Evening star. [volume], July 22, 1940, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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Ropsevelt
Draft Called
A Fraud
Participants in
Nomination Are
Castigated
Ry DAVID LAWRENCE.
Having attended both national
conventions there remains to be
written into the annals of American
history some un
varnished truths
about the ab
sence of intel
lectual honesty
at these so
called institu
tions of democ
racy.
At Philadel
phia politicians
misrepresent e d
Issues and
smeared each
other to get
votes, but the
final outcome
Was a triumph D»',id Lawrene*.
of the people over the politicians.
At Chicago the deception and
hypocrisy was much worse, for it
enveloped some of the highest of
ficials who, though drawing salaries
from the Government of the United
States paid for by the taxpayers of
all parties, did not hesitate deliber
ately to make themselves a part of
the mechanism and machinery of
partisan politics. These same offi
cials threw the weight and influence j
of their employer's prestige to swing
the delegates into line for a third
nomination in behalf of the man
who possesses a vast appointing
power and a wide authority over
huge public funds and privileges
There are honest and dishonest
men in Wall Street, but all the pec
ulations of the wicked few cumu
lated over the years have never
done as much damage to the faith
of the common citizen in the in
tegrity of democratic institutions,
public or private, as was perpe
trated in the name of liberalism or
New Dealism in Chicago last week.
Grown men, persons of college
education and doubtless of mem
bership in the churches of Amer
ica, participated in the fraud—the
effort to make people outside of
the convention hall believe that
Franklin Roosevelt was not a can
didate, didn't seek the office and
wras actually “drafted" by an ad
miring body of delegates only be
cause of the world crisis. Such a
concerted effort to fool the people
even by the use of mechanized
demonstrations over the micro
phone has rarely been witnessed in
the entire history of American pol
itics.
No Debate on Third Term.
In all the 1,100 delegates not a
single one ventured to get on the
platform to debate the third-term
issue. Not a single member of the
Resolutions Committee dared to
bring in a minority report so that
the issue could be debated. The
story went around the convention
corridors that the isolationists
traded support for their platform
plank in exchange for a willingness
to forget the minority report on
the third term. And when the iso
lationists were properly fooled the
leader of the party in his accept
ance speech advocated conscription
and virtually discarded the platform
plank on foreign policy.
Men like Senator Glass of Vir
ginia and Postmaster General Farley
stuck to their convictions to the end
but the Virginia Senator had the
strange experience of hearing the
name of Thomas Jefferson, founder
of the Democratic party, booed in
derision when attempting to read a
quotation from the latter's historic
statement against a third term.
The boos against Secretary Wal
lace for Vice President which came
from the audience and from some
parts of the convention floor where
the delegates sat has been inter
preted as a manifestation of inde
pendence but it was evidently easier
to boo when there was no record
made of one's disapproval than for
anybody to get up on the rostrum
and utter a protest.
In fairness, however, it must be
said that while a majority of the
delegates were hand-picked by ad
ministration henchmen, a small
minority did plainly manifest its
dislike of the dictation as it came
from the White House. But the fact
remains there is no record of it in
the platform discussion or in the
proceedings of the convention. For
all practical purposes it will be
recorded that the Democratic party
by overwhelming vote nominated a
President for a third term and
repudiated Thomas Jefferson.
Subterfuge.
There is, however, a record
on the third-term issue made by
President Roosevelt himself which
will not only appear in the pro
ceedings of the convention but in
the history books of the future
and it will be criticized as long
as books are published and there is
freedom of the press to criticize.
It can be briefly stated: On Tues
day night the President requested
and authorized the statement to be
made to the delegates that he had
"no desire or purpose" to continue
In office and that the delegates
could vote as they pleased. All
through the next day the represent
atives of the President operated
the convention and arranged for the
so-called "draft” and then within
48 hours—on Thursday night of the
same week—the same President of
the United States in a carefully
prepared speech announced his ac
ceptance of the nomination.
Why do men in high places resort
to subterfuges and devices of this
kind? Do they believe that the press
reports of what happens in conven
tions do not reach the voters or
will soon be forgotten under an
avalanche of Government spending
or subsidies? Or do they think that
a majority of the voters are swayed
by appeals to class prejudices and
by the smearing of political oppo
nents? Do the New Dealers ap
praise accurately the intelligence of
the majority of the electorate’
Election day will bring the an
swer, but It must be noted never
theless that to win an election men
in high places have been ready to
abandon the morals and ideals of
democracy. Winning has become
more important than the mainte
nance of deep-seated principles.
But, it will be asked, why do
these men permit themselves to be
come involved in such a process of
hypocrisy? The truth is they really
do not consider themselves hypo
critical. They resent such imputa
tions and vehemently deny these
characterizations. For they readily
rationalize themselves into believ
ing that politics is a kind of game
^ which the only thing that counts
The Capital Parade
Roosevelt's Foreign Policy Held Based on Theory
Germans Could Not Win Quick, Total Victory
By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER.
The President has accepted renomination. He now faces the necessity
of attempting simultaneously to carry on a national political campaign,
and to manage the affairs of the country in a time likely to be as critical
as any in our history. For any man not wholly superhuman, the prospect
must be little less than appalling. For the pressure of a campaign is
always constant and grinding, while the pressure of business will be
vastly increased by the tendency of the campaign to infect with politics
every move and every measure.
Men who blindly detest the President of course assume that in his
vanity and his hunger for power, he hoped from the start to be renomi
nated, and always planned to run again if he could. Men close to him,
however, have a different and a much more tenable theory.
The Wrong Assumption
The problem of the President’s behavior is to reconcile his repeated
and seemingly sincere assertions that he did not want a third term with
the fact that he is now a candidate
for a third term. Sensible observers
will grant the President's sincere
desire not to be a candidate, if only
because, as he told Col. Frank Knox,
he thinks he cannot stand the strain
of another four years in the White
House. However great his ambitions,
no man on earth willingly shoulders
such a burden as the President has
now shouldered.
The solution of the problem, ac
cording to the theory above-mentioned, is to be found in the President’*
only serious miscalculation in the field of foreign affairs. His entire
foreign policy, unfortunately, was grounded in his miscalculation. He
assumed, with all the apparently reliable evidence on his side, that the
Germans could not win a quick and total victory. He supposed, therefore,
that the crisis period of the war would not come until the Industrial
production of the United States had been organized to give greater aid
to the Allies, until the United States was at least partly rearmed, and
above all until the election was over.
The battle of Flanders and the battle of France proved the mistake
in the President's assumption. Because the United States had not rearmed
and was not ready to give more substantial aid to the Allies, they seriously
upset his foreign policy. They also knocked his domestic political strategy
into a cocked hat.
His domestic political strategy has been twofold. First, he did not
wish to commit himself not to run again because, by so doing, he feared
that his voice would lose authority in world affairs. Second, he also
wished to be able to dictate his party's platform and candidate, to insure
that his policy would be continued. Unfortunately, since he could only
attain these objectives by passively allowing his henchmen to go delegate
hunting, his own candidacy soon completely overshadowed the can
didacies of lesser men in his party. From a practical standpoint, the
leaders whom the Democrats might have chosen could not attain the
stature of "the champ."
Then, at Philadelphia, his mistaken assumption about the course of
world events caused a sudden deviation in the course of domestic political
events. As his leading rival himself admitted, Wendell Willkie was given
the Republican nomination because he had spoken frankly and boldly on
the terrible question presented by the battle of France. In Willkie, the
President found himself confronted with a competitor of a type he had not
even dreamed of. The Democrats, fearful of losing their Jobs, suddenly
set up the cry that if the President did not run after cutting down every
other possibility, he would be a traitor to his party. The President was
“damned if he did, but worse damned if he didn’t,” as one man unfriendly
to him gleefully put it. And so the President did.
Signs and Hopes
What the results may be, It Is impossible to foretell. There are bad
signs to be seen in many places. For one thing, the President's closest
councilor is now Harry L. Hopkins,
the apostle of compromise and op
portunism. For another, the Presi
dent is obviously tired. Being tired,
he tends to succumb to such
irritability against his critics and
hankerings for self-explanation as
were plainly visible among the fine
and brave things he said in his ad
dress of acceptance. And for a third,
the convention has begun the
campaign on an extremely low
political level.
None but fools doubt the patriotism of the President. Certainly a
deep sense of responsibility must fill such a man as Franklin Roosevelt,
at such a time as this.
Thus the question really is whether he can ignore the easy councilors,
conquer his tiredness, and lift the campaign to the level on which it
should be waged. Unless the State, War and Navy Department experts
are completely wrong in their predictions for the next months, the Presi
dent must do all these inherently difficult things if the country is not to be
brought very close to disaster. If the President sets a high tone for the
campaign, his opponent will have to try to reach the same level or accept
defeat. Every sensible American, whether most bitterly opposed or most
fervently attached to the New Deal, must hope that at this time the
President will find it in him to act wisely and with courage. The price of
his fumbling may be too great to pay, even to have “that man-’ out of the
White House. a
(Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.) M
is the result^-any means are justi
fied to achieve the end desired.
Men who feel that way about poli
tics would never cheat at cards or
steal a neighbor’s purse, but they
readily use public funds and public
power and all the arts of deception
to get votes and win elections.
The main issue of the 1940 cam
paign ought to be a repudiation of
the deceptions and hypocrisies of
party politics. America has swept
out exploiters of the public from
local politics again and again. Un
less this happens in national poli
tics and the people by a revolution
against political dishonesty turn
out of office those who would de
ceive the people, the way will be
opened to the salesmen of fascism,
who will point to the deterioration
of French democracy with its1
crooxea politics, as a iorerunner oi
what may some day happen to
American defense plans in a time
of world peril. And unless there Is
a popular upheaval next autumn
against the manner in which the
President was nominated for a third
term, one may say sadly of the
events of the last several days that
the kind of democracy observed at
Chicago is not worth preserving,
whether it is spelled with either a
capital or a small “d."
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(THE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
x necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The
Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
Washington Observations
Now That Conventions Are Over, Country
Can Buckle Down to Preparedness Work
By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE.
Now that Chicago’s bedlam and
buncombe have laded into the
limbo the country can buckle down
to the only thing that counts—pre
paredness for
national de
fense. The soon
er the American
people get that
grim fact into
their joint and
several heads,
the better for all
concerned, in
cluding even
the politicians,
loathe as that
gentry may be
to recognize it.
President
Roosevelt’s mid
night speech Of freStnt William Wll».
acceptance served a highly useful
purpose in Jerking citizens’ thoughts
away from the banalities of parti
sanship and back to the stern real
ities Imposed by world conditions.
F. D. R.’s own plan to remain as
close to his job as possible and de
vote a minimum of time to cam
paigning is a cue to the Nation
not to waste its energies on the
futile froth of politics, but to con
centrate on the paramount issue of
1940. That issue is the necessity
to spend every ounce of national
gray matter and physical strength
on the supreme task of girding
America’s loins against the perils
that loom from across both the
Atlantic and the Pacific.
Of what value one day will be,
let us say, “social gains" or any
of the other things over which spell
binders are about to wax eloquent,
pro or con, unless the United States
is equipped to repel armed attack.
We may sing “God Bless America”
until the cows come home, but no
amount of patriotic vocal effort will
avail if we do not reach speedily
the goal of invincibility on land, at
sea and in the air. There is no
time to squander on politics—third
term, public utility evils or any
thing else of minor importance.
The Wallace "Dictate."
Henry A. Wallace’s nomination
for the vice presidency may
strengthen the Democratic ticket in
certain rural parts, but it may
prove of questionable value both
there and elsewhere, because of the
somewhat totalitarian manner in
which it was brought about. Pew
convention annals contain such evi
dence of undisguised bossism. The
pandemonium that raged during
the balloting was more than pro
test against the selection of a for
mer Republican as Roosevelt's run
ning mate. It was resentment of
undemocratic dictation. The White
House escaped the ignominy of hav
ing its wishes flouted, but the ran
cor created by the whole Wallace
incident will ramify into the cam
palgn and flare to Democratic dis
advantage right up to election day
—this, despite the personable and
Intellectual qualities with which the
Secretary of Agriculture is endowed.
* * * *
A Real Dark Hone.
The Iowan turns.out to be the
real 1940 dark horse. He long fig
ured among presidential possibili
ties and received random mention
among vice presidential prospects.
But until Mr. Roosevelt pulled Wal
lace’s name out of the hat last
week few observers of the Demo
cratic scene looked upon him as a
serious second-place likelihood. The
Des Moines farm editor is neither
an orator nor a skilled politician.
He is wholly devoid of congressional
experience. As an exponent of the
important art of handling recalci
trant Senators the man now relied
upon to keep the agricultural vote
safe for the New Deal cannot be
mentioned in the same breath with
Garner or McNary. Even the wheat
and corn belts are by no means
unanimous in enthusiasm for the
policies for which Secretary Wal
lace has stood. These panaceas have
poured millions of dollars into
farmers’ pockets, but prosperity for
legions of them is still around the
corner.
* * * *
Paul McNutt’s Future.
Significance of Paul McNutt's feat
in almost stampeding the Chicago
convention during the vice presiden
tial brawl is not underestimated.
Had the Roosevelt high command
failed to put over Wallace in the
nick of time, McNutt might have run
away with the prize on a succeeding
ballot. His ovation, while trying to
obtain the convention’s attention
long enough to renounce the nomi
nation, was the most genuirie dem
onstration of the week. Its echoes
are not destined to die out. Already
there’s talk of "McNutt for Pres
ident in 1944.” The Federal Security
Administrator is young enough to
wait. He was only 49 last Friday. A
great mixer, the handsome Hoosler
improved each shining hour at Chi
cago to build future fences He is
expected to be active on the stump
for Roosevelt and Wallace.
* * * *
Mrs. Roosevelt's Role.
Prediction is here hazarded that
Eleanor Roosevelt will play a major
role in her husband’s campaign for
a third term. This seems to be fore
cast not only by her appearance be
fore the Chicago convention, but by
the hint she gave that the whole
Democratic party must make the
fight this year and not lean prima
rily, as in 1932 and 1936, on the
President. Mrs. Roosevelt has ac
quired a strong hold on public es
teem. Criticism of her wayfaring
habits, ubiquitousness and multifa
rious activities is noticeably less
than it used to be. She has come
This Changing World
New Government Expected in France Soon;
Petain's Methods Displease Berlin
By CONSTANTINE BROWN.
Despite Ambassador Bullitt’s optimistic appraisal of Marshal Petain's
government, official quarters in Washington believe the life of the present
French regime will not be long.
Marshal Petaln and his executive officer, Pierre Laval, have pro*
Fascist leanings, dictated mostly by necessity. They Imagine they will
appease Hitler by claiming sympathy toward the totalitarian form of
government. Both men follow orders received from Berlin in a round
about way through Wiesbaden, where the armistice delegation is marking
time. Berlin is not satisfied, however, with their method of handling
the internal situation in non-occupied France.
For instance, there has been no purge in France, although several
weeks have passed since the collapse of the French Army. Herriot, Blum
and other men of that type are still allowed to make critical comment.
The Germans have not forced Petain's hand because they want France
to restrain them. Moreover, pressure already has started. Paris news
papers, which are under the direct control of the “Komandatur" (the
military authorities), have opened an attack on Petaln, whom they de
scribe as a senile gentleman without will power. Observers believe there
will be a new government in a comparatively short time and that Jacques
Doriot or another leader with similar political ideas might be chosen
to head it.
Political Philosophy Varied
Doriot was a Communist about 15 years ago. He prided himself on
being the first honorary soldier of the Red Army. He obtained this desig
nation during a visit to Moscow, where he pledged support of Communism
in France until the bourgeois government was overthrown.
Since 1935 his political philosophy has included Fascism, Nazi-ism,
ultra-nationalism and anti-clerical and anti-Jewish sentiments. He has
a strong bellowing voice and only a very few scruples. Doriot 13 quite
willing to assume the responsibility of avenging France's defeat by causing
quite a few heads to roll. He has many personal grudges which are always
helpful in tbe event of political purges.
If A Mt, TS.AmaUm.aa Im f.AA A.AA. .AA iU. U A M #1 A.1.U S M A AM tU. M.A 1 1 1
Many Frenchmen In free areas see the handwriting on the wall and
are making desperate efforts to get out of the country. They are finding
this almost impossible, however. All Channel ports are blocked by Ger
many. The passage through Spain is equally difficult, but some individuals
manage to cross the Pyrenees over unguarded paths. Once in Spain,
however, they are up against the difficulties of obtaining visas.
Some unscrupulous consuls representing small neutral countries out
side Europe are charging 1,500 francs (about $30) for an appointment to
discuss the possibility of obtaining a visa. In most cases the money has
been thrown away because the consul finds the applicants are not qualified
for a visa. Others obtain it and have to pay bribes, taxes and fees
amounting to between $200 and $300.
Men Without a Country
In some Instances this represents half of their cash money because
banks in France are not paying out any important sums and no foreign
currency is obtainable at any price. The dollars or pesos are purchased
at a preposterous rate. In mo6t instances the expensive visas are found
to be no good. At the ports of entry abroad admittance is refused on
some technicality or because the visa is not regular. Consequently these
unfortunate persons become men without a country because they seldom
can return to France.
In Paris and other important cities occupied by the Germans life
is not pleasant either.
The Oerman military authorities have discovered the French lack
the simplest ideas about running their cities.
The Town Council of Paris was recently summoned to the German
Komandatur and told plainly that the members know nothing about
government, that they are allowing Paris to be shamefully neglected
and that the German military would actually run the city through the
town councils. Some severe ordinances were put in effect. For example,
women were forbidden to use red laquer on their fingernails on the ground
that this was a demoralizing Jewish-Oriental habit.
Inhabitants of Neuilly, a suburb of Paris, must obtain passes from
the German military police every time they go to Paris. Applicants are
required to fill in long questionnaires giving their family histories and
reasons for their desire to commute.
to be recognized for what she Is— j
an unusual woman, of brilliant and i
varied attainments, and tireless in |
humanitarian work. The First Lady 's !
speaking ability has improved, both
on the platform and by radio. Mrs.
Roosevelt will be a tower of strength
for the Democratic ticket if she is
persuaded to undertake any sort of
intensive campaign on its behalf.
* * * *
Was It “Lord Haw-Haw”?
Millions of Americans who heard
Hitler s recent Reichstag harangue
! marveled at the faultless English
and Oxonian diction of his trans
| lator. Many wondered if the inter
j preter was "Lord Haw-Haw,” as the
British dub the Berlin broadcaster
who nightly agitates the wave lengths
with a Nazi version of war news.
Whatever his identity, he does a
superb Job with the King’s English.
Eight hundred million matches a
day—or 500,000 a minute—are used
in the United States.
Thomas Jefferson
needed a Morris Plan
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the next month. Jf however it is gone out of your hands
I shall endeavor to make provision for it if possible.
Accept my friendly salutations and best wishes.
(Signed) Th. Jefferson
" ♦ ♦ ♦ . I should be very glad
if it could be paid by monthly portions
So wrote Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, to
his banker on November 27th, 1803. Here was the President,
earning a salary of $25,000 a year, yet he needed a bank which
would permit the liquidation of a $558.16 obligation over a
period longer than that usually permitted. He expressed his
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WasWallace
Chosen for
Presidency?
His Selection Seen
More Significant
Than It Appears
By CHARLES G. ROSS.
Now that all the events of the
Democratic National Convention
can be seen in perspective. It will
occur to mariy observers, I think,
that the nomi
nation of Henry
A. Wallace for
Vice President
was an event of
far greater sig
nificance than
usually attaches
to the choice of
the second man
on a national
ticket.
For it is not
possible fairly
to weigh the cir
cumstances of
M r. Wallace's
chariei g. i«i. selection by the
President without reaching the con
clusion that other motives than the
conventional ones of campaign ex
pediency were dominant. True it
is that Mr. Wallace is an offset to
Mr. McNary in the effort of the
parties to line up the farmer vote.
To that extent the selection of the
Secretary of Agriculture to run with
the President wears the same aspect
of expediency as does the choice of
Mr. McNary to run with Mr. Willkle.
But there the parallel ends. Mr.
McNary was selected—and it ought
to be remembered that he was Just
as much the personal choice of Mr.
Willkle as Mr. Wallace was the per
sonal choice of the President—with
a view to placating elements hos
tile to the presidential nominee.
Mr. Wallace was chosen by the
President in defiance of hostile ele
ments.
* * * *
Expediency Pointed Elsewhere.
Expediency would have dictated
the choice of some one like House
Majority Leader Sam Rayburn of
Texas, or Senator James F. Byrnes
of South Carolina, or Federal Loan
Administrator Jesse H. Jones ' of
Texas, in order to throw at least a
sop to the more conservative wing
of the party. All three of these
Southerners are men of proved ca
pacity, well up to or above the aver
age of vice presidential nominees on
that score. Each in his own sphere
has served the New Deal well and
faithfully and yet has maintained
his standing among the conserva
tives.
Or expediency would have been
served by the nomination of the
unclassiflable Paul V. McNutt of
Indiana, who had built up, as the
event showed, a considerable fol
lowing in his campaign for the
presidency and who could have
been counted upon to make a slash
ing campaign for the Roosevelt
ticket.
Whatever may be thought of the
drafting of the President for a third
term and the manner in which it
was brought about, it must be con
ceded that he showed the courage
of his convictions in discarding the
more “available" vice presidential
aspirants and selecting Henry Wal
lace.
Wallace, though he has not always
gone along with the inner circle
of the New Dealer^ in their practical
political maneuverings, is neverthe
less, in his philosophy, a New Dealer,
and is so identified in the public
mind. Indeed, he has a more con
sistent philosophy of social reform
than almost anybody else in tha
administration; a fact which per
haps accounts for the suspicion with
which at times he has been regarded
by the more opportunistic of the
New Dealers.
* * * *
Wallace for President?
Motives aside, there can be no
question as to the effect of the Pres
ident's long concealment of his
intentions with respect to a third
term. It produced, first, a condi
tion in which his nomination
became inevitable. Second, it as
sured, within very broad limits, the
nomination of any one whom the
President might choose as his run
ning mate. It is at least a tenable
theory that in the mixture of motives
which must have contributed to his
silence was this desire to name the
vice presidential candidate without
regard to the usual political consid
erations.
Anyway, whatever the reasons be
hind the silence, one significant re
sult was the naming of Wallace.
Clearly he was not chosen either
because of his ability as a stump
speaker or in an effort to win over
dissident elements in the partv. It
follows, I think, that the President
chose Wallace with the requirements
of the presidency, as Mr. Roosevelt
sees them, in mind. It follows that
he was definitely thinking in terms
of the chance that he will not, if
re-elected, finish out the third term.
That consideration is something
that all too rarely has been given
its proper weight in the making of
vice presidential nominations.
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' Adjustments
4“
Plymouth 0 a ■■
Chrysler “EE” ^ffl / *J
De Soto. S—8
Dodge DD—Dn VI asm
Terraplane to ’35
WiHys “77”
Other Cars Equally Low Priced
EDEE BRAKE TEST oa
■ llhh Duplicate of Of
ficial D. C. Brake Testing
Machine.
EWERAL BRAKE SERVICE
903 N St. N.W. ML 9S03