Evening star. [volume], August 06, 1940, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
War Possible
Under Call
To Guard
Conflict Could Be
Entered Without
A Declaration
By DAVID LAWRENCE.
Congress this week may, in effect,
authorize the military forces of the
United States to participate in war
without a for
mal declaration
of war.
While it is
commonly sup
posed that un
der the Consti
tution the Unit
ed States can
not enter a war
without a for
mal declaration
of war, this is
not accurate.
Under another
section of the
Constitution, the
calling out of
David Lawrence.
the National Guard may become
equivalent to entry into a war in
which there has been an Invasion
by foreign forces.
Section 8 of article 1 of the Con
stitution says:
"The Congress shall have power
• • * to provide for calling forth
the militia to execute the laws of
the Union, suppress insurrection
and repel invasions."
It is generally conceded that the
United States will not enter the
present war except when attacked,
or, to put it another way, only "to
repel invasion.” There will be no
necessity for a formal declaration
of war hereafter, or for the Presi
dent to get any further authority
from Congress in the event that
the bill authorizing the National
Guard is passed by both houses of
Congress this week. At a moment's
notice, the President as commander
in chief of the Army and Navy can
order both into instant action “to
repel invasion” and he can send
troops to any part of the United
States or to our overseas possessions
and even into foreign territories if
such action is part of an expedition
which is endeavoring "to repel in
vasion.”
In view of the suddenness with
which aerial warfare can be begtin,
it may become necessary for Ameri
can airplanes abruptly to land on
bases in nearby seas where action
hostile to the United States may
have begun or be in contemplation
by other air forces.
Authorization for Action.
Heretofore, the President could
always order the landing of ma
rines on foreign territories pre
sumably to protect American citi
zens and their properties and it
has never been considered neces
sary to get formal authorization
from Congress. Our naval forces
have appeared in foreign ports and
in the case of Vera Cruz actually
bombarded the town and landed
naval forces in 1914 without a pre
vious authorization from Congress,
though, in this instance, President
Wilson did seek and did obtain
congressional ratification shortly
thereafter.
Once the die is cast, however,
authorization is rarely withheld for
American forces are then in the
midst of their military or naval
operations. In the present case,
everything will depend on whether
the Nazis make a move either di
rectly or through their French
pawns. There are parts of the
Western Hemisphere now belonging
to France through which embar
rassment may arise if the Nazis de
cide to launch any attacks or to
assist in the fomentation of trouble.
The calling out of the militia gives
the President power to repel any
invasion on United States territory
with the National Guard, but he
has the broad power already to send
the Regular Army into any part of
the world where the Navy has gone
to protect American interests.
Possibility of Attack.
It is generally supposed that the
draft army and the National Guard
will be trained for home defense
and that the regulars will be used
for any overseas duty if an emer
gency arises.
The framers of the Constitution
may never have heard of a “blitz
krieg” but they did take into ac
count the possibility of a sudden
attack when there would not be
time for a President to assemble
Congress and obtain a formal de
claration of war. In present day
history, formal declarations of war
have become obsolete. Undeclared
war is the rule rather than the ex
ception. For this reason, the pre
caution being taken by the Presi
dent in summoning the National
Guard to service is in line with the
belief of the founding fathers that
Congress could provide in advance
for the calling out of the State
militia “to repel invasion.”
There is nothing in the Constitu
tion which defines what “invasion”
means but it is to be assumed that
“invasion” is synonymous with at
tack by a foreign power against any
territory or military or naval force
of the United States.
Interests Defined.
Recently both Houses of Con
gress by overwhelming vote defined
American interests in this hem
isphere. This was in connection
with a resolution reaffirming the
Monroe Doctrine. Would any in
vasion of the Western Hemisphere
conflicting with the terms of that
resolution be considered an “in
vasion” in the sense in which the
Constitution uses the term? The
answer is that the President by the
end of this week will have obtained
full authority derived from two
steps, each of which has been sepa
The Capital Parade
Once Facts Are Known, Defense Commission's Acts
Seem Good Lesson in Wise Management
By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER.
The labors of William S. Knudsen, Edward R. Stettlnius and their
colleagues are more discussed than understood. Currently there is con
siderable agitation, both in the press and among certain members of the
administration, over the commission’s choice of a “preference" rather
than a “legal priority” procurement system to expedite defense armament
orders. Once the facts are understood, however, this decision of the com
mission seems an excellent lesson in the wise management of a great
defense program.
Easier Way First
Design and procurement are the two major problems created by every
defense program since the Carthaginian women sacrificed their hair for
bowstrings to be used against the Roman legions of Scipio Africanus.
The problem of design lies in the difficulty of getting the military and
navai experts to rnaxe up tneir
minds which are the best weapons
to order. Since the advent of Henry
Stimson and Col. Frank Knox at
the War and Navy Departments,
the Defense Commission is under
stood to be finding the going some
what easier in this respect.
Once it is decided what to
order, however, the problem of pro
curement—of placing the orders
and getting them executed as
.BUT WHY THE |T , THT ^
PREFERENCE" TS THt EASIEST WAY
STS™I£i_ .
iapiaiy as possiDie—still remains. In a modern Industrial society, unless
it is desired to imitate Germany's example of virtually abandoning the
production of consumers’ goods, the procurement problem is fantastically
complex.
T^e industrial machine is not geared to take the heavy additional
load of armaments production. Bottlenecks develop. Conflicts con
stantly arise between the requirements of the armament program and
the requirements of makers of consumers' goods. The bottlenecks must
be broken. The conflicts must somehow be settled in favor of national
defense.
The Defense Commission's co-ordinator of procurement is the able
Donald Nelson, whose former position as a high official of Sears, Roebuck
& Co. guarantees broad experience in the entire industrial field. Nelson
was well aware of the troubles ahead when he took his job. He made an
elaborate study of the entire question and presented findings and recom
mendations to Knudsen, Stettinius and their colleagues. After careful
consultation among themselves and with the President, the commission
members decided to try the easier way first.
Specifically, the commission decided to give a trial to the “preference"
system of procurement. Under this system, to take a simple example, the
Army and Navy decide they want a certain item of equipment, to build
which a certain kind of machine tool is needed. The Defense Commission
places the order with the manufacturer. The manufacturer reports that
he cannot get necessary machine tools because a refrigerator company,
preparing to put out a new model, has signed up the machine tool plant's
full production. The Defense Commission then goes to the refrigerator
company, asks that presentation of the new model be deferred in the
Interests of national defense, and obtains voluntary preference for the
armament order.
Orders Placed With Ease
Henry Ford is the only important industrialist who has so far refused
co-operation to the commission. Orders totaling $1,800,000,000 have been
placed with comparative ease. The commission members realize, of course,
that trouble may come when they start spending what Knudsen affection
ally calls “my $4,000,000,000.” Knudsen uses the possessive phrase because
he was the chief influence in per
suading the President to go the
whole way with the big appropria
tions request. It may be imagined
that If trouble does arise, he will not
hesitate long to deal with it firmly.
The system of procurement by
"legal priorities" is being kept in
reserve, in fact, for just such an
emergency.
Under this system, the Defense
Commission will simply assert the
priority of war orders over private orders, witnout trouDung to sees
co-operation by negotiation. The experience of Bernard M. paruch and
Charles G. Dawes in the last war demonstrated that such a system cannot
be operated merely in segments of the industrial structure. All of industry
must be placed under fairly close structure. Prices must be carefully
watched, since the threat of an assertion of priority in every field makes
for an inflationary rush to build up inventories of consumers’ goods.
Generally speaking, the commission chose to try the preference
eystem because the other was too cumbersome and complex. It may be
stated quite unequivocally, however, that the commission's choice was
not dictated bv any desire on the part of the President or the commission
members to give industry or the public an easy time at the expense of
the national defense. If the necessity arises, the legal priorities system
will be resorted to at once.
(Released bx North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.)
__
rately authorized by Congress. One
defines American interests and the
other authorizes the calling out of
the militia "to repel invasion.”
Also, the major part of the Ameri
can fleet is in the Pacific. The
Philippines are still a part of the
territory of the United States. If
at any time, in order to defend the
Philippines, it should become neces
sary, for instance, for American
naval forces to order hostile navies
to keep at a distance from the
American possessions, complications
might arise which might require the
American Navy to engage at once
in military operations involving the
use of some 20.000 troops of our
Regular Army now stationed in the
Philippines and the Philippine
militia.
The important fact to be remem
bered is that when Congress votes
to call out the National Guard, it
does so in conformity with a con
stitutional requirement. Thus, both
Houses of Congress in advance ac
tually authorize possible war which
may grow out of attacks by foreign
powers.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
Traffic Ticket Adjusted
For Wadsworth
Representative Wadsworth of New
York and several persons with dip
lomatic connections appeared on the
weekly traffic ticket fixing list re
leased yesterday by the Police De
partment. The list revealed 5 can
cellations and 48 warnings.
The violation charged against the
ticket listed to Mr. Wadsworth was
"parked within 24 feet of building
line,” The ticket was changed to a
warning.
Those with diplomatic connec
tions were Singo Kasiwagi. Alban
Towers Apartment; Tonina T. Hem
mingson, Netherlands Legation, and
John J. Long, Japanese Embassy.
Ovtr 50,000
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Factory t Tobaeeo
Repairs Blending
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AIR COOLED
EISEMAN’S
F STREET AT 7th
Women to Be Given Part
In Synagogue Service
By the Aetoeiited Presi.
CHICAGO, Aug. 6.—Jewish wom
en, the Rabbinical Association of
the Hebrew Theological College has
decided, are to have long denied
places of prominence in the Ortho
dox Synagogue.
The association, whose members
include Jewish spiritual leaders of
the United States and Canada, an
nounced the decision yesterday and
named a committee to frame the
necessary ritual which will bring to
an end a custom followed for 2,000
years.
Explained Rabbi Maurice Solo
mon of Kansas City: “This step is
not to be considered a reform like
those of the more liberal temples,
but a move to strengthen the exist
ing law and to give it an external
form which would attract Jewish
womanhood to the traditional
synagogue.”
CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The
Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
The Political Mill
Willkie's Chances of Winning South Do Not Appear
Bright Despite Many Voters' Anti-Third Term Stand
By G. GOULD LINCOLN.
FALMOUTH, Mass., Aug. 6 —
Northern Republicans—and Demo
crats—are interested academically
as well as politically in the an
nouncea deter
mination of
Wendell L. Will
kie to campaign
in the States of
the “solid
South." The Re
publican presi
dential candi
date is relying
on the antipathy
of many South
e r n Democrats
to the Roosevelt
attempt to break
the nearly 150
year-old prece
dent against a
G. Gould Lincoln.
tmrcl term tor any president or tne
United States. He believes, too, that
the South as well as the Middle
West and the North, is becoming fed
up with the New Deal.
Probably, too, the G. O. P. nomi
nee feels that anti-third term Demo
crats in the South will have less
trouble voting for him than they
would for another Republican can
didate. He was a member of the
Democratic party himself for many
years and, while living in Ohio,
played a part in the Democratic
campaigns of a decade ago. He
points to the fact that he voted for
President Roosevelt in 1932, although
he left him in 1936.
The habit of democracy, however,
is ingrained in the vast majority
of Southern voters. It is true that
in 1928. when former Gov. Alfred
E. Smith of New York was the
Democratic presidential nominee,
four States of the South—Texas,
Florida, North Carolina and Vir
ginia—broke away from their tradi
tional political affiliation and gave
their electoral votes to a Republican,
Herbert Hoover. The issues then
went deep in the hearts of Southern
voters. They declined to vote for a
Catholic for President. And many
of them refused also to vote for a
champion of repeal of national pro
hibition.
Not Same Appeal.
The third-term issue, while it
appeals to many of the thinking
voters as fundamental, has not the
same passionate appeal that the is
sues of 1928 possessed for voters in
the South. Furthermore, the New
Deal administration in Washington
has done a great many things for
the poorer people of the South. It
has distributed to them many dif
ferent kinds of subsidy and relief.
The chances that Mr. Willkie,
therefore, can break into the South
and carry one or more States, do
not at this time appear bright.
True, the Republican candidate has
not yet begun to fight. His cam
paign is still to be made. To count
a defeat for the man who did the
incredible and won the Republican
presidential nomination against the
party organization leaders, despite
the fact that he was a recognized
public utility magnate and until a
year ago, registered as a Democrat,
would be premature in a year of
strange happenings.
The fact, however, that many of
the businessmen of the South are
turning to Mr. Willkie does not
necessarily mean that he has a
chance to carry some of these
Southern States. Apparently none
of the party's recognized leaders
in the South, or a very few of
them, are going to support Mr. Will
kie. The statement of Senator
Glass of Virginia that he would vote
again for President Roosevelt falls
like a damper on Willkie hopes in
the South. For Senator Glass is
the man who took the Democratic
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National Convention to task for
breaking down the third-term tra
dition. when he placed in nomina
tion Postmaster General Farley to
run for the presidential nomination.
Glass Supported Smith.
Senator Glass, however, supported
Mr. Smith in 1928, and so did prac
tically all of- the other Democratic
leaders of the South. There were a
few exceptions—for example, former
Senator Heflin of Alabama and for
mer Senator Simmons of Norv,h
Carolina. Both of these Senators,
when next they came up for re
nomination, were defeated for their
defection from their traditional
democracy. And what happened to
those gentlemen probably will have
today a deterent effect on other
Democratic leaders in the South, no
matter how much they are opposed
to a third term.
Reports come, however, from a
surprising number of Southern
Democrats that they do not Intend
to vote again for Mr. Roosevelt.
The point is, however, that it will
require almost a political revolution
in these Southern States to have Mr.
Willkie carry one of them. In the
first place, the number of Repub
lican voters in these States is small,
very small, as compared with the
overwhelming Democratic majori
ties. The G. O. P. has been able
in the past to make a respectable
showing in North Carolina, and the
Republican vote in Florida has been
on the increase, due to the im
migration from the North and West.
It is necessary, therefore, for a very
large number of Democrats to go
over to the Willkie ticket, if the
Republicans are to carry any one of
these States.
Protest By Not Voting.
Some of the Southern Democrats
will make their protest against the
Roosevelt third-term nomination by
merely refraining from voting in
the presidential election. This might
be effective in States where the
two parties are more nearly equal
numerically. These protesting Dem
ocrats say frankly they cannot bring
themselves to vote for a third term.
They add they cannot bring them
selves to vote a Republican ticket.
In Massachusetts, and indeed, in
all New England, the Willkie boom
has been going strong. The Re
publicans insist that if the election
were held today, the Republican
candidate would surely win in this
State. There has been a great
amount of real enthusiasm for Mr.
Willkie—and against Mr. Roosevelt
—on the part of a considerable
number of men and women who
have rarely before taken any ac
tive part in politics. That is true,
indeed, in other parts of the coun
try.
That enthusiasm was what made
Mr. Willkie's nomination possible
We the People
'Let George Do It!' Seems to Be Americans' Cry
When It Concerns Stopping Hitler
By JAY FRANKLIN.
The resistance to the national service bill is a reminder that, for wide
sections of our people, our national motto Is not "In God We Trust!" but
"Let George Do It!”
And who Is George?
Well, In the 1920s, George appeared principally under the disguise of
the Kellogg-Briand Pact outlawing war, and George’s prophet was the late
Senator Borah of Idaho, who as late as a year ago told President Roosevelt
and Secretary of State Hull he had private sources of information which
said there would be no war.
Then, after Hitler got going, George was none other than Comrade
Stalin and the Red Army, which stood as a mighty bulwark between this
Nation and the necessity of doing anything about anything. Who could
have been more Indignant and outraged than ourselves when the Com
munists laid down on their Jobs and signed a pact with Nazi Germany?
Others Step Forward
After that George became personified in the gallant Allies, heroic
Prance and plucky England. They could be counted on, with their
mighty empires, to harry the horrible Hitler, mess up the monstrous
Mussolini, nullify the naughty Nipponese and stymie the astounding
%
atann. wnen rrance went out nae
a scandal, we felt pretty much an
noyed, although we had lost some
of pur fervor In denouncing the
treachery of King Leopold of Bel
gium in making peace for his
prostrate country.
So it all boiled down to the
simple proposition that America ex
pects every Englishman to do his
duty, in putting a stop to all this
Nazi nonsense about a “New Europe.”
Even this, we now see, may not be enough. We may find ourselves
in the horrible position of being forced to defend our lives, our fortunes
and our sacred honor—or is it our scared honor?—by ouc»own exertions.
For the moment, England and her empire are still George so far as
we are concerned, but our isolationists—who imagine that the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans constitute a foreign policy instead of suggesting such a
policy—are hunting around for domestic substitutes.
George, say the patriots, should be every able-bodied man and woman
between the ages of 18 and 65. “But that isn't George!” scream the
pacifists and appeasers, "that’s us—we—ourselves!”
“Let George be only the boys between the ages of 21 and 31! That's
our suggestion.” Others say that George ought to be a volunteer. Former
Secretary of War Woodring makes that astounding suggestion: If anybody
is to die for the defense of the American way of life, he should step for
ward and sign on the dotted line. Senator Taft of Ohio agrees, as do
other of Hitler's unconscious friends and allies over here.
George Is Somebody Else
So George, it is solemnly proposed, shall be some hungry kid from the
farm belt, a gangling youth from the Courthouse Square, a W. P A.
worker, a medical student who loves his country, a college grad specializing
in engineering, a man who is tired of the cares and worries of family life,
a vagrant trying to Deat tne rap, a
chicken thief paroled to the recruit
ing officer, a high school senior look
ing for adventure, a drunk who
didn’t know what he was signing,
somebody else, anybody else—any
body.
Yes, we want to win the war
against the dictators but we want
George to do it for us. Labor unions
fear it means the threat of mili
tarism in our social life. Big busi
, win)
ness fears it will add to President Roosevelt's power. Isolationists, pacifists
and appeasers fear it will put America into Europe's wars. The pro-Nazis
and those who follow the Communists’ party line fear that it will throw
out the calculations of Berhchtesgaden and the Kremlin. Politicians fear
it will cost votes. Wall Streeters fear it will cost money.
Let George do it! Let somebody else put on the uniforms, man the
tanks, fly the planes, fight the ships! For years it has been said that
America's foreign policy is not to have a foreign policy. Now it looks as
though America’s defense was not to have a defense—except for George,
and George—well—he's always the other guy.
at the Philadelphia convention five
or six weeks ago. It is that en
thusiasm and popular support which
has worried the New Dealers in
their early efforts to turn back
Mr. Willkie. It has permeated a
large part of the great middle class
in this country—the class which in
the past has won elections again
and again. It has gone through the
businessmen, big and little, like a
prairie fire.
Waiting on Willkle Speech.
The campaign is still to get under
way. The country is waiting for
Mr. Willkie's acceptance speech, to
(See LINCOLN, Page A-10.)
Men! Prices Reduced in Our
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$20.00 & $27.75 TROPICAL WORSTED(L QC
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i : ; “
Destroyer
Decision 'Up
To President'
British Aid Problem
Calls for Competent
Authority, Eliot Says
By MAJ. GEORGE FIELDING
ELIOT.
I desire to be clearly understood
on this matter of transferring de
stroyers from the United States Navy
to that of Great Britain. In my ar
ticle of Sunday, I pointed out that
the statements made about our large
"surplus” of destroyers were not true,
when compared with normal re
quirements for our own naval estab
lishment. If therefore we are going
to transfer any destroyers, let us
see clearly what we are doing; let
us weigh the risk against the ad
vantage, and if the risk is consid
erable, let us be sure that we reap
a corresponding advantage.
I insist that the only competent
authority who can determine what
ought to be done in his matter is
the President, after carefully weigh
ing the advice of the War and Navy
Departments, whose intelligence
services have information which no
one else in this country can obtain
or evaluate as they can. If in their
judgment 50 or 60 destroyers would
make the difference between defeat
and victory to Great Britain, then
by all means let these ships be
transferred as speedily as possible.
Stimson’s Statement Cited.
In no other way could we obtain
such valuable defense Insurance for
the same expenditure. But it waa
only last week that the Secretary of
War, speaking, it must be presumed,
with the knowledge obtained through
his intelligence division, stated that
Great Britain might be totally de
feated within 30 days. One must
presume such statements to be made
by a man like Col. Stimson with full
sense of responsibility; and if that
is the case, then it is necessary to
point out that it is unlikely that our
destroyers could make any difference
in time to be of service.
i am most anxious that every aid
be given to Britain which is con
sistent with our own safety; but I
am even more anxious that the
United States Fleet, which may be
the last hope of freedom in this
world, shall not be frittered away in
vain.
I am not afraid of “acts of war.”
I have repeatedly stated that such
definitions no longer have a mean
ing. If it is to our advantage, if it
is worthwhile to send these destroy
ers, by all means send them. I do
not think, however, that the people
who are urging this action are com
petent to Judge of its advisability or
its risks. Indeed, some of them pro
claim their incompetence by the
arguments they put forth.
Columnists' Figures Disputed.
Two well-known Washington col
umnists, Messrs. Alsop and Kintner.
for example, in a syndicated article,
state:
“The American Navy hag more
than 300 destroyers, or more than
all the navies in the world put
together.” I have before me on my
desk an official letter from the Navy
Department stating the number of
under-age destroyers in our Navy to
be 76, over-age, 123: total, 199
(This, of course, excludes vessels of
destroyer type which have beer,
converted into other types, such as
minelayers, mine sweepers, etc., and
have ceased to be destroyers. Of
these there are 46. plus 3 others
for experimental duties. We still
do not get 300, or even 250.)
The total number of destroyers in
"all the other navies of the "world”
is 549, if the word “other” is—some
what disingenuously — intended to
exclude the British Navy, the total
is still 389. And this excludes many
vessels of the German, Italian, Jap
anese and other fleets which are
rated as torpedo boats, but are
almost as large and formidable as
the American average destroyers
which are now under discussion.
If It is indeed true, as claimed,
that the State, War and Navy De
partments are united in this matter
and are advising the President ac
cordingly, then it is to be presumed
that the President will in due course
recommend to the Congress suitable
legislation to permit the destroyers
to be transferred. Should he do so,
acting on such advice, I should have
nothing but applause for his action.
Let no aid that we can safely send
to Great Britain be withheld; let
us, indeed, take any reasonable risk
to help her. But let us also re
member that the Island of Great
Britain may prove untenable; and
that if that is so, then upon us in
company with the British Domin
ions, falls the heavy responsibility
of being the last bulwark of kuman
liberty and human rights in a dark
ening world.
No Place for Whims.
That is a responsibility with which
we have no right to take light
hearted chances. The risks and
problems of day-to-day decisions
can be faced only in the light of
the fullest information, the most
competent professional judgment.
I have studied these matters of
strategy and naval policy all my
life, and I do not feel competent to
pronounce judgment on what we
ought to do. I do not think any
journalist or any society of well
meaning enthusiasts, has a right to
be didactic about such irretrievable
decisions. It would, in my opinion,
be unfortunate in the last degree if
such military decisions became com
monly the subject of ill-informed
and irresponsible agitation.
There is every difference between
this decision and one of military
policy, such as the question of con
scription. Matters of policy are
properly the subject of public de
bate; the acts of the Executive in
the conduct of war are far less so.
And this act falls within that defini
tion. The responsibility rests first
of all with the President and hia
advisers. They should be left to
the discharge of it without the pres
sure of agitation by those who have
neither the sources of information
nor the experience to judge such
matters.
(Coprrtcht. 1940, by New York
Tribune. Ine.)
Topeka Banker Dies *
TOPEKA, Kans., Aug. 6 (TP).—John
V. Abrahams. 72, secretary-treasurer
of the Security Benefit Association
for 32 years and a director of
numerous Topeka banks and com
panies, died last night.
Diamond dealers in Antwerp. BeU
glum, report a shortage of small
stones.
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