Business Sees
Equal Justice
As Mockery
Tobacco Indictments
Typical Reason
For Resentment
By DAVID LAWRENCE.
Many persons in the New Deal
have expressed wonderment from
time to time at the bitterness of
feeling and resentment which has
Bwepi me dusi
ness elements of
the country
against Presi
dent Roosevelt
and his admin
istration.
During the
last 48 hours the
dispatches tell
of criminal in
dictments filed
against 33 ex
ecutives of 26
tobacco com
panies. Here is
a conspicuous
example Which David Lawrence.
Illustrates how the powers of Gov
ernment are simply not being used
fairly between citizens. It reveals
why It is so often charged nowadays
that the slogan on top of the Su
preme Court Building, "Equal Jus
tice for All,” is no longer respected.
The Justice Department has an
anti-trust division which is properly
active in trying to enforce the
Sherman anti-trust law so as to
prevent monopoly and price fixing
in the channels of trade. The law
can be enforced through civil or
criminal suits. The record shows
that civil suits have been successful
in breaking down combinations of
trade, but the Justice Department
lately has been using the weapon
of criminal prosecuting to force
businessmen to agree to fair trade
practices, which have never before
been adjudicated by a court in a
civil action.
Even if it b» conceded, however,
that it is proper for a governmental
department to hold the threat of
criminal trials over the heads of
successful businessmen in order to
make them agree to something
which neither Congress nor the
courts has ordered them to agree
to, there remains the question of
equal application of the law to all
Classes of citizens.
An Unexplained Difference.
The department, moreover, has
gone on record as saying that when
it prosecutes labor organizations
under the Sherman law, it will not
use criminal statutes. Just why a
governmental department should
withhold prosecution of one set of
citizens engaged in alleged viola
tions of the same law and apply its
I criminal indictments to another set
of citizens who manage business
operations is unexplained by any
public or private pronouncement
from the New Deal.
The only explanation that will
be inferred is that the administra
tion is actively engaged in a policy
of business-baiting for political pur
poses and objectives. Even in
handling prosecutions of labor, the
suits are filed against the A. F. of L.
and not against the C. I. O. Indeed,
when the C. I. O. gets into trouble
Under the Sherman law, the Justice
Department, though not obliged to
do so, defends the viewpoint of the
C. I. O., as it did in the Apex case.
Even the high courts nowadays
are discriminating between different
classes of citizens in construing the
Sherman Anti-Trust Law. Shortly
after a C. I. O. labor union in Phila
delphia engaged in a “sit-down”
strike and was convicted in a civil
suit of violating the Sherman Anti
Trust Law by interfering with ship
ments in interstate commerce, the
New Deal appointed new judges in
that circuit who promptly reversed
their predecessors and, of course,
the New Deal majority on the Su
preme Court of the United States
upheld the judgment of the Phila
delphia court.
Business regulation by Govern
ment is one of the necessary devel
opments of the complex economic
system of our times and there never
was a time when the laws against
monopoly and price-fixing were so
much in need of clarification. But
when the Justice Department dis
criminates between citizens it breaks
down faith in all laws on the part
of the citizenry.
Thus what the tobacco company
executives are alleged to have done
The Capital Parade
Problem of French Assets Causes Treasury Concern;
Bullitt Believed Advocating Their Release
By JOSEPH ALBOP and ROBERT KINTNER.
The Treasury is grimly whistling In the dark about the problem
of the French assets, which may turn out to involve the whole huge
problem of the attitude of the United States toward all the German
occupied territories in Europe. The Immediate reason for the whistling
is the return to this country of Ambassador William C. Bullitt.
The Treasury has followed a well-defined policy with regard to
the American-held valuables of nations overrun by German arms. As
each nation has been conquered, its assets have been impounded and
held in escrow for the rightful owners—the theory being that citizens of
conquered territories being in Germany’s power, could otherwise be
neecea oi tne gold, securities and
so forth they sent for safety to this
country.
The French assets were Im
pounded like the rest. The total Is
now about $3,500,000,000. of which
between $1,500,000,000 and $2,000,
000,000 is French.
The Treasur/ wishes to keep
these huge sums under lock and
key until further notice. To release
them, the Treasury believes, may
ANOTHER
'problem
child ^
nave the gravest results. For example, while Germany Is not able to
import much from abroad so long as the British blockade persists she
could use a big sum of dollar exchange to buy South American surpluses,
thus knocking spots out of the State Department’s program for hemis
pheric unity.
In truth, about the only advantage over her enemies and over this
country which Germany now lacks is liquid assets with value on the
world money markets. And If Germany is allowed to get her hands on
her victims’ valuables, her world position will be incalculably improved.
Enter Mr. Bullitt
The official Treasury position is that the assets will not be released
for any purpose. But Bullitt’s return has caused a-whistling-in-the-dark
note to creep into the Treasury’s assertions because it appears to be
Bullitt's purpose to change the Treasury policy.
Ever since he landed in this country, Bullitt has placed the strong
est emphasis on the independence and non-Fascist character of the new
French government. He has talked, in large terms, of schemes of re
habilitation, and he has made no secret of his opinion that American
policy toward France should not be altered by France’s defeat. As yet,
the Treasury has not heard from Bullitt. But as he has been closeted
with the President, the Treasury officials are momentarily expecting
the worst.
The Treasury fears to be forced to change its policy by Bullitt’s
pleas, simply because neither the Treasury nor many other American
Government officials credit Bullitt’s picture of the present situation in
France. Both the character of the individuals composing the new French
administration and the weight of the evidence that anarchy will come
when the German gestapo is withdrawn, strongly suggest that calling
Laval and his crowd “independent” and “non-Fascist” is extremely
wishful.
A Hard Choice
Unquestionably, the situation Is as thorny as any the President
and his aides have ever confronted in the field of foreign affairs. Despite
the general suspicion of Laval and his entourage, the French govern
ment is still recognized by the government of the United States. Being
recognized, the French have a perfect right to demand the release of their
assets. Strong representations to this effect have already been made.
The problem is similar to the problem of giving relief to German
occupied territories in Europe, including France. This winter, there will
gg
De a European iooa snortage oi
really horrible stringency. Unless
relief Is given, many millions will
starve. On the other hand, if re
lief is given, the hand of Germany
will be immensely strengthened. And
no informed American. official,
either in the State, War or Navy
Departments, any longer doubts for
an instant that to strengthen the
hand of Germany is to strengthen
a deadly dangerous potential enemy.
Even now, German intrigue in South America is almost as widespread
and as dangerous as it was in Norway on the eve of the fall of Oslo.
Under the Monroe Doctrine, the United States must defend the Western
Hemisphere.
Accepting the somewhat optimistic thesis that Germany will permit
this country to arm in peace and plans no attack upon us, there can
be no doubt at all that the German Intrigue to the southward presages
something just as dangerous—a German encroachment on the hemi
sphere we are committed to defend. Thus the choice in such matters
as the release of the French assets and the relief of starving Europe
is not one to be made hastily and lightly, because it is easier to release
the assets, or because feeding Europe will reduce the politically em
barrassing farm surplus. The national interest also deserves to be
considered.
(Released by North American Newipaper Alliance, Xne.)
relates to a complicated system of
marketing which happens to have
increased the tax receipts of the
Government by billions of dollars in
this last decade of the depression.
Effective marketing has been a dis
tinct public benefit. If their market
ing practices are approximately in
conformity with previous decisions
of the Supreme Court, businessmen
have a right to have their problems
resolved in a civil suit. The fact
that the precedents are being dis
regarded by a new Supreme Court
makes it all the more necessary to
give business a chance to find out
what the new interpretations of law
by the New Deal cover and this can
be done, as it has already been done
in some instances, by means of a
civil proceeding.
One shudders to think where the
national defense of the United
States would be today if William
Knudsen, the right-hand man whom
President Roosevelt has chosen for
the purpose of getting airplanes and
tanks into production, had been
convicted by the jury last winter
when the same Department of Jus
tice filed criminal indictments un
der the Sherman law against him
and other executives in the motor
car Industry. The Jury quickly ac
quitted him and the others, but not
until after his name and those of
his associates were blazoned in the
headlines as allegedly guilty of
criminal acts.
Small wonder businessmen, large
and small, from coast to coast, are
praying for the defeat of the New
Deal this autumn and working for
that objective with all earnestness.
The kind of democracy which the
New Deal talks about is not the
kind it practices. The present sys
tem in Washington is more in line
with the German government’s con
cept of Justice—Herr Hitler has in
structed his courts and judges to
issue their political verdicts in ac
cordance with what they believe is
public sentiment and that means, of
course, whatever the government in
power wants it to mean.
(Reproduction Rlshts Reserved.)
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CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The
Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may he contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
The Political Mill
Military Training Has Little Chance of
Becoming an Issue in Campaign
By G. GOULD LINCOLN.
Compulsory selective military
training is on the highroad at last
h to be enacted into law. It is only
a few weeks ago that congressional
leaders were in
sisting that any
plan of compul
sory military
training would
not receive
approval — and
indeed, that it
was not needed.
The increasingly
dangerous situa
tion in which
this country
finds itself, due
to foreign wars, .
has upset the |
apple cart for
the anti-military
G. Gould Lincoln.
training group. The public is not
looking with satisfaction or pleasure
on any one who has an ostrich
head-ln-the-sand attitude.
Despite the fact that Senator Van
denberg of Michigan has come out
with an attack on the plan for
compulsory military training, and
several other Republican members
of Congress have taken a stand
against it, it does not appear that
the G. O. P. will attempt to make
a party issue of military training,
either in Congress or in the national
campaign. Representative Martin
of Massachusetts, Republican leader
of the House and also chairman of
the Republican National Committee,
said as much today. He said that
he intended to look carefully into
any provisions of the bills which are
laid before the House and Senate for
military training, however.
Non-Political Subject.
That is perfectly proper. But for
the Republican party and its respon
sible leaders to line up in a partisan
way against compulsory military
training at a time when a great
mass of Americans believe that such
a system is essential for defense
would be merely to toss an issue into
the lap of the Roosevelt New Dealers
which might do the Republican
party irreparable harm. Playing
politics with national defense is not
likely to help either party—if the
political effort is directed against
national defense.
The Republicans in Congress will
make their record for and against a
compulsory military training bill in
the next few weeks, perhaps within
a week or two. The Democratic
members will do the same. Some of
the Republicans will be for the
measure and some against it, and
that is likely to be true of the Dem
ocrats, too. But the party organi
zation which undertakes to set its
face against military training had
better look into the situation pretty
carefully before it acts. Represent
ative Wadsworth, New York Repub
lican, along with Senator Burke of
Nebraska, sponsored the military
training bill which has been before
the House and Senate Military Af
fairs Committees for some time. The
administration, through the War
Department, has suggested changes
in the military training plan.
Democratic Split Discounted.
Democratic members of Congress
have been aroused over talk of a
party split over the third-term issue.
They have replied to reports that a
revolt against the Roosevelt ticket
was growing within the Democratic
ranks, saying that in their opinion
the Roosevelt ticket was strong and
growing stronger all the time. This
sounds like whistling to keep up their
courage in the face of the list of
prominent Democrats, some of whom
have been strong supporters of the
President in the past, now declaring
their opposition to the third term.
Senator McKellar of Tennessee and
Senator Harrison of Mississippi are
among the Democratic Senators now
seeking to discount reports that
much ill feeling has grown out of
the renomination of the President.
Senator McKellar Is calling the
Democrats who have turned away
from the Roosevelt ticket “economic
royalists.” He insists that the ma
jority of the people have no inten
tion of turning “our Government
over to the same old interests that
ran It prior to the Roosevelt era,
and incidentally a crowd that ran
us into the worst depression In our
history.”
The Tennessee Senator adds that
“they have trotted out the third
term bogeyman, which Is funny in
the light of the circumstance that
some of the loudest sounders of the
alarm were ardent third-termers
when a Republican Roosevelt sought
the same objective.”
Roosevelt Democrats Raised Issue.
In the first place, the Republican
Roosevelt did not seek the same
objective, a consecutive third term
in the White House. And in the
second place, It is the Roosevelt
Democrats who have raised the
third-term issue by renominating
the President—not .the Republicans.
Senator McKellar concludes that
"Roosevelt will carry the country by
an overwhelming majority.” That is
the kind of prophecy which may be
expected from the Democratic na
tional publicity agency—which dis
tributed the McKellar statement.
And undoubtedly the Republican
propaganda mill will be Just as
hopeful of success for Wendell L.
Willkie, the G. O. P. nominee for
President.
One thing stands out today, how
ever. The Democrats attending the
•party’s national convention—many
of them—were by no means as
hopeful of success as the McKellar
statement. Indeed, not only did they
admit the coming campaign looked
like a real battle, but some of them
expressed the opinion that Mr.
Roosevelt would have a difficult time
winning at all. Nor did the conduct
of the national convention give them
more hope. The President’s state
ment, indicating that he did not
wish to be a candidate and has never
been a candidate, w'as taken with a
very large grain of salt in view of
the way delegates had been lined up ‘
to vote for Mr. Roosevelt at the
convention, with never a suggestion
from the White House that this was
not acceptable. The dictation of the
nomination of Secretary Wallace for
Vice President and the uproar in
the convention itself against this
dictation did not leave a happy
impression on the country.
This campaign is still in the mak
ing and extravagant ‘claims by either
Democrats or Republicans are at
present just extravagant.
Announcement that the notifica
tion of Wendell Willkie that he has
been nominated for President by
the Republican National Convention
has been set for August 17. That is
the date that National Chairman
James A. Farley of the Democratic
National Committee has fixed for
withdrawing from that office.
Whether the selection of the date by
Mr. Willkie was just a coincidence
or was planned that way has not
been disclosed.
Wants Name of Mars
CAMBRIDGE, Mass., July ZhUP.—
Without mentioning whether he had
been influenced by affairs in Eu
rope, Platon John Cokkinias Of Ar
lington petitioned the Middlesex
Probate Court to change his last
name to Mars.
We, the People
G. 0. P/s 'Schlieffen Plan' Held Knowingly
Sped by Draft-Roosevelt Democrats
By JAY FRANKLIN.
The classic German plan for invading Trance was devised by Gen.
von Bchlleffen before the first World War. It was known as the “Schlief
fen Plan” but it failed in 1914 because the Germans didn’t put enough
“oomph” into it. However, it remained a good plan and Hitler used it in
1940, with considerable help from the French, to smash through to victory.
The Republican "Schlieffen Plan” of the campaign was devised by
Bruce Barton for the 1936 Landon affair. It failed then but this year
the G. O. P. high command blew the dust off the documents and started
the old one-two-three of four years ago. First, the candidate is hustled
out to Colorado to get a Western frontier flavor into the early stages of
his campaign—chuck wagons, rodeos. High Rockies and low politics. Sec
sSLc
JN KANDY U
*—j
mm
M
MM
ond, the parade of the political
wooden soldiers—the lame ducks
and anti-Roosevelt Democrats tak
: ing a walk into the rival camp.
Third, a touchingly simple return to
the boyhood home of the candidate
■ for an acceptance speech against the
background of front porches, arch
' ing sycamores and/or elms, and
nostalgic memories of the good old
days.
The Willkie campaign is now in
its second stage, thanks to the New Deal strategy at Chicago. The draft
Roosevelt leaders threw their weight against the proposal to nominate by
“acclamation” in order to develop the maximum of dissent at the outset.
This was designed to prevent subsequent betrayals by fifth column or
Trojan horse tactics within the party and the Democratic National Com
mittee.
Familiar Faces and Lame Ducks
So far, the old familiar faces of those who took the walk in 1936 are
relieved only by lame ducks of the Democratic party. Thus Senator
Burke of Nebraska, repudiated at the primaries for a second term, has
expressed his deep opposition to a third term for Roosevelt. Senator Holt
of West Virginia, also repudiated for a second term by his own party, is
the author of the pending anti-third-term resolution in the Senate. John*
nie Hanes, former Undersecretary of the Treasury, Is a lame duck of
another color. After his resignation from the little cabinet, he failed to
get the coveted receivership of the Associated Gas and Electric, and so
marches to Mr. Willkie hand in hand with former Budget Director Lew
Douglas, a vintage lame duck who took his toddle back in 1936, like George
N. Peek, former A. A. A. adminis
trator, who bounced to Landon after
Wallace and Hull had failed to fol
low his advice.
Alfalfa Bill Murray, another
"ex” of Oklahoma, is with them, and
you could have knocked any given
New Dealer over with a 10-ton truck
at word that the veteran pedestrian
of 1936 was on the march to Colo
rado Springs. A1 ("Good Loser”)
Smith, John ("Du Pont”) Raskob
and jouett ("Liberty League ”) Shouse hit the trail only a few strides be
hind "ex” Senator Reed of Missouri, who took his own peculiar walk about
20 years ago.
Stage Army
Much of this political ambling suggests the stem march of a stage
army, striding past the footlights and then scampering back behind the
scenes to keep up the appearance of a great body of men. Yet there is no
doubt that many more will Join the Barton plan this year than in 1936,
and it is entirely possible that there will be enough of them to go through
the motions of setting up “Jeffersonian' and “Constitutional Democrat”
and “Kilowatt” parties in several States where there is hope*of splitting
the New Deal ticket in favor of Wendell L. Willkie.
All this was foreseen by the draft-Roosevelt Democrats. It is painful
and may become dangerous but they feel safer in having their enemies
removed from behind their backs and take place with the ranks of the
Republicans now than later in the campaign, when they might betray
and rabotage the effort to promote national unity and national defense
under Roosevelt and the New Deal.
(Released by Consolidated News Features. Inc.)
'Gimp' Gets New Trial
In Ruth Etting Case
By the Associated Press.
SAN FRANCISCO, July 25.—Cali
fornia's Supreme Court has decided
that Martin (The Gimp) Snyder
should have a new trial on a charge
of attempting to kill Myrl Alderman,
who succeeded him as the husband'
of Ruth Etting, radio singer.
The decision, handed down yes
terday, cited “prejudicial error’’ in
the charge to the trial Jury in Los
Angeles Superior Court, which con
victed Snyder December 22, 1938,
on a charge of attempted murder.
Pending a decision on the appeal,
Snyder, who contended he shot and
wounded Alderman in self defense,
has been a prisoner in the Los An
geles County jail.
The shooting in Miss Etting’s
home followed the alleged abduc
tion by Snyder of the singer, her
secretary and Alderman as they
emerged from a Los Angeles radio
station. Just after the trial opened
Miss Etting and Alderman eloped.
Pennsylvania Draft Plans
Ready for Immediate Use
By the Associated Press.
HARRISBURG. Pa.. July 25 —
Pennsylvania’s plans for drafting its
share of a national army are ready
to be set in motion whenever Gov.
Arthur H. James and Congress give
the signal.
Maj. Gen. Edward Martin, com
mander of the Pennsylvania Na
tional Guard, disclosed arrange
ments for setting up 420 local boards
throughout the State to select the
men who will fill the ranks of the
armed forces.
The mobilization plans had been
tucked away in the department of
military affairs since January 30,
1935, ready for use when needed.
They bore the signature of Fred
erick B. Kerr, then adjutant gen
eral of Pennsylvania.
Key officers who will administer
conscription in this State already
have selected, tentatively, the citi
zens who would be asked to serve
on the Selective Service Boards,
without pay.
This
Changing
World
British Decide Attack
Is Best Defense; Hurl
Bombers at Reich
By CONSTANTINE BROWN.
The German people and even
tome high Nazi officials can’t quite
grasp why the British have not been
brought to their knees by the
Fuehrer * threat
that unless Brit
ain gives up it
will be de
stroyed.
What aston
ishes them more
is the fact that
the British, in
stead of keeping
all their planes
at home to meet
the colossal air
armada Hitler
intends to throw
against the Isles,
are actually at
Constantine Brown, tacking Ger
many and Italy everywhere.
The British are slow to learn, but
they learn well when they get a real
lesson.
From the outbreak of the war
they concurred fully with the
French general staff on a policy of
defense. Many younger officers in
both armies urged a mass air at
tack on Berlin as far back as last
September when the Poles were still
fighting; others wanted to attack
Italy to show the Allied armies' of
fensive spirit. But the overcautious
general staffs of both armies refused
to listen to such crazy ideas. The
old slogan that time was working
for the Allies was in full force and
the armies squatted comfortably,
with showerbaths and football
games, behind the Maglnot Line.
Attack Only Defense.
Things have changed now. The
British general staff, composed of
different men, has come to realize
that a nation can defend itself in
only one way: By attacking the
enemy or even the prospective en
emy.
The British are no longer count
ing how many planes they have and
how many they will have left "if
• * • and should • • They Just
go right ahead and blast the Ger
mans wherever and whenever they
can. They started timidly, fearing a
bad reaction from the public if a
large number of planes were lost.
But they found that the public had
grasped that military concept of
every strategist since Alexander.
To the great surprise of the Brit
ish military and political men these
raids have paid satisfactory divi
dends. They have caused serious
damage to the Germans and, what
is more important, they have actu
ally delayed the German attack.
Arms Factories Damaged.
Not only has the German offen
sive been delayed, but some arms
factories within the range of British
bombers have suffered such damage
that they will be out of business for
several weeks.
The effective British raids are not
considered by military experts to
have put off indefinitely the Ger
man attack. They have the dis
advantage of making the Germans
more cautious. But they have
proved to those countries in Ger
many’s path and capable of defend
ing themselves—the United States,
for instance—that there is only
one effective defense in military
strategy: To attack as soon as you
are menaced.
DODGE
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