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Term Held Possible Roosevelt Could Pledge Retirement By March 4, 1941 By DAVID LAWRENCE. President Roosevelt may be counted on to do the unexpected when the Democratic National Con vention offers him the third nom ination. Many people have be gun to believe, since Wendell Willkie's nom ination, that the president would decline to run. New Dealers are I equally confident that because of the W i 11 k i e strength, Mr. * Roosevelt is the only Democrat who could win. Somewhere be tween these two David Lawrence. ideas is a third. Mr. Roosevelt knows that the chief obstacle to a third term is precedent. To off set this is his belief that the next few months are critical in world history and that he must remain at the helm. How, then, to be Presi dent just a few months and yet keep the New Deal in power. One solution, from the Presi dent's point of view, would be to announce that he believes the third term tradition is a good thing, but that it contemplates two terms of four years each. Unfortunately for him, the President might point out, he is the first President who has had his term of office shortened by constitutional amendment. This was done in order to change the day of inauguration. Although inaug urated on March 4 originally, his second term was compelled to begin on January 20. Thus Mr. Roosevelt is to serve seven years and a little over 10 months. He has been de «. prived of about 43 days. And a lot can happen in 43 days, as witness the "total’ war that conquered : France in that time. Tradition Based on Fight Years. Mr. Roosevelt might say he is entitled to eight years of service, as were all three of his predecessors who were re-elected except those who came to the White House from the vice presidency due Jo death of a President. Theodore Roosevelt, though serving from September, 1901. to March 4.1909. or about seven years and a half, said the tradition must hold even in his case and he refused to be a candidate for a consecutive third term. Calvin Coolidge, although President five and a half years, did not choose to run for a third term. But the tradition is based on eight years and Mr. Roosevelt would have a plausible argument if he in- j sisted that he had the right by i precedent to serve from March 4.' 1933, to March 4. 1941. This would j mean that he could be a candidate ! 1 in this year's contest and announce j that he would retire in favor of the | Vice President next March. He would thus remain President about ] 43 days longer than otherwise, if j elected in November, but it would j assure from a domestic point of view the continuance of the New Deal, which, when all is said and done, is rally the important thing the New Dealers are worried about. They want to hold on to the jobs and the power that goes with them. Who, then, would be chosen as, nominee for Vice President? Mr. Roosevelt can't very wrell select At- j tornev General Jackson because he, i too. comes from New’ York State and a constitutional technicality disqualifies the electors of New- York State, for instance, from voting for two candidates from the same State. Favorite Is Douglas. The presidential favorite is known to be Justice William O. Douglas of the Supreme Court of the United States. He is relatively a newcomer in politics and the regular party men do not know him. Still, they have very little to say about it now adays in the Democratic party. Tire regulars have fallen all over them selves to hand the party mechanism over to the New' Dealers so they can hardly complain now if the Presi dent dictates the man he wants for Vice President. If Mr. Roosevelt runs, moreover, it would disqualify Postmaster Gen eral Farley of New York State, w'ho really should be the vice presidential nominee from the standpoint of service in the past to the Democratic party. There is talk of naming Sen ator James Byrnes of South Caro lina. He is an able man and popu lar in Congress and if the President were to retire, Jimmy Byrnes w’ould make an excellent President. war May tsaiK Ketirement. The war abroad, of course, might prevent Mr. Roosevelt from retiring exactly on March 4, 1941, if he were elected next November, but this would be a detail. Again and again, under New Deal asupices, circum stances have arisen which have made it seem expedient to the New Dealers to ignore a platform pledge or a public pronouncement. Under the New Deal, the philosophy of Machiavelli prevails—that the end justifies the means. This is but another way of saying that the New Dealers conscientiously believe no other group can rule America and preserve the so-called social gains i or losses—the phrase depending on whether, for example, a $45,000,000.- , 000 debt is a social loss or gain in j the modern world. All Washington is talking about only one subject: Will the Presi dent accept the nomination that is going to be tendered to him? He may answer it with a short third term—a trick concept such as he advanced when he asked that the Supreme Court be enlarged by enough jus tices to offset the votes of those he The Capital Parade Willkie's Nomination Is Called Background Of Wheeler-Lewis Talk in St. Louis By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. The recent doings of John L. Lewis and Senator Wheeler of Montana, may prove to be the shadow cast before a coming event far larger in import than the mere formation of a third party. A third party, dedicated i to Townsendism, extreme isolationism and Lewis’ brand of C. I. O.-ism, was what Lewis and Wheeler talked about at the Townsendite old age pension convention in St. Louis. But there is more to it than that. The real background of the Lewis-Wheeler talk is the all-important fact that by nominating Wendell Willkie at Philadelphia the Republicans firmly rejected the English-model appeasement program Insistently offered them by the adherents of Senator Robert A. Taft. That is the predominant fact in American politics today. The Republicans did offer a special opportunity to Senator Wheeler, who has a large national following, is an isolationist of the most extreme type and has never been above seizing opportunities as they presented themselves, me opportunity, as one 01 the senator s friends put it today, is "to show Roosevelt where he gets off and play a big part by rallying the peace vote.' In somewhat less pleasant terms, it is to raise the tattered banner of appeasement under which the Re publicans refused to march. Strange Bedfellows Appeasement makes strange bedfellows. Mr. Lewis went to Phila delphia to make an embittered attack on the President’s policies, and particularly on his foreign policy and preparedness program, before the Republican Platform Committee. His statement savored strongly of the C. I. O. leaders who now appear to be his chief advisers, and who, if not Stalinites themselves, have at least upheld the Stalinites’ hands in the C. I. O. Mr. Lewis and the Communist labor crowd have always been anathema to business. Yet a surprising number of influential Republican businessmen in Philadelphia cheered the Lewis statement as though it .had come straight from former President Herbert Hoover. While the struggle between appeasers and Willkieites was still in progress. Sena tor Wheeler was also asked to approve the foreign policy plank in the Republican platform. These events, quite obviously, were related to what happened later at St. Louis. Mr Lewis and Senator Wheeler have always been close. Both detest the President with all their hearts and souls. Both Mr. Lewis and his chief advisers share Senator Wheeler's views on foreign policy. What could be more natural, therefore, than for them to suggest a third party movement to the Townsendites after their failure at Philadelphia? Furthermore, their suggestion cannot be laughed off. The Town sendites and other old-age pensioners constitute one solid block of fanatical votes such a party would get. The more violent peace people are another such block. The labor voters who would follow Mr. Lewis would hardly be numerous, but they, too, would help. The Nazi sym pathizers wdio want nothing better than a political party to talk appease ment would go along with enthusiasm. And unless the party line changes overnight, as it now may do. the Communists and other extreme left groups whose co-operation they can count on would throw their strength into the pot. Not all these groups would be welcomed as sup porters by most political chieftains. Yet with such a third party. Mr. Lewis and Senator Wheeler could make a considerable amount of noise. Mr. Westrick's Work Nor is it certain that the Tow-nsend fanatics, the Communists and Nazi bundists. the peace-at-any-price people and the Lewis wing of the C. I. O. would Drove the onlv Wheeler followers. Since his fight against UTS GET TOGETWEC 'and MAktA faJRADt _ the President’s court bill. Senator Wheeler has had many business friends. He has done everything possible, despite his previous record on the anti-business side of the Dolitical fence, to improve these connections. And since the fall of France, appeasement on the English model has begun to be a popular doctrine among certain powerful businessmen. Gerhard Westrick, the German commercial counselor, has been working hard m the New York financial district. His story is precisely tne same story that men just like him told English and French businessmen after the seizing of Vienna, after Munich and after the fall of Prague. “We are satisfied now," he says. “We are all businessmen. We want to buy many things in the United States. Let's get together and make a trade.” The Westrick sales talk completely fails to explain such ominous phenomena as the intensive fifth column activity in South America. But wishful thinking will blind shrewd eyes, and Westrick has had some success. Thus it is no wonder that wise men. both in the administration and in the group around Wendell Willkie. are thoroughly alarmed by the possibility of a great American appeasement drive this summer. • Realeased by North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.) didn't like. The same cleverness which prompted the Supreme Court bill can bring the abbreviated third term idea for the 1940 presidential election. Fair Marks 75 Years Of Negroes' Freedom Bv the Associated Press. CHICAGO, July 5—The achieve ments of American Negroes during the 75 years since their emancipa tion were portrayed today at the first colored “world's fair.’’ Known as the American Negro Exposition, the fair was formally opened yesterday when President Roosevelt pressed a button in Hyde Park to turn on the lights in the Chicago Coliseum. The exposition will run through September 2. A large reproduction of the Lin coln tomb and monument at Springfield, 111., stands in the center of the principal exhibit hall. The exposition's art exhibit was said to be the largest showing of work by colored artists ever assembled. Executive Director Truman K. Gibson. jr„ said a contest to select “Miss Bronze America"—the colored counterpart of the Atlantic City beauty contest—would have its finals at the exposition August 17. Among features to which Gibson pointed with pride were a swing operetta, an art section with some 250 works of contemporary colored painters and sculptors and the fact that exhibits came from all sections of the country, Africa and the Car ibbean countries. Justice Douglas Holds Courts Democracy Base By the Associated Press. FORT WORTH. Tex.. July 5.—As sociate Supreme Court Justice Doug las told Texas lawyers yesterday that many of the hopes of democracy rest on the effective functioning of the Nation's legal system. Speaking at a bar luncheon, he emphasized the need for continuous improvement of the legal system, adding: “Its responsiveness to change, its efficiency, its integrity tfill create an abiding faith m the virtues of the democratic processes." KEEP A COOL, SMART APPEARANCE IN AN The '*Air Cooled Salt - That Helds Its Press Unquestionably the most at tractive and completely satis factory summer suit available. CORONADO is a foreign fabric, amazingly light in weight and absolutely wrinkle resistant. Skillfully designed in double or single breasted, in both light and dark tones. s31*50 Open Tomorrow Until 6:00 P.M. thettlode IMPORTANT~&u<£)k F STREET.**^ ELEVENTH 90-Day Divided Payment CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Washington Observations Good Neighbor Policy Faces Crucial Test, Caused by War, at Havana Conference By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. Our good neighbor policy faces a crucial test at Havana this month. Pressing inter-American problems churned up by the EuroDean war are scheduled for discussion at the conference of the 21 sister republics con vened by the United States. The tentative program. sub ject to final re vision by the Governing Board of the Pan - American Union today, contains three general subjects —n e U t r a 1 uy, I'redtrie William W'ilp. protection of the peace of the West ern Hemisphere and economic co operation. Each topic bristles with difficulties and differences of opin ion. Our own people are fully cognizant of the hurdles that must be taken before agreement can be reached on vital points, but are going to Havana in hopeful as well as conciliatory mood. The whole future of inter-American relations is involved in what happens there. Whether democracy is to remain enthroned on this side of the At lantic or succumb to a Nazi-Fascist way of life may be the eventual result. * * * * Absentees. The conference was projected as a meeting of foreign ministers of the American republics. Four of the principal South American states— Argentina. Brazil. Chile and Uru guay—will not be so represented. Secretary Hull's "opposite numbers" in Buenos Aires. Rio de Janeiro, Lima and Montevideo have an nounced that domestic preoccupa tions will detain them. But it is emphasized that their absence w’ll denote no lack of willingness to promote the conference’s purnr\'\s. On the contrary, each republic without exception voices approval of the meeting, belief in its necessity and desire for successful results. Mr. Hull himself may be the most distinguished absentee, earnestly as he wishes to he on hand. Should war events chain him to his Wash ington desk, or Democratic National Convention developments suddenly clothe him with a new status, the Tennessean will deputize one or both of his Latin American aces, Undersecretary Welles or Assis'ant Secretary Berle, to act for him at Havana. Mr. Hull enjoys such prestige throughout the Americas that his non-participation would be highly regrettable. Chronic Suspicions. A realistic view compels contem plation of two important confer ence factors. One is the suspicion 1 chronically lurking in certain south ern countries regarding the purity of the United States' motives. The other is the known hostility of Ger man-Italian elements to inter-Amer ican solidarity. Inspired from Ber lin and Rome, it is aggressively nurtured by thousands of agents of Hitler, and Mussolini resident in the Latin lands. The Monroe Doctrine and its implications, despite the al truistic spirit of good neighborliness which the Roosevelt administration has breathed into it. is not uni versally accepted by statesmen and peoples beyond the Rio Grande and the Isthmus of Panama. Some of these cling to the myth that Mon roeism is a cloak for "Yankee im perialism.'’ Our spokesmen en counter that theory at successive 1 Pan-American conclaves. They will i run into it again. * * * * Totalitarian Intrigue. Uncle Sam's tribulations on that ancient score are aggravated now adays by totalitarian intrigue. The Nazis do not conceal their inten tion to throw monkey wrenches into the Havana machinery. Their press has already warned Latin America that the New World will be made to suffer commercially after the war. if it does not “co-operate” with the Reich now. Hitler's own newspaper, Voelkischer Beobachter, accuses the United States of incit ing anti-German "agitation” in Latin America and “attempting to form something like an anti-Eu ropean bloc." It says: “Sensible Central and South American inter ests realize that the Latin republics are dependent on a Europe reor ganized by Germany for sales pur poses. The Reich will never for get where it could count on friends in the fight against the British op pressor. and where it met with malevolence.” This is a veiled thrust at the Pan American trading corporation, or cartel, which the United States pro poses. The plan is to buy up, pri marily with our dollars, the surplus produce of the other Americas, so as to avoid the necessity of selling it to the axis powers under conditions that would disrupt Latin American economy, enslave it to the totali tarian system, and perhaps lead to far-reaching political changes. Hit ler s notorious ambition is to con vince our sister republics that their future lies w’ith Nazi ideology and not with “outmoded and inefficient democracy.” * * * * Hemisphere Defense. No less far-reaching than the car tel scheme is hemisphere defense. The United States is aware that the lion s share of protecting the Amer ican republics from aggression— •either from Europe or Asia—rests upon our broad shoulders. There's no disposition to shirk this respon sibility. but our delegates at Havana are likely to seek more concrete pledges of armed co-operation by the other Americas than at present are provided for. We require unre stricted facilities for military, naval and air bases and more definite ar rangements for co-ordination of our fighting forces with those of the Latin states in case of need for ac tion in the Caribbean, Canal Zone. on eitner the Atlantic or Pacific side of the continent, or within any Latin American country threatened bv invasion or fifth coiumnism. To what extent the Americas are ready to absorb European refugees is an other problem requiring considera tion. as does the status of Canada in any hemisphere defense plans. Havana, in short, presents an ar ray of thorny issues that will tax North American diplomacy to the limit. In the light of past experi ence. our delegates are destined to work in an atmosphere infested with political saboteurs, bent on wrecking the conference, to Nazi Fascist advantage. Three Die in Plane Crash MONMOUTH. 111., July 5 t/P>.— Three persons were killed and an other was injured seriously yester day when their plane crashed at the Monmouth Airport. The dead are Robert McVey, 40, the pilot, co manager of the airport: Frank M. Saddler. 50. and Mr. Saddler's 2 year-old son William. Lois Bland, Bellflower, Mo., was injured. OPEN ALL DAY FRIDAY b SATURDAY—JULY 5-6 tT'MSWSR'MS*' / / •• : vvv.v::.—-Tv. V. A v.v ___ 1107 "F" STREET Store* Throughout NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA, OHIO, ILLINOIS I This Changing World British-German Peace Declared Possible If Hitler Makes Reasonable Offer By CONSTANTINE BROWN. The denials of the London government concerning peace conver sations are correct enough, but there are peace talks going on. Ever since the beginning! of the war—just as was the case before the outbreak of hostilities—there has been a small but powerful party in the United Kingdom which believed that all this fight is useless and harmful to business. Before the war, and up to last December, this party hau some support within the cabinet. This group, called the 6 per centers because its members are mostly bankers and big business men, lost face with the inception of the Churchill government. Even former Premier Chamberlain, who was believed to be this group’s “man,” has turned away from them. But in ;$ite of lack of support within the country’ representatives of this group are discussing with German business men in Stockholm, Zurich and Madrid the possibility of stopping the war. Neither the British nor the Germans have any mandate from their governments, but if some vague basis for peace pourparlers could be discovered, they would communicate them to London and Berlin and “something might happen." There is no question that Chancellor Hitler and Prime Minister Churchill are aware of the activities of these mandateless men. But they ignore them as long as nothing tangible has been devised. Hitler Prepares for Attack In the meantime, Hitler is gathering all available air and naval forces for the final blow against England, while the British are fever ishly preparing themselves to resist any attempt of the Germans to invade or destroy the United Kingdom. The possibility of some sort of Petain government being formed in Britain is considered in well-informed quarters here as completely out of the question. Churchill has many failings. He is too impulsive and has not always displayed the best of judgment. But he is not the man who would hoist the white flag. Nor is the weak Mr. Chamberlain capable of such an action. Canada and Australia are in full agreement that there can be no surrender to the Reich. If the worst comes, the King and his government, accompanied by the entire navy, would come to Canada, make the nearby Dominion the seat of government, and, continue the fight from there as long as possible. This does not preclude, however, the possibility of peace if Hitler is di-nosed to offer the British something which might save some of the Empire and most of their face. The British love sports and always aie willing to shake hands with an opponent who has conquered them fairly. If Hitler—and this, for the time being, is unlikely—were to offer through the intermediaries who are now active some sort of peace offerings which are not humiliating—as has been the case with the French it is not out of the question that the British might consider them. British Prestige Lost in Europe Grea_5 Britain has lost all possibility of being an influence in Europe. All the European states are now under Germany's wing Even those which have not been conquered, like Sweden and Switzerland, expect to take orders from Berlin and organize their economic and social life in accordance with Berlin's desires. All they hope for is a nominal political independence—that is. the avoidance of the Gestapo and the Gauleiter. . ^e Balkans, there is not even such a hope. Rumanian has just formed a strong Nazi government under the leadership of Ion Gigurtu who all his life has been a sincere devotee of Germany, where he made his engineering studies. Gigurtu is not a politician and his sincere 0I\, °f,- German strength and power of organization is not doubted in Berlin. as a*!n^r, 3?d F9Fei?n Minister Von Ribbentrop do not consider him as a turncoat—a Nazi because the wind is blowing that wav in fact the new Rumanian leader is not a Nazi at all. He is merelv stronalv ?hotGRman and honestIy convinced, as he has been for manv years linirL Sf ,fundan?ental interests-economic and politicai-are linked with the fate of the Reich. aniri rned King Caro]; who haa important investments in Gigunu s fuit mlmng conipames. that unless he turned toward Berlin while she haH8S tlme 10 do so- Rumania would lose most of the territories she had acquired after the World War. thereWuaLr?akeS Gigurtu, aSreable to the Hitler government is the fact doubt th«?'ni»U' °UnCf non'Aryan bl00d in him. And there is no respond frS Sn Rumanian leader ™ *»ve a sympathet.c Pepper Says All Musi Aid U. S. Defense Plan By the Associated Press. MIAMI. Fla., July 5.—Senator Pepper. Democrat, of Florida de clared yesterday "we must have uni versal service in the near future" as a part of "the most gigantic preparation campaign in the history of the world.” "By universal service,’’ Senator Pepper said in addressing a patriotic gathering at the American Legion Home, “I mean that every man and woman must offer his service to the defense of this country-. Some will be needed in uniform, others in fac tories, but all must do their part." The Florida Senator, who has been emphatic in advocating United States aid to the Allies, said there were some men “who don't want to pay taxes or jeopardize their busi ness connections—like Henry Ford.” After referring to Ford's refusal to manufacture airplane motors for Great Britain. Pepper declared: “There will come a time when big men, just like little boys, will be made to obey." JULY In this sale you get a real bar gain. Think of paying only $9.90 for regular $16.50 values. Cool, comfortable summer suits, well tailored Excellent patterns in grays, tans and blues. Rare bargains. Open Saturday Until 6 P.M. Entire Stock of Genuine TROPICAL WORSTEDS SJQ.75 They are cool, comfortable, and hold the press well. Wear well, too. The selection is large and the size range is complete. TROPICAL WORSTED TROUSERS to match your odd coats A large selection that includes many patterns and shades. EISEMAN’S F STREET AT SEVENTH Third-Term Issue Aided Willkie But Some Argue Roosevelt Has A Way Out By CHARLES G. ROSS. It is being said that Mr. Roosevelt [ has been put ‘‘on the spot” by the I Republicans’ nomination of Wendell I Willkie; that if the President now Charles G. Ross. oecnnes to run again he will convict himself of being afraid to go up against real opposition. So, it is argued, the natural re action of a bel ligerent and self confident man is now joined with other pressures to assure a third term candidacy. All this, both the premises and the conclusion. may be true. It represents the gen eral belief at Washington. The Re publican high command sees Mr. Roosevelt as the opposition candi date and is making its plans ac cordingly. And certainlv the hopes of the third-termers within the New Deal—hopes which were on the ebb, despite all the brave talk to the contrarv. prior to the Republican convention — have been increased commensuratcly with the tremen dous increase in the bread-and butter demand on the President from the ‘'practical" men of the party machines not to let the party down. Still no one knows for certain what the President will do. War Helped Willkie Win. It is not to make any prophecy that the third-termers will be proved wrong to suggest that the "on the spot" argument is too facile. Another view of the reaction of the President to the unorthodox nomi nation of Mr. Willkie by the Repub lican party is entirely plausible. Mr. Willkie* unquestionably owes his nomination in large part to the Hitler blitzkrieg and its drasti cally upsetting effect on American thought. He was seen as the new man needed to cope with new issues. He preached “competence" in gov ernment as a prime essential in the building up of our armament. There was a freshness about his approach to our problems that captured the imagination of the rank and file of his party and ended the defeatism in which the party was becoming bogged down. But if Mr. Willkie was the prod uct of the Hitler aggressions, he was the product also of Mr. Roose velt. It is not only Hitler who has reoriented the thought of the coun try and paved the way for new men and new measures: it is also Mr. Roosevelt. Mr. Roosevelt has been doing that for the last seven years Save for the New Deal—or. ‘more accurately, the forces which brought j about the New Deal and to which the New Deal has given emphasis and direction—the political outsider, Wendell W'illkie. would not be the nominee of the Republican partv. Ihird-Term Threat Aided Willkie. That is point number one. Num ber two is that Mr. Roosevelt is not only indirectly responsible for Mr. Willkie. through the New Deal, but is immediately and directly re sponsible for him. through the threat of a Roosevelt candidacy for a third term. If it hadn't been for that threat. Mr. Willkie surely would have been blackballed and the nom ination would have gone to some long-time and impecably "regular” member of the inner Republican club—as it turned out. to Mr. Taft. Mr. Taft almost got the prize, anyway. He was deprived of it by the fact that Mr. Willkie had skill fully sold himself to the Repub lican public—and through this pub lic to the delegates—as the one man under consideration who would have a chance to beat Roosevelt. I doubt if there is any informed per son who will contend that Mr. Willkie would have been nominated if the shadow of Roosevelt hadn't hung o’ er the Philadelphia con vention The reason why he wouldn't have been nominated without this third term threat was not his public util ity connection. In his campaign ing he had shaken off that liability —even, perhaps, converted it into an asset. The reason was the fact of his Democratic antecedents. That was the hard pill for the Repub lican delegates to swallow. Despite all the soothing sirup administered by Govs. Stassen and Carr and Baldwin, and the lesser oolitical leaders attracted to the ‘Willkie camp, the convention would have gr ped on that pill and nominated a regular Republican wheelhorse if it hadn't been for the fear of Roosevelt. G. O. P. “On the Spot.” So it is that Roosevelt in a double sense, as the chief author of the New' Deal and as a potential candidate, is responsible for the nomination of Mr. Willkie. So it is that Mr. Roosevelt can fairly argue that he has put the Republicans on the spot. One cannot pretend to know what is in the mind of the President, but it does not stretch the imagi nation to conceive that the nom ination of either Taft or Dewey would have been the final straw' required to tilt the scales in favor of a third-term race. He may have felt that with either of these men a candidate, it W'ould be his duty to run in order to protect, to the utmost of his strength, the course he has followed in foreign relations. Mr. willkie's nomination, on a platform open to interpretation by the candidate, would appear to place no such compulsion on the Presi dent. Unlike the views of Taft and Dewey, which have shown a strong isolationist slant, the views which Mr. Willkie has expressed on cur foreign relations have been essen tially the same as the President's. Mr. Roosevelt can gracefully take himself out of the race on the ground that the nomination of Mr. Willkie, far from placing him on the spot, has in fact served one of his own great objectives; that with respect to the other objectives, in the domestic field, the contest shoujd be free of the complication of a third-term candidacy. Something of this sort the Presi dent might conceivably say. No prophecy is here intended that he will say it. The pressure on him to run again is terrific. I only want to suggest that the Willkie candi dacy can plausibly be viewed *a a deterrent to his running.