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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, September 29, 1940, Image 29

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Text of Willkie Speech
** Nominee Pledges to Make Demands
On People, Not Promise Them More
By the Associated Press.
YONKERS. N. Y., Sept. ?«.—
Following is the text of a speech
nt the Republican State Conven
tion tonight by Wendell L. Will
kie. Republican presidential nom
inee:
I come before you tonight to make
a report on the progress of the
crusade in which we are engaged—
the crusade to gfve this Nation back
to the American people.
I have just returned from two
weeks among those people. I have
talked with hundreds of them. I
have addressed hundreds of thou
sands and I have seen millions. My
faith in them is-redoublcd. You and
I will never let them down.
I think the record will bear me
^ out that never before in the 18
States through which I passed have
so many persons turned out to see
and hear a presidential candidate.
No man could receive the atten
tion of such crowds without a sense
of humility. I have been deeply
touched. Yet I know that it is not
1 who draw them to stand, perhaps
for hours, in long cheering Unes. It
Is something else—it is something
in this year of 1940—a challenge
which we Republicans must meet.
Why So Eager?
Why So Concentrated?
I have looked down into the faces
of the people from many platforms,
and when I meet their eagerness
and concentrated attention I think
to myself: These are the free peo
ple: these are the people who have
madp of democracy the strongest
kind of government on earth.
Why are they so eager? Why is
their attention so concentrated?
I will tell you why.
The American people admire sim
plicity. They are frugal. They are
honest. They love the democratic
process. They believe in themselves.
• and therefore they believe in
America.
But these people are living in one
^ of the greatest economic depres
sions of history. They have seen
their industries decline and their
standard of living contract. They
have seen unemployment accepted
as normal, and during the past four
years they have actually seen it
rise, during the last seven years they
have seen the average level of farm
prices fall below the level of the
preceding seven years. They have
seen the national income hover
around the level of 1920 and fail
even to reach the level oj 1926.
“You Can Live on Us”
Called New Deal Doctrine.
In this desperate situation the
New Deal party has come to the
American people and has said: We
will provide for you. we will take
care of the unemployed, we will
subsidize your farms, we will be the
friend of the common man. Our re
sources are unlimited. You can live
on us.
The New Deal party preached
that false doctrine to the free and
Independent people of America.
Because they were desperate the
people accepted that doctrine. They
, accepted it as an emergency doc
trine. They permitted the New Deal
to spend $60,000,000,000. They saw
the national debt Increased by $22,
000.000.000. They accepted an enor
mous increase in taxes, and in the
size of the Federal bureaucracy
which now employs one-fortieth of
the working population.
But these people are honest peo
ple and frugal. When they get
checks from Washington for produce
they haven't grown, or for working
at something that is wasteful, they
do not feel right about that. In
stinctively they feel that it can't
last. They know it can't last. There
must be an end to these doles and
debts. There must be an end to
the emergency.
Symptoms of Last Few Years
Preceded Collapses Elsewhere.
And then what? What will hap
pen after that?
When they ask this question the
people look out to the rest of the
world. Anri what do they find?
Why. they find that democracy has
collapsed almost everywhere on
earth.
And those of them who think most
about these things know that the
collapse of democracy elsewhere was
preceded by the same causes and
the same manifestations as we
- have here in America during the
last years.
Those of them who think most
■ bout these things know that col
lapse didn’t just happen. They
know that it was manmade, that
it was brought about by the failure
of the democracies to make them
selves strong and to believe deeply
and courageously in their wav of
life.
Those who think most about these
things know that in that failure
the New Deal administration had a
share and must bear part of the
responsibility. They know that the
economic policies of the New Deal
helped to disrupt the democratic
world. They know that the depres
sion in this country helped to pull
these other countries down.
I have seen this written in the
faces of the people: They know, as
free men, that the doctrines of the
New Deal must lead to the end of
freedom. Their future is dark and
uncertain. Therefore, they are spir
itually hungry. They are looking
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j for a light. They are listening for
; a voice.
And who speaks to them? Who
i lays the issues before them? Who
takes them into his confidence a«tl
helps them to solve their problems?
At this particular crisis in thier
| history the New Deal party cap
tured the Democratic convention
in Chicago. It went through a
transparent rigamarole about “draft
ing" a candidate for President.
In this critical hour the New Deal
party entrusted the destiny of the
great liberal cause of which it has
so often boasted to machine poli
ticians of the Bronx. Chicago and
Jersey City.
In this critical hour, when the
: traditions and institutions of de
■ mocracy are in special danger, the
New Deal party asks the people to
scrap one of their most basic tra
ditions. It injects into the cam
paign the disruptive issue of the
third term.
And all this while—all this anx
ious while—the man whom the New
Deal party has nominated, the man
whose trademark is on this depres
sion, the man whose foreign poli
cies helped to disrupt the demo
cratic world—that man is silent.
He will not discuss the issues that
trouble those people. He will not
tell the truth about their problems.
He has placed himself above them.
He says: Trust me. Trust me. I
can't explain it all to you. You
wouldn't understand. Perhaps 10
i years from now the archives will
i explain, but for the present you
! must trust me. You must believe
that I am indispensable.
mat Argument Called
A Novelty to America.
That is not ihe kind of political
argument that the American people
are accustomed to. That is not the
kind of debate by which they won
their way to freedom.
But that is why the faces that
look toward your candidate are so
eager. That is why thev are so ex
pectant—so full of hope.
Now fellow Republicans, it will not
be enough for us merely to win this
election. We must provide a new
leadership.
I have sought on my Western trip
to indicate some of the elements of
that leadership. Because you and
I believe that American society must
be protected from poverty and from
exploitation.
I have made certain pledges.
I have pledged to continue relief
until those on relief get jobs: to
continue and even to reinforce those
guarantees that labor has won; to
continue and even to improve those
elements of the present farm pro
gram, which if our national income
could be expanded, would help the
farmer to get his just share.
I have pledged us to make jobs.
I have explained to the people that
in order to fulfill this pledge we
must change our attitude toward
business; we must encourage it. We
must revise the tax system so that
It will create enterprise, not stran
gle it. We must open the way for
new enterprises to make more jobs.
New World Pledged
To Keep Country Dynamic.
But I have pledged much more
than that. Yes, I have traveled
through this country—through the
wheat and the com, through its fac
tones and freight sidings, through
its crowded cities and its empty des
ert plains. I have worked in many
of those spots with my hands, but
now I have seen them all again,
and I make this pledge, I pledge a
new world.
We have scarcely begun to build
this wonderful America. We have
scarcely begun to know what we
can do with our resources and our
man power. Please believe me—and
I have said this to hundreds of
thousands—please believe me, ours
is not a static society. We shall
die if we stand still. Ours is a
dynamic society in which one must
become two, and two must become
four, and four must become six
teen.
We must keep it dynamic. Please
believe me, we must understand
the dynamics of it. We must take
this democracy of ours and make
it effective. If it is to live it must
be effective.
We must keep in our minds the
I image of that effective democracy in
I the image of that new world, more
fruitful than the one we have,
more rewarding, more thoughful of
human life, more cultured; a world
which will be better to live in
than any world that any one has
imagined so far.
If we are to remain free we
must dare to imagine.
Pledges Must Be Fulfilled
With Steel and Blood.
And now I put it up to you,
fellow-Republicans. I confront you
with the question: Can we fulfill
those pledges?
They cannot be fulfilled by brain
trust schemes, or un chartpaper.
They must be fulfilled in steel and
concrete, and in the flesh and blood
of men.
The task that lies ahead of us is
the greatest task that has faced any
party since the Civil War—since that
other time of crisis and despair,
: when the Republican party did pro
' vide the leadership and did save
' this Union from destruction.
I cannot pretend—we must not
try to pretend—that this task can
be accomplished without sacrifice.
; No man can predict what the sac
rifices will be. They begin this year
with a new burden of taxes for de
fense, and a new and even more
staggering burden of debt.
But of this we may be sure. The
time has come when the Govern
ment must cease giving to the peo
ple. The time has come for the peo
ple to give to the Government.
Our administration will favor
every liberal advance to protect la
bor, to protect the farmer, to pro
tect American enterprise—to pro
tect the people from each other. It
is thus and only thus that the pre
clous goal of national unity can be
achieved.
But our administration will de
nounce the principle that the Amer
ican people are the Government's
people.
It will insist that the American
Government Is the people’s Govern
ment.
Task Called Stupendous;
Only One Promise to Make.
This task is not one that we can
accept limply. It Is a stupendous
task. To fulflll it we must rise
above ourselves.
To fulflll it we must rise above
the cliches and the doles of the
New Deal. We must rise above the
easy political phrases that are sup
posed to attract votes. We must
make demands upon our constitu
ents. not promise them more. We
have only one great promise to
make. We promise an effective, an
expanding, an impregnable democ
racy.
We do not make that promise
in the petty spirit of partisanship.
We make it in the spirit of those
great men who. before us, cut off
the long arm of tyrrany when it
reached across the Atlantic to grasp
our taxes, our Industries, and our
political rights.
We do not call it tyranny today.
We do not place upon its head a
crown, yet the starker words of our
20th century cannot hide its na
ture from our eyes, or make it any
less the scourge of free and vigor
ous men.
This is the scourge of government
above the people, without the peo
ple. and despite the people.
Let us go forth from this ineet
ing carrying a li£ht that men will
see for many centuries. Let us go
forth carrying the same light that
we can still see when we look back
to Abraham Lincoln, the greatest of
Republicans. Government of the
people, for the people and by the
people. With that light, and with
that alone, we shall make our way
into the new world. With that
light, and with that alone, we shall
rebuild America.
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TERMS 50' WEEKLY
n
Three House Members
Renominated by
Connecticut G. 0. P.
William J. Miller, Thomas
R. Ball and Dr. A. E. Austin
Are Those Named
Bt the Auociited Press.
NEW HAVEN. Conn., Sept. 28
Three of Connecticut's six incum
bent members of the House of Rep
resentatives were renominated to
day at Republican conventions in
the five congressional districts.
The Republican Representatives
again chosen to represent the party
in the November elections were Wil
liam J. Miller of the 1st district,
Thomas R. Ball of the 2d and Dr.
Albert E. Austin of the 4th. All
three were renominated without
opposition.
Contests resulted In the 3d and
5th districts, notably In the latter,
where Prank T. Johnson, young po
litical reporter for the Waterbury
American, led a field of five other
candidates for the nomination in
his first personal venture into pol
itics.
Maj. Ranulf Compton of Madison,
the 1938 nominee who lost the elec
| tion to Representative James A.
| Shanley, Democrat, was again nom
inated in the 3d district. The 5th
district incumbent is Representa
tive J. Joseph Smith, Democrat.
At its recent convention here the
State Republican party renominated
Representative Boleslaus J. Monkie
wlcz lor Representative at Large.
In the only Democratic conven
tion ol the day, Mayor William J.
Fitzgerald of Norwich, the 1938 nom
inee, was named by acclamation to
oppose Representative Ball in No
vember.
Alfred Bingham, son of former
Senator Hiram Bingham, a Re
publican. also was unanimously
nominated, as a 20th district can
didate for the State Senate on the
Democratic ticket.
The younger Bingham, a resi
dent of Salem, registered as a Dem
ocrat about a year ago. He Is pub
lisher of Commonsense. a magazine
published in New York City.
His father served two terms in the ;
Senate beginning in 1924.
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Polls Show Willkie
Ahead in Ohio and
Kansas District
Br the Associated Press.
NEW YORK, Sept. 28—Re
sults of newspaper presidential
polls over the country as of yes
terday :
Roose- Will
Kansas. velt. kie.
Hutchinson News
Herald 17th congres
sional district).. 1,518 2,059
Ohio.
Columbus Dispatch
(Statewide) . 7,061 7,398
Prof. S. S. Smith
To Lecture at G. W.
Prof. S. Stephenson Smith. edu-"»
cational counselor for the Ameri
can Society of Composers, Authors
and Publishers, will deliver a pub-*,
lie lecture Tuesday at George Wash
ington University on “Broadway
Tackles Politics."
A former Rhodes scholar now on
leave from Oregon University. Prof.
Smith Is lecturing before club’ar.d
college audiences and mating a
survey for the society of activity in
creative and interpretative arts. He
will speak in the Hall of Govern
ment, Room 102.
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