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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, July 17, 1940, Image 11

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Draft Move
Clicks on
Schedule
Renewed Before
Echo of Roosevelt
Message Dies
By DAVID LAWRENCE.
CHICAGO, July 17.—Exactly as
arranged In Washington last week
before President Roosevelt's per
sonal representatives left for Chi
cago, the dele
gates of the
Democratic Na
tional Conven
tion were offi
cially given to
understand by
Senator Barkley
in a formal
fashion last
night that Mr.
Roosevelt is not
a “candi date”
and does not de
sire renomina
tion.
Just as exactly
did Senator David Lawrence.
Byrnes of South Carolina, another
spokesman for the President, only a
few minutes afterward tell the dele
gates to come back today and "fin
ish the business for which we came,
namely, to draft President Roose
velt for renomination.”
Coincidentally, a mechanized dem
onstration was heard whereby the
same voice yelling into a floor mi
crophone named State after State
delegation as wanting Roosevelt.
Thinly Veiled Artifice.
The artificiality of the whole pro
cedure was transparent. The third
termers presumably believe the peo
ple will accept all this as spontane
ous. Likewise they will believe pre
sumably that the presence here of
a committee consisting of five cabinet
members and administration Sena
tors to look out for the President’s
interests and keep the delegates in
line was without knowledge or con
sent of the Chief Executive.
The capacity for mischief of a
determined minority in any well
controlled convention is always
indeterminate.
The third-termers and New
Dealers are being annoyed more
than anything else by two separate,
though often combined, influences.
One group threatens a platform
fight against conscription and de
mands an even weaker plank on
foreign policy than has been offered
by the administration.
Another group wants to let loose
on the third-term issue with a
minority report on the platform.
The administration forces are
yielding on the foreign policy plank.
They are ready to declare against
all wars and against anything the
isolationists may regard as harmful.
So little is the regard here for plat
form-making and so plain is the
intention to pay no attention to
the platform during the campaign
anyhow that it may be said in ad
vance—the platform will be written
to overcome opposition here and will
be “interpreted” later by President
Roosevelt as he has always done.
A Two-Edged Sword.
As for a debate on the third-term
Issue, this is a two-edged sword.
Some of the Neg Dealers think the
issue ought to be met squarely now
as the delegates here are the ones
who will have to meet it when they
get back home. As one prominent
administration man put it: “The
third-term precedent is just dogma.
Why should we be bound in this
day and age by what Washington
said?” •
From the speeches thus far it is
difficult to believe the third-termers
are in touch with public sentiment.
They are still talking as if this were
the 1936 campaign when domestic
Issues loomed high above all others.
Very little is being said about the
charges of military unpreparedness
and it is obvious, too, that the third
termers are on the defensive with
respect to war issues, but these are
given secondary, if not negligible
attention.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.))
Tempo Society Presents
Sylvan Theater Program
Approximately 50 young people
last night danced and sang on a
stage built to represent a farm
yard as the Tempo Choral Society
and recreation centers of Divisions
10 to 13 presented a program be
fore 1,500 persons at the Sylvan
Theater on the Washington Monu
ment Grounds.
The two-part operetta, “The
Merry Milkmaids.” was directed by
W. Scott Mayo. The Summer Festi
val program was fourth in the series
sponsored by the Office of Na
tional Capital Parks and the Com
munity Center and Playgrounds
Department.
Music was provided by the W.
P. A. Dance Orchestra, led by J. R.
Rodgers.
Included in the cast were Vivian
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The Capital Parade
Hopkins' Botching of Roosevelt Bandwagon,
Plus Farley's Attitude, Soured Convention
By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER.
CHICAGO, July 17.—The lot of Harry Hopkins is not a pleasant one.
The President’s favorite crony, star White House boarder and Secretary
of Commerce, Hopkins fomes nearest of any one in Chicago to being
the leader of the third-term movement. And it is difficult to tell whether
the third termers or anti-third terms are most displeased with the way
Hopkins is handling the situation.
In its first days, the convention went horribly sour. Hopkins, being
in charge as much as any one wps in charge, was immediately blamed.
During the last 24 hours, therefore, an extraordinary number of political
leaders, New Dealers not belonging to the Hopkins group and Independent
Roosevelt admirers conducted a kind of mass attack on the President,
warning him by telegram and telephone that he must “save the con
vention ”
This pressure resulted in the statement transmitted to the convention
by the President through Senator Barkley. The statement, the issuance
of which the President had already been considering before the mass
attack oegan changed the convention atmosphere. And this change in
atmosphere, plus the intensive efforts of Messrs Ed Kelly, Prank Hague,
Joseph E. Guffey and other satraps, who can command the voices as well
as the votes of their henchmen, produced the demonstration at the eve
ning meeting.
The change in the convention atmosphere, however, does not alter
the situation of the unhappy Hopkins. On the whole, oddly enough the
anti-third termers like Postmaster Genera] Parley are more understanding
of his plight than the men who should be Hokpins’ supporters. They
know that Hopkins cannot act decisively and effectively, even supposing
he had the political training to do so, as long as the President continues
to play “now you see me. now you don’t.” The President's little game of
mystification makes it impossible for Hopkins to offer definite commit
ments or give definite orders.
The third termers, on the other hand, are really enraged. Secretary
of the Interior Ickes, Attorney General Jackson, such Senators as Francis
Maloney of Connecticut and many of the non-political Roosevelt- camp
followers now in Chicago are privately confessing despair at the way
things are being handled. A movement was discussed among them to
ask Hopkins to pass on the command to a wiser and more practiced man,
preferably Senator Byrnes of South Carolina. And although this group
movement came to nothing, the powerful Bronx boss and old Roosevelt
friend, Ed Flynn, is known to have telephoned the President in Washing
ton to tell him. in the most forcible terms, that Hopkins was making a
botch of the whole business. Flynn was typical of the mass attackers.
Big-Timer
The falling off of Hopkins is a real lesson in the ups and downs
which are humanity’s sad fate. When he came to Chicago he was the
man of the hour. He was heralded as the head of a third-term strategy
board, and he seemed prepared to act a great part.
He arranged one elaborate hideaway at the Blackstone, where he
established his henchmen, the mysterious New Deal undercover man,
David K. Niles, who got the $500,000 from John Lewis in 1936, and before
that ran a W. P. A. "information” service in which slightly maimed
authors prepared flattering articles on the W. P. A. for free publication
in national magazines. In addition to the Blackstone hideaway, he took
for himself a hideaway-from-the-hideaway at the Ambassador East,
complete with private wires, secret telephone numbers and all the appa
ratus of big-time political management.
Unluckily the prerequisites of successful big-time political manage
ment are authority and experience. Though well-meaning, Hopkins was
lacking in both of these. His troubles began at once, when he discovered
that not he but James Farley was the biggest figure in Chicago. He had
neglected to get in touch with Farley on arrival. Then he called him and
asked him to drop over to one of the hideaways. Finally he went to see
Farley. It was a concession, but it was not rewarded.
Enter Jim
The position taken by Farley—his determination to have his name
presented to the delegates, his frank dislike of the third term, his open
scorn, for the somewhat amateurish Hopkins efforts and his intention to
retire from the national chairmanship at an early date—was the real
source of the sourness which slowly seeped through the convention.
There was nothing to do except to nominate the President. There was
no enthusiasm. And the hundreds of delegates who are friendlv to
Farley, sympathizing with him, curdled what might have been mere dull
ness into an atmosphere that would set your teeth on edge.
Hopkins’ first effort to solve the problem was to get the convention
shortened to three days. They thought that if the nomination could go
over promptly the sourness would disappear. Farley, who had promised
the Chicagoans, putting up the money for the convention, that the dele
gates would be in town for five days, refused to go along on any plan to
make the convention shorter.
Then various other expedients were proposed, such as omitting
balloting, omitting the nominating spfcech for the President, and so forth,
all tended to make the nomination seem to come by acclamation. These,
too, came to nothing.
After a day or so, Hopkins and his entourage were ready to read
Farley out of the party. A complete change of decoration was needed
at the national committee, so they told all and sundry. Meanwhile, how
ever, other third-term leaders were beginning to wonder about Hopkins’
own usefulness. The complaints culminated in Ed Flynn’s call to the
President.
<setting Down to Cases
Flynn’s desire was to bring Farley more into line. It w$s impossible
to persuade the President’s one-time chief backer to withhold his name
from nomination or to stay on permanently as national chairman. Some
measure of Farley’s bitterness toward the administration is to be found
in his choice of Senator Glass of Virginia to make his nominating speech.
But at Hyde Park, in his talk with the President, Farley had gone so far
as to commit himself to staying on at the national committee for a few
weeks after the convention’s end to get things straightened out and ready
for the campaign.
In his annoyance with Hopkins and the others at Chicago, he began
to change his mind about his commitment. Flynn and a number of other
Democratic leaders of the more practical type put heavy pressure on
Farley and he then agreed to abide by his commitment after all.
This was a pretty unreal triumph. But the mass attackers now hope
that before many hours have passed they will induce the President to
abandon his little game of "now you see me, now you don’t.” They hope
to induce him, in fact, to tell the convention boldly and freely that he sees
a great world crisis in progress and that if he is given a free hand, is not
asked to campaign and is allowed a truthful platform, he will serve for
the duration of the crisis. That might be the miracle to put life in this,
Chicago gathering.
(Released by North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.)
Christian, Nettie Walker, Ruth Rob
inson, Florence Jackson, Willie
Powell, Ethel Thomas, Ma'ry Stone,
Eleanor Hall, A. D. Smith, Malcolm
Taylor, Thomas Jefferson, E. E.
Ayers, John Jackson, Hamilton
Payne, Obie Holmes, jr., and Emer
son Johnson.
Boy Dies in Storage Tank
CHESTER MONT., July 17 (>¥*).—
Ten-year-old Junior Story fell into
a grain storage tank and suffocated.
Mike Yunnan, his uncle, was filling
a truck from the tank, but Junior
died before the uncle could extri
cate him.
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CJ^HE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The
Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
Washington Observations
Program for Materiel Preparedness
Progresses at Unparalleled Rate
By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE.
National defense is not a partisan
proposition. It may not be a proper
subject for glorification in a political
party’s national convention. But if
the uninspiring
Democratic jam
boree at Chicago
could be ac
quainted with
the brass tacks
of what is hap
pening at Wash
i n g t o n these
days, to arm the
United States on
land, at sea and
in the air, for
the emergencies
of an unpredict
able future,
Mayor Kelly’s
stadium would rreaerl' winum wtu.
ring with wilder enthusiasfn than
so far has been provoked by any
of the stereotyped political clap
trap which has shivered its rafters.
* * * *
A Definite Objective.
Authentic information just made
available to this observer indicates
the program for materiel prepared
ness has been developed at a rate
believed to be without parallel in
any country's history. It has been
put in motion on the theory that
before success in any endeavor can
be effected, there must be a clearly
defined objective. The National De
fense Advisory Commission, acting
in closest liaison and harmony with
the War and Navy Departments, is
proceeding on what it believes to
be both a sound and sufficient pro
gram. It is geared not only for
speeding execution, but for flexi
bility. What is "adequate” defense
today may be inadequate tomorrow.
Blitzkrieg has taught us that. It
was on this basis that the present
unprecedented Army and Navy ap
propriations were granted, providing
approximately (apart from naval
construction) for $1,200,000,000 for
munitions preparedness. That is a
gigantic sum for our peace-time
Army, but relatively small for a
fighting army.
* * * *sk
Changing Conditions.
Lightning changes in world condi
tions have made it apparent that we
need not only a two-ocean Navy,
but vastly augmented provisions for
an Army that may one day be called
upon to co-operate in hemisphere
defense. Designed to meet altered
conditions, the supplementary muni
tions program of June 30 was sub
mitted to Congress, specifying the
numbers of airplanes, guns, tanks,
ammunition, etc., that must be pro
duced. If approved, it will provide
approximately $3,800,000,000 more
for military preparedness. Thus, a
grand total of about $5,000,000,000
would be provided wdth which to put
industry to work in a big way to
produce the machine power neces
sary to the defense of America.
* * * *
What the Plan Is.
This program was not formulated
at random. It is based upon plans
under consideration by the Army for
years. It was outlined by the Pres
ident in his July 10 message to
Congress. It provides (1) for the
total equipment of a land force of
approximately 1,200,000 men; (2)
for procurement of reserve stocks
of tanks, guns, artillery, ammunition,
etc., for another 800,000 men, or a
total of 2,000.000, if mobilization of
such a war-time force should become
necessary; (3) for provision of man
ufacturing facilities, public and pri
vate, necessary to produce critical
items of equipment required for
2.000,000 men, and for production
of the ordnance items needed for
the Army aircraft program—guns,
bombs, armor, bombsights and am
munition; and (4) for procurement
of 15,000 additional Army planes,
complete with necessary spare en
gines, armament and the most mod
ern equipment.
* * * *
Quarter of Program in Works.
Although funds have been avail
able only since June 26—exactly
three weeks—contract awards have
already been made to the extent of
roundly (300,000,000, or about one
fourth of the program. Another
(100,000,000 is represented by a con
tract for 1,900 planes, which will be
signed presently. This record has
been accomplished in spite of inevit
able difficulties attendant upon an
expanding personnel, crowded offices,
changed laws and the necessity of
modifying procedure in countless
directions. It is the sleepless effort
of all concerned to expedite awards
for the remainder of appropriated
funds, not only to get industry to
work as rapidly as possible, but also
to clear the decks for the larger
program. While the latter cannot
be executed until approved by Con
gress, arrangements are already in
the making to place the business
with industry and to eliminate the
bottlenecks which are sure to de
velop in the execution of contracts.
* * ♦ ♦
Rome Not Built in Day.
Anxious as the country is for
visible preparedness results, and
urgent as these are, it has to be re
membered that Rome was not built
in a day. By the acid tests of both
the objective and the start made
towards its execution, there is ample
evidence that the program of supply
preparedness is proceeding satisfac
torily, even if not at the dizzy pace
which the uninformed may have
expected. We are facing a long
battle. On the average, quantity
production of difficult munitions,
even in high-speeded America, can
not be obtained in less than a year.
The creation of stocks will require
several months more. But it is
highly gratifying to be assured, on
authority, that even these long-time
factors are less than half those
required by Great Britain, Trance
and Germany.
i * * *
We Are on the Way.
Messrs. Stettinus, Knudsen and
their associates, seasoned men of
industrial affairs, feel that the Na
tion has every right to be reassured
by what has so far been accom
plished. Their confidence on this
score should convince the country
th^t everything that can conceivably
be done to pave the way to strength
ened national defense efficiently and
promptly is being tackled with a
minimum of wasted time and effort.
There is healthy respect beyond our
shores for America’s mighty indus
trial potentialities. These are now
being harnessed on a truly prodigious
scale. Their purpose is to make the
United States invincible against ex
ternal attack. That is the Alpha
and Omega of the national defense
program, and it is on the way.
More War Relief Supplies
Senf by D. C. Red Cross
The District Chapter of the Amer
ican Red Cross yesterday shipped 22
packing cases of war relief supplies
to New York for reshipment to Eng
land, Brig. Gen. P. R. Keefer, chap
ter chairman, announced.
Produced by volunteer workers in
the District Chapter, the following
articles were included in the ship
ment:
Eight cases containing 42,860 sur
gical dressings of five different
types: three cases containing 108
layettes of 3,132 articles for infants:
11 cases containing 2,585 articles of
clothing.
Gen. Keefer also announced that
five neighborhood work centers for
production of war relief articles
have been established in Washing
ton and urged all future volunteers
to affiliate with these groups rather
than to form new production units.
The sewing and knitting centers
are at Linthicum Hall, 3116 O street
N.W.; St. Matthew’s Parish Hall, 1814
N street N.W.; All Saints’ Episcopal
Church, Chevy Chase Circle; Wheat
ley School, Monticello avenue and
Neal street N.E., and Garnett Pat
terson School, Tenth and U streets
N.W.
“Where do we go
from here?"
111 If you’re worried about America’s future, you’ll want to see
“THE RAMPARTS WE WATCH”—u new kind of motion picture.
It is a picture such as you have never seen before—an absorb
ing record of the fateful years that began in 1914—a gripping
story of the great figures on the world stage, and of ordinary
American people like yourself and all of us.
To see “THE RAMPARTS WE WATCH” is to store up a mem
orable and inspiring motion-picture experience!
“THE RAMPARTS
WE WATCH"
First feature picture produced by The March of Time
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This Changing World
Credence Given Peace Overtures Overlooks
Hitler's Objective: Destruction of Britain
By CONSTANTINE BROWN.
A large crop of rumors about British offers of peace to Germany and
German terms of peace to Great Britain is circulated at the present time.
Such rumors always exist on the eve of a great offensive.
Official quarters in Washington, which keep the ear close to the
ground, say there is nd reason to think that either belligerent has made
any real advances. That vague suggestions may have been made un
officially seems probable. But these were mostly wishful thinking.
The situation appears as follows:
The British seem confident they can resist the German attack. The
British government and a large proportion of the public realize that a
peace on Chancellor Hitler's terms means the inevitable ruin of the
British Empire and %11 it has stood for during several centuries. Hence,
if it is a question of going down, the British government would rather
go down with the flag flying as it is the tradition of every sea-faring
nation.
The masses in Great Britain are too insular to fully realize the pre
dicament of their country. They believe without hesitation the informa
tion they get every day from their government over the radio and in the
newspapers. And since the Germans have not yet landed, they don't
think they ever will.
Cheered by Display of Arms
The presence of millions of men under arms and the sight of hun
dreds of airplanes in the skies over the British Isles fill these people with
confidence. To outsiders this confidence does not seem Justified in any
way. But, fortunately, the Britishers live in fcn island and cannot have
the outsider’s viewpoint.
The morale of the British Army is generally good. The men who
have served in France and Norway are not so confident. They have seen
the Germans at work and realize through bitter experience their own
shortcomings. But there have not been many serving overseas. Of the
army of more than 1,000,000 men which it is believed Great Britain
possesses at present, hardly 250,000 have seen war service.
The rest remained in the isolation of the Island and believe in the
invincibility of Great Britain, as they have been taught in schools.
Herr Hitler-and his advisers are fully confident that they can break
Great Britain within a few weeks. The German general staff realizes
that this is going to be a tough fight, but has no doubt whatsoever that
it can be done.
The German government Is not after territorial expansion alone.
Hitler and his companions believe in the sacred mission of the German
race—and that is not an empty phrase. They think they must put an
end to the present social and economic order of the world and that the
domination of the English-speaking races must come to an end.
Experience has taught the Germans that unless an enemy is com
pletely crushed, there always is a danger of his coming back.
Hence, a wishy-washy peace which may include the surrender of a
number of British colonies and a drastic reduction of the British aviation
cannot satisfy the German dictator. He knows that if Britain is allowed
to keep a tenth of her former prestige and vitality, it won’t be long—10
or 20 years, maybe—before she will be able to rally the oppressed nations
of Europe and make them fight Germany again. Furthermore, the
United States would have remained unmolested and the two powers to
gether could undermine the plans of the totalitarians.
May Win Over South America
Hitler believes that an effort, costly as it may be, to ruin Britain will
pay in the end. He is convinced that the repercussions of such a victory
will necessarily have a resounding effect in South America. Without
firing a shot, he will be able to get into his sphere of influence these Latin
American republics which are so rich in raw materials of all kinds.
But as long as these countries have the impression that Britain has
not been crushed and that the United States is a match for Germany at
this time, the influence of the axis in the Latin portion of the Western
Hemisphere will be negligible.
Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini are convinced that a complete de
feat of Britain which, they think, must involve the disappearance in one
way or the other of the British fleet, would scare the unprepared United
States and that in a comparatively short time the New World will be
compelled by pressure to accept the totalitarian doctrines.
For these reasons little credence is given in well-informed official
quarters to the reports of confidential peace talks. «Juite the contrary
these quarters are convinced that a struggle for life and death will start
within a short time and it will be the shortest and most dramatic struggle
in the history of the world.
_ l ' —
jmall Claims Judgment
Awarded Grady in Crash
A Small Claims Court judgment
for $35.20 was awarded Assistant
Secretary of State Grady yesterday
for damages to his automobile sus
tained in a minor traffic accident
last April near the State Depart
ment Buildling.
The accident also involved an
automobile owned by Mrs. Augustus
O. Stanley of 1681 Thirty-first
street N.W., which struck the Grady
machine in attempting to avoid a
taxicab which had run through a
red light, testimony revealed.
Mrs. Stanley, wife of former
Senator Stanley of Kentucky, now
chairman of the International
Joint Commission on American
Canadian Affairs, was awarded a
$36.50 judgment by Judge Nathan
Cayton, who heard the case.
Judgments were entered against
the taxi driver—C. B. Pennington
of 1944 Bennett place N.E.—who
was held guilty of negligence by the
court, and Charles T. Scandone of
1144 Oates street N.E., owner of
the cab.
Spalding Council, K. C.,
To Discuss Cruise Plans
Plans for participation in the an
nual Knights of Columbus show
boat cruise Monday night will be
discussed tdtaorrow night by Spald
ing Council at a meeting scheduled
to begin at 8:30 o'clock in K. of C.
Hall, 918 Tenth street N.W.
Lawrence A. Gage, grand knight,
and other officers recently installed
are to officiate for the first time and
District Deputy Thomas J. Myers is
expected to pay his first official
visit to the council to outline plans
of State Deputy Alfred A. Mc
Garraghy.
Rug exports from Iran, the offi
cial name of Persia, to the United
States average 83,000,000 a year.
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I The Word'
Fails to End
Doubts
An Uneasy Feeling
Runs Through
The Convention
By CHARLES G. ROSS.
CHICAGO, July 17.—Of course,
the message which the President
sent to the Democratic National
Convention last night, through Sen
ator Barkley,
leaves the situa
tion with respect
to his third-term
nomination un
changed.
The way is left
entirely open for
the execution of
the "draft,” as
planned.
The way is left
entirely open for
the Presidents
acceptance of the
nomination.
In a sense, the
Chmricf o. Rom. message is an
amplification of the famous “I do
not choose to run” statement of Cal
vin Coolidge. Roosevelt says that
he does not “wish”—that is, choose—
to run. But he does not say that
he will decline the nomination if it
is offered to him.
He will be nominated. There Is
scarcely any One who believes now
that he will not accept.
The message is for record. It
is another device to heighten the
appearance of spontaneity in the
draft movement. Genuine sponta
neity is not lacking, but to a de
gree—a very considerable degree—
the surface appearance is false.
The movement has been carefully
engineered, in part, by ardent New
Dealers convinced that the nomina
tion of the President is essential
to the country’s welfare, in part by
shrewd politicians interested only
in the patronage aspects of party
success. Without the active col
laboration of the latter it could
not have succeeded.
President’s Collaboration.
Nor could It have succeeded with
out the passive collaboration of the
President. Senator Barkley said
that “in no way whatsoever has he
(the President) exerted any influ
ence in the selection of delegates.”
The President, one is entitled to
think, should have spoken for him
self in a matter of such tremendous
importance. Let that pass. Bark
ley's word state a half truth. The
President has, of course, not direct
ly used his influence in the selec
tion of delegates, but powerful pres
sure has been used by others with
out restraint from him. By his
long-maintained silence the Presi
dent has been a large factor in
blacking out other candidates and
so creating a situation where the
draft, in the view of this convention,
is essential if the party is to have a
chance in the election.
For Roosevelt to back out now
would throw the party into chaos,
i Notwithstanding the demonstra
! tions for the President last night—a
I necessary part of the act—one senses
in many of the delegates a mood
remindful of a classic anecdote—
that one about the glum-faced coun
tryman who, encountered on the
road to the bright lights of the city
for his weekly binge, said he was
about to get roaring drunk—“and
Lord! How I dread it!”
Delegates Are Disturbed.
At least a substantial minority of
the delegates are a disturbed and
uneasy lot. Something now in po
litical annals is about to take place,
and however much they may be for
it, there's a gnawing doubt as to its
ultimate wisdom.
| The convention is unbossed in
j the usual sense, but in another it is
j the most highly bossed affair that
i can be conceived. It is being run
j by one man. and it proceeds to its
predetermined end with the in
evitability of a Greek tragedy.
Something is said now and then,
in the rumors that run ceaselessly
through the hotel corridors, to the
effect that the decision on the
vice presidential nomination will
be left “wide open.” Obviously it
will not be. Roosevelt may not
put his finger on one man for the
place, but certainly no choice will
be made without his approval. He
holds here a veto power. “The
Word” will guide if it does not
dictate the choice.
Apprehension Over Farley.
Through the delegates runs a
strong current of sympathy for Jim
Farley. There are many who feel
that he has been hardly used by the
man to whose interests he has de
voted 10 years of his life. Justified
or not, the feeling is there, and it
contributes to the vaguely disturbed
state of mind of the convention.
There is the definite apprehension,
as well, that the loss ox Farley—for
it is generally believed that he will
step down and out—will cost the
ticket votes in November. This not
only because the campaign will be
deprived of the services of a master
strategist, but because of the
wounding of Farley’s large personal
following by what many believe has
been the cavalier treatment of his
ambitions by the New Dealers.
Farley's great hope had been to
run for Vice President with Cordell
Hull at the head of the ticket.
The report today is that the na
tional chairman, under keen pres
sure, has consented to defer his
withdrawal until the middle of Au
gust or the first of September. But
it is generally agreed that Farley,
because of his opposition to the
third term, is about to break his
long partnership with Roosevelt.
Some of the New Dealers like the
prospect—it is even reumored that
this group wants to get Charlie
Michelson out of the publicity di
rectorship—but the rank and fllo
of the delegates hold other views.
Farley’s retirement to them is a dis
quieting omen.
U. S. Envoy to Australia
Presents Credentials
Bj the Associated Press.
CANBERRA, Australia. July 17,—
Clarence E. Gauss, first United
States Minister to Australia, pre
sented his credentials today to Lord
Gowrie, governor general of the
commonwealth.
Lord Gowrie said “It is a matter
of greatest gratification to the
Australian government that the first
diplomatic exchange undertaken by
his majesty on behalf of Australia
should be with the United States.”
Gauss replied he would do£hia
“utmost to draw closer the friendly
ties between the two oountriee.”

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