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With lu<t> Morning Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, D. C. WEDNESDAY..April 24, 1940 The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: llth St and Pennsylvania Avr New York Office: 110 East 42nd St. Chicago Office: 435 North Michigan Ava. Delivered by Carrier—City and Suburban. Begnlar Edition. Evening and Sunday T6c per mo. or 18c per week The Evening Star 45c per mo. or 10c per week The Sunday Star _ _ 10c Per copy Night Pinal Edition. Night Pinal and Sunday Star_85c per month Night Pinal Star _ _ _ BOc per month ■oral Tube Delivery. The Evening end Sunday Star... 85c per month The Evening Star_65c per month The Sunday Star_10c per copy Collection made at the end of each month or each week. Orders may be sent by mall or tele phone National 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Dally ar.d Sunday..1 yr.. $12 00: 1 mo.. $1 00 pally only -1 yr., $8 00: 1 mo.. 78# Sunday only_1 yr., $5.00; 1 mo.. 60a Entered as second-class matter post office. Washington D. C. Member of the Associated Press. ..The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatchea credited to It or not otherwise credited In thla paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special disoatdhea herein also are reserved. Sweden's Turn Now? Though it has been in the cards from the moment Germany violated the neutrality of Denmark and Nor way, today’s news of an apparently impending Nazi invasion of Sweden may come to some with all the force of a tremendous shock. Its impact is broken, as far as the rapidly shrink ing neutral portion of the world is concerned, by what would lie behind such an additional example of Hit lerian aggression. If it be borne out during the next few hours that there was, as report ed, heavy fighting yesterday in the Skagerrak, off the southwestern Swedish coast, between British de stroyers and German troopships with their convoying air and surface craft, it can mean only that Nazi military needs in Scandinavia are urgent. The Germans require immediate and substantial reinforcements for their hard-pressed troops in Norway. Such aid can only be sent across Sweden, because of allied control of the Nor wegian North Sea coast, so it would appear logical that Hitler’s general staff is ready to gamble on war with the Swedes in order to insure the Reich indispensable supplies of iron ore from the Kiruna and Gellivare mines at the far north of the Scandi navian peninsula. Bulletins about naval encounters off Sweden’s southern shores are like most of the war news from the Scan dinavian theater for the past fort night. They are heavily censored, contradictory and for the most part unconfirmed. Mainly the accounts of accomplished or threatened Ger man invasion of Sweden are bol stered by the hectoring tone of the controlled Nazi press, which is now belaboring the Swedes and their government with dire warnings of what betides them at the hands of “an aspersed German Army,” if the Swedish public continues to listen to “Jewish-Norwegian” libels on the honor of Nazi soldiery. The truculent reference is to alleged Swedish newspaper accounts of Nazi atrocities on Norwegian civilians, by air bombings and otherwise. Hitler’s grievance against the Stockholm government is, of course, of quite different origin. It springs from the stern notice served on the Germans that they may expect the warmest kind of a reception from Sweden’s small but efficient army, navy and air force if the Nazis ven ture to visit upon the strongest of the three Scandinavian kingdoms the fate to which Denmark and Norway were subjected. In other words, King Gustav’s sturdy people will not be intimidated by German saber-rattling. They will resist co ercion tooth and nail. That the maximum of allied assistance will be rendered to the Swedes goes with out saying. The British guns that roared in the Skagerrak in Tuesday testify to that. vjciiutuLs anu oweaes nave met m battle before, when Gustavus Adol phus led his hosts during the Thirty Years’ War against Prussia (1618 1648), a protracted campaign which left the Swedes in possession of no Inconsiderable portion of the Baltic region of what is now the Third Reich. Realizing the tragic fate which would befall them if Hitler’s armed hordes were to become masters of the whole Scandinavian peninsula, the Swedes of today could be expected to put up a fight worthy In all respects of their progenitors of the seventeenth century. The cause that called them to battle then differs from the emergency which confronts Sweden today, but through the veins of her people flows the same brave and tenacious blood that humbled Wallenstein and many another German Army commander on Thirty Years’ War battlefields. French-ltalian Pact French anxiety over relations with Italy reaches its highest point of recent years at a time when Italy is believed to be on the point of making a vital decision with respect to the European war, a decision which may lead to new Italian ex pansion, with or without joining Germany in the conflict. Premier Reynaud’s expressed will ingness to conclude a Mediterranean entente with Premier Mussolini and' General Franco may therefore be token a last effort to forestall a hos tile Italian move with which the allies would have to deal at the same moment that they are occupied with the German challenge in Norway. The cold reception accorded France’s overtures in Rome indicates that the direction of Italy’s move ment—if movement has been decided i upon—has been chosen. Otherwise Italy might well be expected to seize upon the opportunity to obtain satis faction of the demands she has made intermittently against France since December, 1938, when the cry first was raised for Tunisia, Jibuti and Suez. French-Italian relations have been chaotic since the application of sanctions in the Ethiopian War. French adherence to British policy at the League of Nations then out raged Italian sensibilities, and in January of last year, soon after the first demand was raised for French territory, Mussolini abrogated the 1935 treaty which had regulated the position of Italians in Tunisia, throwing this question anew into diplomatic dispute. France and Italy have no agree ment covering their relations in the Mediterranean like the treaties con cluded between Britain and Italy on January 2, 1937, and April 16, 1938. Efforts to reach a French-Italian agreement followed signature of the Anglo-Italian “Easter pact” in 1938, but came to naught because of Italy’s participation in the Spanish War and the growing attachment between Germany and Italy. Italy now is demanding a voice in the administration of Tunisia and control of Suez, and an outlet from Ethiopia through the French Somali land port of Jibuti. France wants removal of the continual threat that Italy will join the war with Germany or independently take aggressive steps which might be expected to complicate the allies’ task of defeat ing Hitlerism. On the one side an agreement would require French ter ritorial concessions to Italy and on the other would call for Italian un dertakings which might weaken the Italian-German military pact which binds the axis alliance. How much longer Mussolini will be able to maintain his present non belligerency is a question. If II Duce has not already taken a decision on whether he is coming into the war, he may soon be confronted with an allied demand that he do so, for with Italy a belligerent the allies could make their disposition of naval and military forces with greater knowl edge of their task than is now pos sible amid uncertainty as to his in tentions. Size of Battleships It would be unfortunate if the Senate Naval Affairs Committee, in considering plans for a bigger Navy, devoted more than casual attention to proposals for vastly bigger battle ships of untested categories. Well meaning persons in and out of Con gress—but not in the Navy Depart ment—have suggested the advisabil ity of building “super-battleships” of 65,000 or even 80,000 tons and have urged that present construction plans be held up until a thorough study can be made of such giant dreadnoughts. But it would be ab surd to consider a drastic departure from conventional battleship design in connection with the immediate national defense emergency which confronts the Nation, for even a con ventional project requires long plan ning and several years of actual construction activity before the fin ished product is ready to take its place with the fleet. A radical de sign would require much more exten sive planning and testing, with no assurance that the resulting ship would perform as expected. Nothing that has come to light to date regarding the naval programs of other great powers would indicate that our Navy has any urgent need for capital ships substantially larger than the 45,000-ton battleships we have included in our latest construc tion program. Japan’s plans are, of course, a carefully guarded secret. There are unconfirmed reports that she is constructing 50,000-ton ships, but it is extremely doubtful that in her haste to expand her fleet she would risk an experiment with ships much larger than those which other navies are building. England seems to be satisfied with reasonable ton nages. Recent dispatches from Lon don tell of five new 35,000-ton battle ships being rushed to completion by the British Navy and of two others, still under construction, which will displace “at least 40,000 tons.” Russia some years ago drew up plans for an 80,000-ton warship, but abandoned the idea—apparently on advice of its experts. Our 45,000-tonners will be as large—possibly larger—than any other battleships afloat. Super-ships of 60,000 tons or more undoubtedly are technically possible, but their great bulk certainly would decrease their maneuverability; and the money it would take to design, build and perfect one ship of the new class probably would build two bat tleships of ordinary size. So far in the European war the conventional battleships have demonstrated their technical and tactical effectiveness and their ability to withstand aerial bombardment of the severest type. America would do well to stick to tried and proved naval designs in carrying out the fleet expansion needed at this particular time. 'Patronage Fight' . The Senate, by a vote of thirty three to twenty-one, refused yester day to consider a bill which would transfer the recording of automo bile liens from the office of the Recorder of Deeds to the Department of Motor Vehicles. There were, no doubt, a number of factors contrib uting to the adverse vote, but it may be presumed that Senator Thomas, Democrat, of Oklahoma, gave expres sion to one of the major considera tions when he said that the measure involved a patronage fight. In that it would tend to decrease employ ment in the recorder's office. To say the least, this Is a rather i curious objection upon which to base a refusal to consider such an Impor tant measure. The bill, presented by Senator Overton, Democrat, of Lou isiana, has been indorsed in principle by William J. Thompkins, the recorder of deeds. He is opposed to the transfer of the function from his office, but he has stated publicly that otherwise he is strongly in favor of all the reforms sought to be accomplished by the legislation. There can be no doubt that there is urgent need in the District for the contemplated changes, outstanding among which are a reduction in costs and a requirement that liens be filed according to the motor number of cars to protect purchasers from fraud. 'The bill has been approved by virtually all District officials, automobile trade groups, the Traffic Advisory Council, the Federation of Citizens’ Associations and other civic and business organizations. These groups, needless to say, have no interest in any question of pat ronage. They are concerned only with bringing about a reform, the merit of which is not open to dispute. But merit alone, it seems, is not enough to get this measure, or even a substitute embodying its essential provisions, through Congress. As matters now stand, if Senator Thomas is correct, a patronage setup will be left intact regardless of what may happen to automobile buyers in the National Capital. A Faulty Argument An outstanding weakness of the often-advanced theory that particu lar administrative needs make de sirable the exclusion of some group or class of employes from civil service so officials may have a free hand in the seleetion of their staffs was shown up by the comment of Senator George of Georgia in'the course of the current hearings on the Ramspeck civil service extension bill. Questioning testimony in favor of keeping the Tennessee Valley Au thority outside of civil service, Sena tor George asked what would hap pen to the organization if a new administration came into power and decided to set up its own personnel machinery. “I think you would have chaos,” he added. Senator Norris of Nebraska, who sponsored the Tennessee Valley Au thority, takes a differing view, believ ing the statute that created the agency is strong enough to protect it from disruption, even by an “adverse” administration. There is a principle involved, however, that cannot be ignored, for many estab lishments throughout the Govern ment are susceptible to the same conditions that Senator George visualized as constituting a threat to the Tennessee Valley Authority. Because so much legislation has consistently ignored the prin ciples of civil service, there are in important agencies today thousands of positions subject to shifting po litical winds. A new administra tion, whether Democrat or Repub lican, might be expected to refill these positions wherever possible, and a turnover—under existing con ditions—could reach proportions that would be hurtful to the effi cient operation of the Government. Such action would also work hardship on men and women whose service has qualified them for the places they hold. The Ramspeck bill represents one effort to stabilize employment on a merit basis by authorizing the Pres ident to bring under civil service those places exempt by law. Com plementary to this is the pending plan under which the President would give civil service status to several thousand upper-bracket positions with which he can deal by executive order. The extent to which this will be done hinges on a report due at any time now from the com mittee headed by Supreme Court Justice Stanley F. Reed. It is of the utmost importance that neither by law nor executive order should weakening exceptions to the civil service structure be per mitted. The business of Government has become too complex and affects too intimately the lives of the citizens to have its operations periodically bogged down by the demands of pa tronage, but that, as Senator George well brings out, is the danger that is entailed in an effort to avoid civil service restrictions. Equine Relief A ten-thousand-dollar trust fund has been set up in Olathe, Kansas, the income to be used for providing “needy” horses with oats at Christ mas. Due to the difficulty so far of finding enough “needy” horses, it has not been possible to spend all the income. It may speak well for the horse that he is too proud to ask for relief, but not for his owner. Far too many of these animals are made to strug gle painfully to earn their oats, when it would be better for all concerned if they were retired to the clover pasture. This is especially true in such centers of culture as Havre de Grace, where seven times a day the faithful engage in the laudable task of attempting to convert pasteboard tickets into cash. This tends to break down a once happy friend ship between man and the animal kingdom, and brings such sadness to an otherwise quaint, happy little town on the Susquehanna that there is not enough balm in Gilead to take care of the woe in Havre de Grace. How about transferring that trust fund from Kansas to Harford County, and putting on relief all horaes unable to get to the wire fastest? A A Urges America to Help Allies Now Victory for Hitler Seen If Economic Aid Is Not Forthcoming To the Editor of The Star: The problem of whether America can stay out of war is the problem of whether a Nazi conquest of Europe can be pre vented without American military inter vention. There is no reason for suppos ing that a majority of Americans will willingly stand aside and permit a Nazi conquest of Europe. Despite their ardent desire for non-involvement, most Amer icans realize that a Hitler victory over Britain and France would be followed by the German seizure of the British and French fleets, the formation of an ag gressive German-Italian-Spanish-Japa nese coalition, the imposition of Fascist rule on all Europe, Africa, and Asia, and the Fascist domination of Latin America. It is wishful thinking to assume that American democracy can survive in a Fascist world. It is wishful thinking to assume that American security cannot be threatened by a hostile Fascist coali tion possessing a possible 3-to-l superi ority over the United States in sea power. Should Hitler succeed in delivering a sudden knockout blow to France and Britain before America can act, the gravest possible dangers will confront us before the present year is out. Should the allies prove able to hold their pres ent lines and prevent Hitler's allies in ■*w**‘vi «*auiiu anu x uiwiu i ruin coming openly to his aid, these dangers may still be averted by American aid. The form which American aid will take depends upon the wisdom and courage with which Americans face the perils confronting them. If the present ship ping and loan embargoes are continued in the name of “cash-and-carry” neutral ity up to the point at which the allies are clearly facing defeat, no course will be left open to America save acquiescence in a world victory of Fascism or open military intervention. If, on the other hand, the full financial and economic weight of America were employed in time in support of the allied cause, Nazi vic tory would be rendered impossible and no need of American military intervention would arise. Financial and economic intervention now is the only promising alternative to probable military interven tion later. Action now with American ships and money is clearly preferable to action later with American bullets and blood. The defense of America can best be served by action now in support of those in Europe and Asia who are offer ing resistance to totalitarian aggression. In Asia such a course requires generous credits to China and a cessation of the export of American supplies to the Japa nese war machine. The former step can be taken at once by the administration without specific legislative authority. The latter step requires congressional ac tion. In Europe such a course requires repeal of the Johnson Act and amendment of the neutrality legislation in such fash ion as to make it possible for the allied governments to float loans in the United States and to have the use of American merchant shipping. To argue that such steps will bring America closer to war is to forget that nothing can bring Amer ica into war save the prospect of allied defeat. Such a prospect is brought closer by the present embargo on loans and shipping. Such a prospect would be rendered improbable by the lifting of the embargo. The present crisis indicates that the immediate psychological effects of Amer ican action now looking toward financial and economic support of the allies may be more important than the ultimate ma terial effects of such action. Italian, Spanish and Japanese military interven tion against the allies seems certain to occur as soon as the militarists in Rome, Madrid and Tokio have convinced them selves that Nazi Germany is on the road to victory. Such intervention would render the allied cause hopeless. Such intervention will come in the wake of the next major Nazi victory if the other Fascist powers are convinced that Amer ica will do nothing to avert Anglo French defeat. No single event would so effectively deter Hitler’s Fascist allies from military intervention as the news that America’s full economic and financial support was being openly thrown into the scales on the side of Hitler’s enemies. Such support now is therefore imperative —both to forestall immediate military action by Italy, Spain and Japan and to insure the ultimate defeat of the third Reich. There will be no peace or security for America unless the Third Reich is defeated and a grand alliance of Fascist powers is prevented. Nothing short of the fear of American action offers hope of preventing the early formation of a Fascist grand alliance. Nothing short of American money and American shipping offers hope of defeating Hitler. Amer ica’s choice lies between intervention now with credit, ships and goods and inter vention later with army, navy and air force. The former promises security and peace. The latter promises war and possible defeat. I have not touched on the possible role of Russia which shows promise of becom ing increasingly interesting. But that is not relevant to the main argument. Heaven help us if we rely on Stalin to save US. FREDERICK L. SCHUMAN, Department of Political Science, Williams College. Williamstown, Mass. April 22. Takes Issue With View Of Mr. Vetter. To the Editor of The Star: In his letter to The Star of April 15 Mr. Vetter says: “Now, as the man in the street sees it, England and France de clared war on Germany.” If he had said, “The German sympathizers in the street, etc., etc.,” he would have been nearer the truth. Most plain Americans like myself, whose ancestors came here so long ago we have no ties of sentiment binding us to another country, are not anti-German ' and certainly not pro-British. Old John Bull, in fact, has been a pet hate of ours ever since our little red school days—and besides he hasn’t paid his war debts. But to our simple minds it seems that the arrogant Nazis of 1940 ire worse than the “haughty hosts” of 1812, and so, Mr. Vetter, the “man in the street” and the woman in the home are "rooting” for the allies! AN AMERICAN WOMAN. April it. • r THIS AND THAT By Charles E. Tracewell. "CHEVY CHASE, Md. "Dear Sir: “Mrs. N. has been telling you we saw the cardinal bathing last week, “Yes, we did. “I have been living in Chevy Chase 40 years, in this house, and this is the first time I have seen the cardinal bathe. “The bath is a cement basin on a pedestal on the front lawn. It was half full of fresh water. "The cardinal seemed not to mind our presence at all. We were on the front porch. He bathed at the very edge of the water, quite daintily, taking three dips, and shaking his wings after each dip, and then flew away. "We have been feeding the birds for years, all the year around, on the win dow ledges (the back and front porch in winter when the snow is on the ground) and putting suet in the bushes. "We have had as many as 16 cardinals feeding at one time, but that is a maxi mum number. They stay with us all the year. "We give them sunflower seed, buying it in half-bushel quantities and keeping it In an ash can so the mice will not get at it. "For the other birds we give them ap ples, peanuts, raisins, currants, suet, bread crumbs and table scraps cut up fine, and sometimes com meal mush. "Our mockingbirds have been gentle men, always polite and friendly, though preferring to eat alone, waiting for the others to leave. "We have been amazed to see the tit mouse carry away whole peanuts, and the jay carried away as many as seven almonds in the shell, which he seems to pack away in his mouth and then bury in the lawn. "We loye your articles. “Very truly yours, L. V. M* * * * * This column is wondering whether it can be that certain strains of cardinals are shy bathers. So far, there have been three reports by persons who have seldom if ever seen a redbird take a bath, as against 24 reports to the contrary. It would seem, therefore, that most cardinals do bathe, but that some of them are seldom seen at it. This is about as far as one may go in deduction on this momentous matter of whether the favorite cardinal, prize of every garden, is much of a bather. Most say he is, a few say he isn’t, so there you are, but in the meantime we are keeping an extra good lookout to see if we can catch one at it. So far, we have lived in Chevy Chase for 10 years, and still have to see our flxst redbird actually taking a bath. Scores of times they have been seen drinking, but never bathing. In six years in Georgetown we saw many cardinals, but did no mors than admire their feathers and song. Because, forsooth, we weren’t par ticularly interested ir. birds at that time! Coming from the deep city, we had never taken any interest in bird life. The suburbs did something to us, in this respect. No doubt a similar trans formation has taken place with thousands of persons. Suburbs have something the . city doesn’t have, and that is, of course, the famous morning chorus, which literally compels you to notice birds. Oh, yes, birds do sing at the dawn in the city trees, but not in the amazing volume heard in any suburban com munity There are more birds, and particularly many more varieties, so that the increase in volume as well as variety is tre mendous, as well as amazing, and even disconcerting to some at first. Many a city wight, on his first days in the suburban spring, has wondered if he can stand “all that racket.” Soon he finds himself, little by little, enjoying the hymn of nature. In time he is willing to swear that this chorus beginning at dawn, all spring, and part of the summer, is the outstanding feature of suburban life. When this thing happens to him, he is a bird lover, and not before. Then, every thing about them assumes a new impor tance. He sees and hears things he never saw or heard before, not because they weren’t in existence before, but because they weren’t existing for him. * * * * The dawn chorus begins about 5 a.m. now but will be pushed forward day by day, until in May, its height, it will begin at 4:30, and then 4 a.m. This is magnificent music, possessing something of the rhapsodic character of a great symphony played by a fine or chestra led by a real leader, not one of these fellows who makes his piano too low and his forte too loud just to catch the applause of the vulgar who are easily led astray by acrobatics. The bird chorus at dawn, when it really gets going, has the wood thrush in it, and the catbird, and the flicker, and the rob in, and the jay and many, many more, not forgetting the English sparrows, who furnish a sort of background music for the more brilliant singers. The birds are just waking up. At this time it doesn’t make any difference to the listener whether they ever bathe or not. All he asks is that they sing. And sing they do, every morning, rain or shine, but more on mornings when the faint purple streaks over the tree tops show that it is going to be a sunny day. The birds proclaim it first. They live close to nature, and are a veritable part of her in a sense that man only approxi mates. The birds, like sensible creatures, greet each new day with praise, not with the sound of cannon. Letters to the Editor cvcifucai ior nuje t^liei Arouses Suspicion. fn the Editor of The Star: The Star reports that President Roose velt asked Congress today for a relief appropriation of $975,000,000 with dis cretionary authority to use the full amount in the first eight months of the coming fiscal year. When Mr. Roosevelt was a schoolboy he must have studied astronomy, as he never seems to think or speak except in astronomical figures. My finite mind is incapable of fully comprehending the magnitude of this sum. I Just know it is more than was necessary to run the entire Government not so long ago, and am quite convinced that it is too large a sum to entrust to the discretion of any Individual, and especially to one who has been so prodigal in spending other peoples’ money. ALEXANDER S. LANIER. April 18. Deplores Frequency Of Stamp Issues. To the Editor of The Star: Mr. A. Ueland in a recent communica tion to The Star asked that more United States commemorative postage stamps be issued. In my judgment, rather than more, there should be a moratorium. People don’t seem to realize that we have a stamp racket. Every time a new stamp is issued, col lectors buy copies for their albums and maybe a few extras to put aside. Some speculate. It is now estimated that some $2,000,000 is spent yearly by col lectors in this way. Taking advantage of the stamp hobby, those in oontrol are pouring it on by getting out just as many new issues as they think the stamp traffic will bear. Many collectors feel that stamp collect ing is being degraded; some are losing interest. It is not impossible to kill the goose. During the 93 years that the United States has been printing stamps the average has been six new issues a year. The famous American series (authors, poets, educators, etc.) of 35 stamps, about a half ot which are now out, will, with other stamps, run up this year’s average to somewhere around a new stamp issue every week. This, of course, is out of all reason. Stamp collectors simply cannot keep up, for collecting is something more than buying newly issued stamps. So, can't something be done? Stamps should be free of politics. The South American countries tried, years back, to make money Out of their stamps, but lost out because, when collectors caught on, they lost interest. Are we above the same natural laws? April 21. AN OLD COLLECTOR. Writes in Defense Of Radicalism. To the editor of The starts It seems that the plain people will never learn that the best brains at their command are those within their own skulls and because they do not use them their economic thought is con fused and misdirected. While our ma terial progress is a marvel of achieve ment we have backslid in our social adjustment. When Charles Dickens was asked what impressed him most of any thing he saw in America, he said: "That I didn’t see a beggar in Boston.” Today, In America, with natural re sources that could comfortably support the population of the world, we have millions of unemployed, homeless, hun gry, wretched people, reduced to beggary. Hu fact la so persistently presented as i Letters to the Editor must bear the name and address of the writer, although the use of a pseudonym for publication is permissible. Please be brief! a problem that we all look ahead for solution of a problem when we should look back for the cause of a fact. We have become so deranged by ceaseless propganda that It seems dis reputable to be radical. No group as sails the radicals with more vehemence than the D. A. R. although the Dec laration of Independence, indorsed by their ancestry, was the most radical political document ever presented and the Revolution was a rebellious, radical undertaking to abolish "taxation without representation” and to insure “religious freedom.” Macaulay once said: “If any large pecuniary interests were concerned in disputing the attraction of gravitation, that most obviqus of' all facts would not yet be accepted.” Nothing is more ob vious than the iniquity of existing con ditions, with a few controlling wealth and economic influence beyond the com prehension of ordinary people, while millions are submerged in the poverty. Here, again we look ahead contemplat ing more police protection, more and larger prisons, more rigid laws and se vere penalties. The radical looks back for a cause and is soon convinced that increasing lawlessness is the result of the increasing millions of the poverty stricken who are so hopelessly reduced by the strangle-hold monopoly has upon the opportunity for employment to which every man is entitled. Quoting Thomas Jefferson: “Whenever there is in any country uncultivated land and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural rights. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labor and live on.” J. B. CHAMBERLAIN. Kensington, Md. April 17, 1940. Says New Dealers Still In Amateur Class. To the Editor of The Star: New Deal derogators who take pot shots at “Republican aspirants” rate sympathy for the task that confronts them. They merit credit—and condol ences—for their honest attempt to sound convincing on alarm-viewing tours. Their favorite warning Is the one—adapted to the present crisis—not to toss out experienced "administrators’’ (regardless of the mess these “admin istrators” have created) for the ama teurs the Republican “politicians” are grooming for offlce. This . advice has several outstanding flaws aside from the initial one that the continuing domestic crisis is of New Deal origin. If any administration has evidenced a talent to submerge this country up to its neck in European war it is the New Deal. This fact is so obvious from acts and events that evasion by the vocifer ous inner circle has the look of open hypocrisy. The New Deal has been in offlce 6even years with no visible surrender of its amateur status—which makes the ama teur slur seem a blast directed against itself. Amateurs—even raw recruits—might better this record. Certainly they could do no won*. WALTER BAHN8EN. April 2L M Haskin's Answers To Questions By Frederic J. Batkin. A rtader can get the answer to any question of fact by writing The Eve ning Star Information Bureau, Fred eric J. Hasktn, director, Washington, D. C. Please inclose stamp for reply. Q. Is It true that a person is taller In the morning than at night?—D. N. A. Many individuals are shorter in the evening than in the morning because the little cartilages between the vertebra# of the spinal column diminish in size during the day due to the weight or pressure that is upon them. In some individuals the difference in height be tween day and night may be aa much as one-fourth to one-half an inch. Q. What is the origin of dunking?— J. 8. H. A. The National Dunking Association says that research experts are of the opinion that it can be traced to the Dunkers, a religious sect founded in 1708 by Alexander Mack in Wittgenstein, Germany. One of their major practice? was trine immersion, and when the cult migrated to Pennsylvania in 1728 they brought their custom with them. Also, the first New England settlers resorted to dunking law breakers, and thus dunk ing a doughnut eventually was coined to represent the immersion of the food in a liquid. Q. How many grains are there in a bushel of wheat?—G. W. W. A. The number of grains of wheat per bushel has been estimated as varying from 446,590 to 971,940. Q. Please give the date of the twin convention—M. H. A. The 1940 convention of the Inter national Twins’ Association, Inc., will be held in St. Louis, Mo., on August 30, 31 and September 1 at the Hotel Jefferson. Q. What is the theme of Anatole France’s "Penguin Island’’?—M. G. S. . A. The Reader’s Guide to Prose Fic tion says that it is a satire on French history, and so, on civilization itself. The author imagines an island society con ducted by penguins, in which most of the follies of civilized society are re peated. Beginning with the unfortunate blunder by which an aged saint baptizes the penguins, the burlesque is carried down through the ages, until, in still distant cataclysms, overcivilization comes to wreck. Q. Who said "Vice is a monster of so frightful mien”?—A. G. F. A. This quotation is from Alexander Pope s "Essay on Man.” 0. Does a mongoose eat a snake after he has killed it?—W. R. T. A. The mongoose frequently eats the cobra’s head, poison glands and all. Al though the animal is in no sense immune to the bite of the snake, when the poison is swallowed it does him no harm. Q. What is the term of office of the Treasurer of the United States?—G. S. Li A. The Treasurer is appointed by the President and no length of term of office is specified. Q. Who wrote “Oh, How I Hate to Get Up in the Morning”?—S. P. A. This song is by Irving Berlin. It was copyrighted in 1918. Q. How fast does the blood in the human body travel?—E. W. J. •A. The blood moves in the principal arteries at the rate of a foot per second and makes the circuit of the vascular system in about 30 seconds. Q. Of what material was Noah’s Ark? —R. H. A. According to Genesis, vi.14, Noah’a Ark was built of gopher wood. It is not definitely known what kind of a tree this was, probably a species of the pine vari ety. The reference in Genesis is the only one to gopher wood in the Bible. Q. Did Mickey Rooney’s father play in "Judge Hardy and Son’’?—V. L. A. Joe Yule, Mickey Rooney’s father, played the part of the tire dealer in that picture. * Q. Is Barbara Hutton an American citizen?—V. C. A. The heiress lost her American citi zenship when she took the oath of al legiance to Denmark. Q. What is the seating capacity of the Metropolitan Opera House in New York City?—L. A. O. A. The Metropolitan Opera House has a seating capacity of 3,418. Q. Was the man for whom the guil lotine^ was named an executioner?_T H. K. A. Joseph Ignace Guillotin, who sug gested this method of execution, was a French physician and a teacher in the Jesuit College at Bordeaux. Q. Why were the early settlers of New Amsterdam called Knickerbockers?—L R. T. A. The name is a combination of two Dutch • words, knicker—to nod, and bocker—a book; therefore nodders or dozers over books. Q. Was there an English furniture maker named Gillow?—T. O. A. Robert Gillow was both a manu facturer and designer and founder of the leading firm of cabinet makers of his time. It produced the present type billiard table, a telescoping dining ta ble and the davenport desk. Sheraton, Hepplewhite and Adam designed for it. Eternal Drama The play goes on; the scenes change; that is all: The white brocades which orchards wear today Must pass; this queenly fabric cannot stay; This lifted glory, splendid now, must fall. These trees, so gnarled, so sturdy and so tall; They, too, at last, will sift into deeay; No act of ours, nor any words we say Can halt the drama, or the prompter's call. The mighty script turns slowly, page by page; Ten thousand years from now good men will stand Upon a hill, and looking downward, see New beauty spread upon a spacious stage. Where, at this hour, surf thunders on the sand. they may watch peach blooms drift ing noiselessly. H. P. STODDARD.