record would lead you to expect. In many ways the Nevada Senator is an engag ing figure. By birth, a Mississippian, he was a young lawyer in the Klondike gold rush, met his wile in Alaska when their dog teams collided in a snow storm, and helped to organize the first government of Nome. Thence, the great Tonopah gold strike drew him to Nevada, where he became a leading mining lawyer, and won a Senate seat in 1913, as the representative of the mining interests. His early life was passed on the frontier, and some traces of frontier picturesqueness still hang about him. His public utterances generally have a fine spread-eagle flavor, and in private he is a good, hard-swear ing talker. These qualities once captivated your correspondents. But having started in politics as a representative of the Nevada min ing interests, Pittman is still ready, at fhe drop of a hat, to sacrifice the general welfare to any special group in his State. Nevada is a great silver producer, and so Pittman is a great silver Senator. The silver-buying program has cost the Treasury a round $1,000,000,000 for completely use less metal, and it was foisted on the country because Pittman and other Ola D to 1DO.T Pit/ senators nice nim wanien to Keep the silver people happy. This seems a huge lagniappe to toss an industry employing a total of 8.000 miners, but as long as the industry is strong in Nevada, Pittman does not care. For the cattlemen, Pittman has ignored what most men would regard as the responsibilities of his great position. For the silvermen, Pittman has helped to raid the Treasury to the extent of $1,000,000, null, g,vcryining considered it is lortunate that few Nevadans' livelihood depends on the State's other two chief products. Otherwise, the Surplus Commodities Corp. might be iequirrd to distribute several hundreds of millions of dollars worth of sage brush and jack rabbits. Mealymouthed Pretense Of course, there was an argument for the Pittman amendment to the Trade Agreements Act. Trade agreements,_ the argument ran. are treaties. Treaties require Senate confirmation, 'under the Constitution. Therefore the trade agreements ought to be passed on by the Senate. But as every one above the age of babe in arms was well aware, this was a mealy-mouthed pretense intended to mask the fact thaf no individual trade agreement could get a two-thirds confirmatory vote under the attack of the massed special interests. Of course Pittman was not the only Senator animated by special interest pressure. Virtually every anti-trade agreement Democrat was so animated, while the Republicans, in the cheerfully confessional words of one of their number, were spurred on by the recollection that they had "lost all the intermountain States for the last 12 years." But sooner or later it is necessary to decide where legislative responsibility ends and where frivolous irresponsibility begins. (Released by North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) tions, but even more can be accom plished by requiring full public dis closures on the part of all those who contribute as individuals and all organizations which contribute lump stims. Many dues-paying or ganizations toriaV do not tell their members that the funds collected are to be used for political purposes. It ought to be required on collection slips. A Slight Change. Perhaps that might mean too much detailed work, and the same result could be reached by adding a few words to the so-called Bank head amendment to the Hatch bill which passed the Senate. It now refers only to “any person" and says | nothing about organizations. Such an amendment could read: “Any person who or any organiza tion not primarily organized for po- j litical purposes which directly or in- I directly contributes more than $5,000 j shall be guilty of pernicious political activity and any organization not primarily organized for political pur- i poses shall not allow its member- i ship rolls to be used for the pur pose of collecting political contri butions in excess of $5,000.” For the purposes of such a law. affiliated organizations or local chapters or units would be con sidered as part of a single national organization limited to $5,000, but no such limit would have to be applied to any organization established avowedly and primarily for political purposes. It's the undercover col lection of money by non-political PIPES REPAIRED JOBACCOS BLENDED EISEMAN’S F STREET AT 7TH Famous for Style and Long Wear SUITS •25 . . . (lannria . . . fa*»arnin*» nr«ii>fta «hrt i* iwt •man inn 'am, bin# in*rn In airnwa Urn, anri plain naiiam* Mu|»rW* '» <»*n all »nn|»i||la in Iniini* dra|w ainl roroari aura atvlaa Olhf, Swii $30 mini $3$ CHARr,F IT' bn pm n Payment 4 Months to Poy Storting tn April organizations which produces the big slush funds in the major parties and In this respect the Democrats now adays are no better than the Re publicans used to be. Full disclosure would bring its own correctives. Show Set at Burke BURKE. Va., April 1 iSpecial). —A variety program, “Burke Radio Amateurs.'’ will be presented by local residents Saturday at 8 p.m. in the community hall to raise funds to improve the hall. Mrs. J. B. Davis is general chairman and Ben jamin Boyce will be master of cere monies. crHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides oj questions of interest to its ■ readers'although such opinions may he contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Washington Observations Republicans Hope to Abolish 'Demonstrations' At Philadelphia Convention By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. To abolish the circus stfilT which converts national conventions into undignified orgies of pandemonium and bedlam, the Republican National Committee, this quarter learns, is thinking of setting a new fashion at Phil a d e 1 p h i a in June if cer tain plans ma terialize. the Rules Commit tee will propose s w e e p ing re forms in the practices which turn these po litical conclaves into travesties of t li e democratic Frederic William Wile. process. The most drastic suggested change is to limit nominating i speeches to one minute, and that “demonstrations,” maintained ar tificially by brass bands, pipe organ music, college cheer leaders and hired gallery mobs also be rigidly restricted. In the past, delegates, news writers and the countless mil lions on the radio have been prone to judge the strength of "the man who" by the length and intensity of the racket and din organized for him in the convention hall by his managers and synthetic "enthusi-; asts.” At New York in 1924 the' Tammany City fire department sirens screamed outside of Madison Square Garden to keep the A1 Smith uproar going. At Chicago in 1932 Mayor Ccrmak had to take the plat form to beg pro-Smith gallery j stooges to behave themselves long ! enough to permit William G. Mc Adoo to explain the California Texas deal which permitted Roose velt's nomination. * *. * * Example for Democrats. G. O. P. reformers hope that if their program to end convention tomfoolery works out at Philadel phia, the Democrats at Chicago may follow suit, A Democratic Senator, Millard E. Tydings of Maryland, beat Republican reformers to their plan by a year. The Free Stater, who survived the -Rooseevlt purge in 1938, in a guest column written for this observer last August de clared that “national conventions are among the least worthy and democratic of our political institu tions.'' He denounced them as "too often little more than strange mix tures of horseplay, riots and bally hoo, with accompanying clowning, clamor and frivolity.” Mr. Tydings said. “The average convention, though composed of grown men and women, acts as if it were assembled to see Joe Louis fight Tony Galento, and not to select two leaders to guide for four years the destinies of 130.000.000 Americans.” The Marylander added: “The availabil ity and fitness of the presidential candidate seem not to depend upon his ability or his record, but rather upon the surging crowd parading the aisles after his name has been offered. The more noise, the more bands, the larger and longer the demonstration, the more fitted the ’ particular nominee seems to be for the post of President!” * * * * A New England Sage. One of Washington's familiar fig ures during Cooiidge days was a quaint and brilliant New England 14-Point Repair Suits Worn Golf Shoes to a Tee Golfers! Do your shoot look reedy for the ath-con? Don't you hote to dncord them, they wore to corn ier table? Why not bring or tend them for o 14-Point overhaul, including flexible now leather solos with removable tpket. or thick rubber tolet. Then they’ll bo ready for lots more comfortable rounds this year. HAHN While-Tou-Wait-Serv'ice—14th tj G Phone Dlst. 6363—or Leave at Any Hahn Store politician-writer, Robert M. Wash burn of Worcester, one-time Massa chusetts State Senator and in 1954 Republican nominee for Senator. Now a columnist on the Boston Transcript, Washburn has Just pub lished a 160-page compendium of his writings, "My Pen and Its Varied Styles.” Bearing a not remote re semblance in whimsical moments to the allegorical figure of London’s Punch, and endowed with all tne wit and wisdom of that British in stitution. Washburn has known inti mately the giants of American poli tics for two generations. Henry Cabot Lodge, Theodore Roosevelt, William Jennings Bryan, W. Murray Crane, William E. Borah, Edward M. House, William M. Butler, and particularly that chunk of Vermont granite carved in the image of a statesman, Calvin Coolidge, all came under the unerring and sometimes unsparing scrutiny of Bob Wash burn. Boston knows him as a gifted toastmaster and rapier-wielding after-dinner spellbinder. "My Ten’’ bristles with satirical and sagac ous, but seldom unkindly, thrusts at tne great and near-great, whom Wash burn in his di»y. has X-rayed and lampooned. German "Diplomacy.” German diplomacy is famed for its bull-in-the-ching-shop quality. It has a genius for doing the wrong thing at the right time. Three weeks ago Hitler and Von Ribbentrop were whining to Sumner Welles about the break in normal diplo matic relations with the United States, and suggesting these be normalized by resumption of am bassadorial intercourse. President Roosevelt’s summary of the Welles mission indicated there was some prospect this might be done. Then came, on the same day, the Wilhelm stra-s.se "disclosure” of Polish diplo matic documents alleging American intrigue in fomenting the European war—a "revelation” which F. D. R warns should be taken with at least "three grains of salt.” It's a good guess that dispatch of another American Ambassador to Berlin is now many miles farther off than before this typical exhibition of Nazi blockheadedness. * * * * Count Jerzy Potorki. Count Jerzy Potocki, Polish Am bassador here since May, 1936, faces a possible bad quarter of an hour or two at the State Department, clearing up the mystery of the en voy's alleged memoranda to the Warsaw government on the United States Government’s attitude toward pre-war events. His Polish excel lency, ex-cavalry officer, has shone more conspicuously in Washington socially than politically or diplo matically. Riding clothes are his favorite togs, and he occasionally receives callers at the Embassy in jodhpurs, boots and spurs. He is one of the darlings of the smart Warrenton horse set, and, a dash ing figure in saddle and paddock, enjoys wide popularity as a party host and equitation enthusiast. Countess Pot-ockR, his consort, is This Changing World State Department Disregarding 'Disclosures' By German Government as Immaterial By CONSTANTINE BROWN. Whatever more "sensational disclosures’' the Geman government may produce will make no difference. The State Department is disposed to Ignore them, not necessarily as fakes but as immaterial. Ambassadors are human beings with likes and dislikes. Furthermore they are required to have reportorial minds. Hence, it is only natural that Ambassador William C. Bullitt should have spoken within the four walls of the Polish Embassy in Washington or Paris in a manner which could have been considered undiplomatic had he made a public state ment. « Ambassadors more frequently than reporters jump at conclusions when they discuss with some of their colleagues important political t JUST Fill THIS Auwjnwviv matters. The Polish Ambassador in Paris, for instance, felt duty-bound to report to his government the caustic remarks of his American colleague and these could have been interpreted—if anybody wanted to do so—as expressing the point of view of the United States Govern ment. But certainly the Polish government did not decide its stand last August on the remarks made by Ambassadors Bullitt. Kennedy or even li Mr. noosrveit naa spoicen out oi turn to the Polish Ambassador here. Will Delay Naming New Envoy The publication of the documents found in the Warsaw foreign office will delay appointment of another American Ambassador to Berlin. Nobody here questions the right of the German government to publish the reports it has found in Warsaw. But everybody questions the timeli ness and good taste of the publication. There is no doubt in the minds of American and foreign diplomats that the Wilheimstrasse is attempting to provide ammunition for the opponents of the administration to be used in the coming electoral campaign. And since the appointment of an Ambassador rests entirely with the pleasure of th" President of the United States, it is more than probable that the Berlin Embassy will be left with out an Ambassador for a long time. The decision to postpone such an appointment is not due exclusively to the publication of the Warsaw documents. It is also due to the fact that the prospects of the United States intervening for peace have vanished into thin air. Had there been any chance of furthering the cause of peace, the administration would have attached little importance to the Berlin disclosures and would have sent an aole man to Berlin. But now such an appointment appears to high officials as a useless courtesy and Alexander Kirk, the present Charge d'AfTaires, is likely to remain in charge for quite a while. French Remedy Army Weakness The French are remedying one of the important weaknesses in their army. Some 40.000 young men graduated this month from the non-com missioned officers school and are being sent to different units where they are needed. The one-year service in France proved nari for the country in wartime. The men don't actually serve more than about nine months and do not get efficient training. The result has been that the army lacked non-com missioned officers. The old-timers, who had been pensioned some years ago and were called to the colors, were not of much use. The new discipline in the rifllCIl IttllKd OMSCU fill PHICI* nalism. The tough sergeant is use less. He antagonizes his men for no purpose The new army requires platoon or section heads who arp kind to their men and get tough only with recalcitrant characters. When the war broke out the high command found that the non coms were unprepared for the task and few in number. It took the best elements it could find and put them I in schools were they were taught not cnlv the ncccssarv military knowl edge but also psychology and the art of handling men. Another group of 40 or 50 thousand young men are being sent now to such schools and the French hope that within less than a year they will have a complete and efficient corps and non-commissioned officers Grateful Germany is paying its No 2 head. Field Marshal Hermann Goering. a salary of no less than 681.600 marks, that is to say almost $75,000. He does not get it for one job, however. The field marshal is head of the economic four-year plan, head of the Reich's game preserva tion. Minister of Police, Prime Minister of Prussia. Minister of Aviation, general manager of the Goering enterprises, and has other similar jobs. Over and above his salary he is given three town houses, four country houses and hunting lodges which are kept at the state's expense. Naturally everything but food is provided for him there. I usually listed as ‘'absent" in the State Department monthly diplo matic list. * * * * New Destroyer Commander. The Navy Department is about to lose for sea duty one of the ablest j youns officers Washingtonians.have ! come to know: He is Comdr. L. P. Lovette. for the past three years in charge of public relations and press contacts. Lovette has been given command of U. S S. Selfridge’ one of our new destroyers, and will as sume his assignment afloat in May. % — ■ •' ■ - f Farley Seen Backing Hull Second Place on Ticket Expected For Himself Bv CHARLES G. ROSS. That is a patently sincere tribute which Postmaster General Farley is paying today to Secretary of State Hull in the latter's home State of Charles G. Ross. Tennessee, and it fits perfectly into the picture of what many observers here believe is Mr. Farley's idea of a top-notch na tional ticket for the Democrats — Hull for Presi dent, Farley for Vice President. Mr. Hull, in his own phrase, remains "aloof” from politics; but there is hardly anybody who believes that if the nomination for the presi dency comes his way he will thrust it aside. Mr. Farley has joined the ranks of the barnstormers for the presi dency, but none can doubt the warmth of his affection and ad miration for Mr. Hull or question that if Mr. Hull is placed first on the ticket Mr. Farley would be de lighted to be his running mate. His Attitude Important. If only because of his great in fluence among those who do the spadqwork of the Democratic party, ; the attitude of the Postmaster Gen eral and national chairman is pro foundly important. What this atti tude is can be told in a few words. On principle, he is against a third term. He believes that he himself, ; on his record, has every right to : aspire to a place on the ticket. He • is persuaded that the religious j prejudice whiclr worked so power fully against his fellow Catholic, A1 Smith, would operate in his ow.n rase to lar less effect. Realist that he is, howeve'-, he knows that his chances to be nominated for the presidency are diminished by his party's recollection ef the Smith debacle. From what is known of Mr Far j ley's attitude the inference follows that his active candidacy, while not devoid of hope for the first prize, is prompted primarily (1) by his de j termination to have a large, pprhaps I the controlling, influence in the choice among Hull. McNutt, Wheeler and the rest i if Roosevelt doesn't run» and < 2 > by his desire to build up his own availability for second place. Like 1932 Tnur. Both thrsc ambitions—to be a dominant factor in the convention and to come out of it with the party's second highest award—aie clearly regarded by Mr. Farley as realizable and it is in pursuance of them that he is making his trip through the South and Middle West. The trip may fairly be compared to Mr. Farley's pre-convention \ junketings in 1932 to build up : sentiment for the nomination of Franklin Roosevelt. He is not going out just for the purpose of laving cornerstones, talking to postmasters and stamp collectors, and, as at Columbia, Tenn„ glorifying the American mule. As in 1932. he has a political bill of goods to sell and this time it happpns to be Cordell Hull and Jim Farley himself. It is conceivable that his tour will be as fruitful as that of eight years ago, for he remains a first-rate salesman and he has back of him now the prestige of his cabinet position and the national chairmanship of his party. W'hether or not the ‘‘availability’* of the Secretary of State will con tinue down to the time of the con vention is a question about which it is dangerous to prophesv. Many things could happen, including a | turn in the war that would I strengthen the third-term move | ment and cause the President to | reverse his present apparent deci sion not to run again. The belief i grows here that he won't, run—but j nearly all forecasts carry a hedg ! ing “if’ based oil the war. 1 Hull's Position. As to Mr. Hull, this much can be said with assurance: He is sitting today In a highly strategic position. The success, up to now. of his trade agreements policy in Con gress has heightened his prestige; without this success he would prob ably be out of the running. As an established man who is depend ent for the nomination on the good will of rival factions of the party, he is making a shrewd campaign. That is to say. he is making no campaign. I don't wish to imply that he is doing this out. of calcu lation; it merely happens that the course imposed upon him by his office and his own sense of dignity happens to be the politically ex pedient courfe. The friendly nod of the President toward the Secretary of State is a political asset of great value, but it Is no more valuable in the peculiar political circumstances of today than the vigorous friendship of Mr. Farley. You hate only to read Mr Farley's Tennessee speech to see how far that friendship goes, and how it has excluded commitments to other candidates Mr Farley, very plainly, is earn ing the hall for Mi Hull, and he has a good eham e of putting it over the line. 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