Evening star. [volume], July 13, 1941, Page C-3, Image 30

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
Desperate Russian Resistance Slows Up Germany's Formidable Panzer Divisions
Review of Ninety-Seventh Week of War
By John C. Henry.
Feature of last week’s war was the stationary fury of Adolf Hitler’s blitz
krieg into Red Russia. Having churned their way rapidly through Baltic
and Polish territories in first two weeks of Russ invasion, Nazi divisions
seemingly had come to a virtual standstill last week against Stalin Line,
main defense frontier of U. S. S. R.
Meaaw'hile, French and British finally halted fighting for truce in Syria.
Somewhat less intensively, British bombers continued banging at German
industrial centers and potential invasion bases.
Here, there was surprise announcement that American naval forces had
landed in Iceland; controversy over w-hether United States bases were being
constructed or planned in North Ireland and Scotland. On Thursday and
Friday President Roosevelt asked more than eight billion dollars in Army
Navy-maritime supplemental appropriations.
On Fighting Fronts
Berlin began the past week with its
eustomary claims of startling and spec
tacular successes, speaking somewhat i
specifically of gains in Bucovina and
Bessarabia, but less definitely of holes
being punched at unnamed points in
Stalin Line.
Dealing in large figures only, Nazi
headquarters listed 485 Soviet planes de
stroyed over week end as compared with |
21 Germans downed. It was wonderful,
Berlin indicated, with more than 7,000
Russian planes lost in two weeks, 300,
000 prisoners taken, and most “terrible”
Red atrocities uncovered in Ukraine.
Not to be outfigured. Moscow on Mon
day declared German offensive had been
stopped along entire 1,100-mile front,
with Red counter-attacks under way
at five distinct points. In 16 days, Mos
cow said, Nazis had lost nearly 1,000.000
men in dead and wounded.
In attempting to make choice between
contradictory versions, there was one
difference favoring that
Contradictory from Moscow, namely,
Communiques that Russian communi
ques named places
Where fighting was in progress, while
German pronouncements were pointedly
vague.
This distinction became even more
noticeable in Tuesday's communiques as
Moscow claimed precise successes along ;
600-mile central front, particularly at
bloodied Dnieper and Dnestr River banks.
Between these two natural battle lines, *
running generally north and south, Nazi
Luftwaffe hammered at key city of
Zhitomir, but of land action Berlin
sources complained only that Red de
fenders were using foul tactics of let
ting German units pass concealed case
mates for purposes of cutting them down
in rear, and that other Bolos played dead
until unwary invaders were entrapped.
It was on Tuesday, too. that first Bal
tic Sea engagement of this war was re
ported. with Russians claiming destruc
tion of two German minelayers and rout
ing of Nazi cruiser.
Berlin continued evasive on Wednes
day, after claiming successes in Estonia
and Finland, dismissing rest of struggle
by saying, “The fights continue success
ful on the entire eastern front.”
Moscow claimed a decisive victory in
North Russia with two motorized Ger
I 1 ' ~
man regiments badly shattered, and re
ported Nazi column aimed at Leningrad
under heavy artillery fire as its progress
was halted. Heaviest fighting, however,
was said to be around Polotsk, just ahead
of Stalin Line and one of points at which
German advance in 1918 halted. South
ward. Moscow said German-Rumanian
units had been thrown back across River
Prut, Bessarabian line.
From Axis-friendly Vichy came story
of shake-up in Finnish-German-Ruman
ian commands as climax of these con
tinuing days of Nazi failure to speed its
march for Moscow.
That this failure is a positive one was
reflected further on Thursday when
Soviet communique told of
Germans smashing German motorized
Slowed division between Lepel and
Borisov, well outside Stalin
Line and athwart most direct route to
Moscow. Nowhere did Reds admit re
verses and from Berlin came only asserr
tions that operations were "progressing
relentlessly.’’ Finally acknowledging
stories of Nazi failures, German spokes
man promised that there would be "an
entirely different picture’’ when the Ber
lin high command chooses to reveal the
facts.
But on Friday, D.N B„ official German
news agency, conceded that eastward
drive had been stalled. As explanation,
however, Berlin complained that high
ways were clogged by wrecked Russian
tanks and vehicles. Returning to big
figures, Nazi agency said 191 Soviet
planes and 375 trucks had been destroyed
in single day, while Luftwaffe pounded
again at Zhitomir. Confirming the stall
ing, Moscow said entire front was in
active except for reciprocal air engage
ments.
In pointing his main drive along the
Borisov-Moscow line, Hitler is following
course taken by Napoleon in 1812.
Launching his invasion on June 24 of
that year, only two days later in season
than was chosen by Hitler, French Em
peror led 450.000 men into Moscow, but
destruction of food supplies left him
facing bleak prospects. An unprofitable
month in Moscow was followed by deci
sion to retreat into Prussia, but blis
tering summer had turned to ravaging
winter by this time, with disastrous
results so well known to historians.
Meanwhile, French-British war in
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Syria was climaxed by a truce as British
besieged Beirut.
Land artilirry and naval batteries
played large part as British units, com
posed largely of Australians, blasted at
coastal city.
On Wednesday it was announced that
Vichy government had asked ‘'an imme
diate silencing of arms’’ and
French that American Consul General
Fight On at Beirut had been desig
nated as intermediary. For
two days then there were divergent re
ports from London, Beirut and Vichy as
to British reaction and true nature of
response for plea of peace.
It became established on Friday, how
ever, that Vichy had balked at British
terms—said to include surrender of arms
and warships, occupation of Syria by
British troops, and implied recognition
of De Gaulle Free French movement—
and that fighting might continue indefi
nitely.
French navfl units were reported to
have left Beirut during this period to
take refuge in Turkish port of Alex
andretta, but pressure from Berlin is
believed responsible for Vichy delay over
armistice and ferrying of French rein
forcements to Syria in German transport
planes was reported.
Active participation of Nazi facilities
In this conflict probably would be major
influence and might be fatal to British
hopes of maintaining defense of Suez
area. Truce was hopeful turn, therefore.
With main German air strength con
centrated on eastern front. British air
force continued night and day
R. A. F. blasting at industrial cities of
Busy Reich and Nazi-held ports
from Holland through Bel
gium and France.
Conflicting claims make it difficult to
appraise true results of these forays,
but burden of reports indicate that
R. A P. inflicted material damage at sev
eral key objectives even if cost was high
in planes and pilots.
Single major retaliatory assault by
Nazi flyers was against Southampton,
South England port.
At sea there was likewise a lull in in
tensive warfare, but of headline im
portance to Americans was announce
ment that six Red Cross nurses were !
believed lost in sinking of British mer
chant ship which cleared from Gulf
Coast port on June 5. Four other nurses
were reported safe.
And just to round up reports of fight- j
ing throughout this embarrassed world
—Japanese sources announced capture of
last Chinese coastal port, Wongkong, j
and two South American nations. Peru
and Ecuador, traded bullets over bound
aries.
* * * *
On Domestic Front
Most spectacular of domestic develop
ments during week was President Roose
velt's announcement on Monday that
naval forces that day had been landed
in Iceland as part of action to “forestall
any pincers movement undertaken by
Germany against the Western Hemi
sphere." Coupled with this action was
sending of substantial forces to Trinidad
and British Guiana, Middle Atlantic
bases now being maintained by this
Government.
Eventually, Mr. Roosevelt said. Amer
ican forces would replace estimated 80,
000 British troops which have been
occupying Iceland for past 15 months.
By this step, American Government
completed crescent-shaped chain of out
posts stretching from
U. S. "Tokes" Arctic Circle to Equator
Iceland and f°rmin8 line °f de
tense for entire Atlantic
seaboard of northern half of this hemi
sphere. To make this defensive gesture
fully effective, United States Fleet was
ordered to take all "necessary steps" to
maintain communications between bases
and continental mainland.
Out of Iceland disclosure developed
several verbal tempests.
First was exchange over fact that
Senator Wheeler, Montana Democrat,
four days earlier had declared publicly
that such a step was planned or under
way. London howled that advance dis
closure had jeopardized lives. British and
American, and Churchill dispatched “ex
pression of concern" directly to Roose
velt.
Following closely, however, was asser
tion by Senator Taft. Ohio Republican,
that American naval-air bases were
planned or under way in North Ireland
or Scotland. London answered this, too,
by saying that Americans were working
for British government on North Ire
land project and President affirmed this
by pointing to its complete legality.
Another storm raged over nature of
“necessary steps" which Navy had been
ordered to take for keeping sea lanes
clear, with Secretary Knox implying in
press conference that this would mean
shooting. Called before Senate commit
tee. Knox denied that shooting already
had occurred.
Because important phases of Ameri
can defense program are ahead of sched
ule. President Roosevelt
Billions asked Congress on
For Defense Thursday and Friday
for supplemental appro
priations of $4,770,000,000 for Army. *1,
625.000.000 for Navy, and $1,698,000,000
for Maritime Commission. Most of lat
ter, it was explained, wall be devoted to
construction of 566 new merchant ships,
planned for completion by end of 1943.
Congressional approval of War De
partment recommendation for keeping
draftees in service beyond year and for
removal of restrictions against sending
American troops out of hemisphere was
endangered during week by reaction of
Speaker Rayburn, although President
indicated favor at press conference. It
was at this conference, on Tuesday, that
Mr. Roosevelt also in effect wiped out
hemispherical lines by speaking of de
fense points outside this half of the
world.
On Thursday, House passed bill pro
viding for mandatory- deferment from
draft of men above 28 years of age.
And yoo-hoo heard around the wor!J
came from Tennessee when draftee unit
whistled at girls in shorts, within hear
ing of golfing general, and was punish?
by 150-mile extra jaunt, part of It by
foot. Indignant House members focussed
attention on incident to point where Wt.,
Department ordered general to mat#
j full report.
-—— .1 —■
WAR'S LESSON: DEFENSE IS NOT ENOUGH
Iceland Occupation Seen Hint U. S. May Move First
By Constantine Brown.
The occupation of Iceland by United
States Marines brings this country di
rectly into the zone of operations of the
belligerents for the first time since the
outbreak of the second World War and
is viewed in some quarters as the be
ginning of America's offensive against
the Axis.
There is no doubt that the primary
motive which prompted the adminis
tration to act was the desire to prevent
the Germans from attacking the British
force in Iceland and to establish a com
paratively safe shipping lane for ships
carrying arms and planes to Great
Britain. But there is a more impor
tant military reason for the physical
occupation of the island.
The War Plans and Operations Divi
sions of the Army and Navy naturally
have been studying Hitler’s campaigns
with the utmost care, especially the at
tack against Russia. There have been
many explanations for the collapse of
Western European countries under the
biows of the Nazi divisions, even though
at times the forces opposing Germany
were superior numerically. But we have
accepted the general theory that the
overwhelming number of German air
planes and mechanized forces has de
feated the foremost European military
nations.
Attack on Russia a Revelation.
The attack on Russia was a revelation.
There was a country which, for the last
15 years has been preparing herself
militarily on the basis of intense mech
anization of forces. Russia was run by
a dictator. Hence it did not suffer from
parliamentary and public opinion in
fluences in the development of her
armies. The Russian technicians de
cided that the future battles would be
fought by steel monsters and airplanes.
And they went ahead and constructed
as many tanks and airplanes as their
fast-growing industry and availability of
raw materials permitted them.
The Russians were the first to devise
the supertank. In fact Germans learned
the technique of building those monsters
from the Soviets at a time—before Hit
ler—when the Reich was not permitted
to build either tanks or military air
planes or heavy guns.
The Russians were the first to de
relop the parachute army and the
transport airplane which besides carry
ing men also was able to carry in the
fueelage a light tank with a complete
crew. Our observers saw these planes
in Siberia dropping tank and crew be
hind imaginary enemy lines without
actually making a landing.
All of these remarkable technical de
velopments were originated by the Rus
sians, and Hitler merely copied them
later. The Russians were certainly not
lacking in man power. While in trained
troops they could not boast more than
5.000.000 men, the supply of reserves is
almost Inexhaustible. Yet the Germans,
as soon as they made up their minds that
tha TJ. S. S. R. must be put out of action
as a military power, succeeded beyond
belief. At the time of this writing the
fight k kill on. But our military experts
—whose opinion is shared by the British
general staff—believe that the present
Russian government will not be able to
prevent the eventual advance of the Ger
mans. The complete collapse of the Mos
cow government, they feel, is only a mat
I ter of weeks.
The lesson we have learned from the
clash between the two European monsters
is simple and important; no nation can
hope to defeat a well-organized military
nation by remaining on the defensive.
If we have decided to preserve our polit
ical, social and economic system it is
only by attacking the enemy that we can
hope to achieve success.
Lulled in Feeling of Security.
Here again the studies of our military
observers are instructive. From data
gathered in the last few months it seems
clear that if Great Britain and France
had taken the bull by the horns and
decided to attack the Reich, either in a
frontal attack against the Siegfried Line
or, what was easier, through "non-bellig
erent Italy," at the time when the Reich
was heavily engaged in Poland, the whole
aspect of the war would have changed.
The childish demonstration of the French
outside the Maginot Line was too pusil
lanimous to worry the Germans. The
Axis has defeated its opponents one by
one, lulling those left into a feeling of
security by assurance that the Reich had
no hostile intentions against them. It is
the same tune that Herr Hitler is singing
now to the United States whenever he has
the opportunity of expressing himself for
publication in this country.
If there had been any real statesman
ship in Stalin and Foreign Minister Molo
tov or any real understanding of military
operations among members of the juve
nile Soviet general staff, the U. S. S. R.
would not have been invaded today.
Stalin and the other Russian leaders
kept away from contacts with the Amer
ican and British Ambassadors in Moscow.
In fact, when Sir Stafford Cripps, Brit
ain's Ambassador to the U. S. S. R., want
ed to communicate some definite infor
mation about the Germans’ plans regard
ing Russia and asked to see Premier
Molotov, he was received some ten days
later by a third assistant secretary. When
Sir Stafford expressed his desire to see
Molotov personally he was informed that
under the present political set-up it
would be "unwise and unpolitical” if any
of the high-ranking members of the
Communist government were to see the
representatives of the democratic powers.
Stalin Missed Chance.
What the American and the British
Ambassadors intended to convey to the
heads of the Russian government was
the necessity—for the safety of the U. S.
S. R.—that they attack the Reich when
the Axis powers attacked Yugoslavia
and Greece. The distance from the
Russian air bases to Rumania and to
Yugoslavia was not more than 120 and
400 miles, respectively. The Russians
had concentrated in the Ukraine no less
than 2,000 airplanes, bombers and pur
suit machines. They also had an agree
ment with Yugoslavia to come to her
rescue in the event she was attacked.
Had Stalin then launched hia air force
against the Germans who fought a short
but bitter fight in the Balkans, had they
then destroyed the Rumanian airfields
and damaged the communications be
tween the German bases in Bulgaria
and Rumania, the aspect of the war
would have changed to the advantage of
the democratic states.
But Stalin and the young men who
are at the head of the Russian armies
believed, like the Western European
countries, in defense rather than offense.
The Russian Foreign Office fell for the
sweet songs of Herr von Ribbentrop
and discounted all warnings of a Ger
man attack against the Soviets. They
believed what Ribbentrop was telling
them, that the next move of the Nazis
would be in the direction of the Suez
Canal and North Africa. And since
Russia was not attacked, why should she
risk the uncertainties of a major war?
Hitler had promised Stalin — after
Britain was defeated by the impassivity
of the other nations—a large slice of
Iran to the Persian Gulf and Stalin felt
secure.
Defensive Blunders Studied.
But all these developments ar.d the
blunders of the “defensive” advocates in
Europe have been carefully studied by
our War Plans and Operations Divisions
of the Army and Navy.
The conclusion is obvious: Desire for
power is a poison which can find its
remedy only in defeat. From every
source of reliable information it is obvi
ous that while the Axis (Italy, Germany
and Japan) is keeping a reserved policy
in regard to the various hostile—but
non-military — manifestations of this
Government, it intends to transfer the
war to the Western Hemisphere as soon
as the last danger to the rear—Russia—
has been eliminated.
Hitler has adopted the slogan of the
French statesman of the 17th century,
Cardinal Mazarin, who, when taxing the
French people out of existence, told
those who warned him about internal
troubles: “Let them threaten and
grumble as long as they are paying.”
Hitler is repeating this slogan. He pays
little attention to the closing of con
sulates, to the Atlantic patrol and to the
freezing of German funds. They mean
nothing to him now. _ But when the
time comes, all these will be taken into
account for a final reckoning.
The occupation of Iceland is, however,
an indication that the United States
may decide to beat the Germans to the
draw. The island can be made the
jumping off point for an expeditionary
force. It can be made into an impreg
nable naval and air base from which
American bombers could start a large
scale war of devastation against Ger
many and the occupied territories. It
can be made into a naval base which
might destroy Hitler’s main weapon
against Britain —the plane and sub
marine blockade.
Our owm military men look hopefully
to the occupation of the island “for the
duration” as an indication that it is this
country which will choose to strike first
at the time and place chosen by our own
military and naval leaden.
JOSEF STALIN.
By adhering to defensive tactics,
he missed a rare chance to strike
at the Nazis djiring the Balkan
campaign, says Constantine Brown.
—A. P. Photo.
Tax Program
(Continued from Page C-l.)
New Dealers contend, upon conditions
prevailing in the 19th century when
scarcity of capital, lack of man power,
the abundance of natural resources and
free land and an expanding world trade
meant that most of the profits of indus
try were immediately reinvested, either
to expand existing enterprises or to
start new ones.
Favor Spending Program.
The New Deal theorists favor even in
normal times a liberal spending pro
gram supported by heavy taxation for
current purposes and by borrowing for
long-time investments. An expansion of
public debt at a rate sufficierft to absorb
the Nation’s savings is held to be de
sirable. Taxation would be used to
finance the spending program, to pro
mote a redistribution of wealth and in
come and to control the flow of funds
through channels necessary to maintain
prosperity.
Economists of the old school challenge
some of the basic assumptions of the
New Deal theorists as to the causes of
recent economic difficulties, contend
that technological developments afford
unlimited opportunities for investment
if the Government will refrain from
needless interference and the imposition
of heavy burdens, that the spending
policy of the New Deal has failed to pro
duce the expected results, that tax pol
icies have been a deterrent to business,
that the use of taxation to gain social
and economic ends is hazardous and
inevitably causes new dislocations in the
economic structure, and that the theory
of a constantly unbalanced budget and
expanding debt is unsound and will lead
to financial disaster.
In the clash of phfleeophlee between
RUSSIA'S UKRAINIANS ARE A PROUD PEOPLE
Their Treasury of Rich Resources Is Hitler's Goal
By Lothrofi Stoddard.
Loss of the Ukraine would be a body j
blow to Soviet Russia, disrupting its eco
nomic life in almost every’ way. Con
versely, the conquest of the Ukraine
would give Germany access to most of
the foodstuffs and mineral products
which she so badly needs.
That is the immediate issue involved
in the titantic battles now raging on
Russia's western borders. But behind
the campaign itself lies the destiny of a
country and a people with a long history
and profound aspirations. It is this
larger Ukrainian question which eventu
ally will come up for solution.
This vast region in Southern Russia
U generally considered in its economic
aspects. Relatively little is said of its
history or the character of its inhabit
ants. Yet these are factors of great
importance which should be included
in any basic discussion of the problem.
The Ukraine is more than a geographi
cal expression. The native population,
often called Little Russians, are physi
cally and temperamentally distinct from
the "Great” Russians to the northward.
They have an ancient culture and a
language which differs from Great Rus
sian as much as Dutch does from
German. This Ukrainian stock runs
clear across East-Central Europe. Resting
on the Black Sea as its southern base, it
stretches eastward to the Don River,
with scattered outposts still farther to
the southeast as far as the Caucasus
Mountain wall. Its northern boundary
is the belt of swamp and scrub which
extends across the mid-Russian plains
and separates the open prairies of the
south from the forest country of the
north.
Pride Selves on History and Culture.
The Ukrainian stock extends beyond
the historic boundaries of Russia well
into Southern Poland and even across
the Carpathians into Northern Hungary.
Taken together, these Ukrainian-speak
ing people number about 40.000.000 and
inhabit an area of fully 220.000 square
miles. That is a territory as large as
our New England and Middle Atlantic
States, with Ohio thrown in for good
measure.
The Ukrainians pride themselves on
their history and culture. Indeed, they
believe themselves to be the truer Rus
sian race and culture type, deeming the
Muscovite Great Russians a half-Finnish
or Mongol blend which has lost many
vital characteristics of the parent Rus
sian stock. A glance at Russian history
lends some arguments for such con
tentions.
In the early Middle Ages, when the
Great Russians were rude colonists
wrestling with still ruder Finnish tribes
amid the gloom of the vast northern
forests, a genuine state was growing up
the New Dealers and their critics pos
sible conditions following the restora
tion of world peace necessarily enter
into the discussions. Both groups recog
nize that a major responsibility of Con
gress is the framing of a system of taxa
tion which will not accelerate an in
evitable poet-war deflation.
on the rich grass lands of the south.
This budding state showed the marks
of a vigorous young civilization. Its
capital. Kiev, situated on the middle
reaches of the broad Dnieper River and
lying on the immemorial trade-route
from the Black Sea to the Baltic, was
a city of wealth and importance. It was
to Kiev that Christianity and European
civilization came from Byzantine Con
stantinople. It was from Kiev that light
went forth to illumine the somber bar
barism of the Great Russian North.
During the 10th and 11th centuries
the Grand Princedom of Kiev stood in
the forefront of European powers. Its
close contact with both East and West
is shown by the fact that one of its
princes married a Byzantine emperor's
sister, while another prince took to wife
the daughter of Harold, last king of that
Saxon England which fell before the
onslaught of William the Norman.
Ukrainians Hated Polish Rule.
Wvainia probably would have con
tinued to play a prominent part in Eu
ropean history if it had not been over
whelmed in the series of Asiatic in
vasions which assailed Eastern Europe.
For more than 100 years the princes of
Kiev battled manfully with those nomad
hordes; but in the 13th century came
the great Mongol invasion which broke
the old Ukrainian state to pieces. Kiev
was razed, the wide prairies of South
ern Russia were swept bare, and the
western section of the Ukrainian folk
fell under the political sway of the ris
ing kingdom of Poland.
Polish rule was hated by the Ukrain
ians. The Poles, though Slavs, had
received their religion and culture from
the Roman West, whereas the Ukrain
ians had taken theirs from the Byzan
tine East. This religious and cultural
gulf cculd never be bridged. The Poles
were the ruling class, regarded as op
pressors by their Orthodox subjects, who
resisted every effort made to Polonize
and Catholicize them. Attempting to
escape from the Polish yoke, Ukrainian
frontiersmen ventured back into the
deserted plains, battled with the declin
ing power of the Mongol Tartars, and
set up the famous Cossack Republic of
the Dnieper.
Division of Ukraine.
Alarmed at this development, Poland
tried to conquer the Cossacks. Fight
ing desperately against both Poles and
Tartars, the Cossacks turned to the
czardom of Muscovy which had grown
up in North-central Russia with Mos
cow as its capital, acknowledging the
Czar as overlord in return for promises
of self-government. But the Czar broke
his promise and made a deal with Po
land, dividing the Ukrainian country
between them. Thenceforth Russians
and Poles mutually tyrannized over their
respective spheres, and the lot of the
unhappy Ukrainians became, if any
thing, worse than before. When Poiand
itself fell at the end of the 18th century,
Russia seized most of the Ukrainian ter
ritories. Only a small part, known as
Eastern Oalicia, went to Austria.
During the 19th century the Czars
did their beet to "Russify” their Ukrain
ian subjects. But the forbidden lan
guage and culture had a refuge across
the frontier in Galicia, and from this
haven ideas of resistance to czarist op
pression spread through the Russian
Ukraine. As relations between the
czarist and Hapsburg empires grew tense
over Balkan rivalries, the Austrian gov
ernment encouraged the ideal of an in
dependent Ukraine, just as Russian
agents were sowing disloyalty among
discontented elements in Austria-Hun
gary. Then came the great war which
smashed both the czarist and Hapsburg
empires, reducing all Eastern Europe to
temporary chaos.
The Ukrainians tried to plead thair
case before the Versailles Conference,
but their claims were obscured by the
Allied aim of building up a Wong Po
land and an enlarged Rumania as bul
warks against the new threat of Soviet
Russia. So a large block of Ukrain
ians was placed under Polish rule,
while smaller segments went to Ru
mania and Czecho-Slovakia. another
Versailles creation. The old Polish -
Ukrainian feud was resumed with most
unhappy consequences.
Became Soviet State.
The bulk of the Ukrainians remained
under the rule of Moscow, now trans
formed into Soviet Russia. Theoretically.
Ukrainian prospects looked bright, be
cause the Communist regime promised
a federation of Soviet Republics, with
full regard for the language and culture
of each, coupled with a large measure
of self-government. This would have
satisfied the demands of all Ukrainians
except a few extremists dreaming of an
Independent Ukrainian state. However,
in practice, those Soviet promises proved
illusory. Local self-government turned
out to be a sham, while ruthless Com
munization more than offset cultural
tolerance somewhat above the minimum
allowed under the Czars. There is cer
tainly discontent in the Ukraine today,
though the iron censorship of Moscow
makes it impossible to say how much,
or what proportion is due to nationalistic
or economic causes.
•
What we do know is that the Ukraine
is a veritable treasure-house of natural
resources. Russians call it their bread
basket and sugar bowl. A large propor
tion of the wheat, maize, beet sugar,
vegetables and fruits in the Soviet Union
Is grown In the Ukraine.
Equally important Is the Ukraine's
mineral wealth. It produces 75 per cent
of the coal mined In Soviet Russia, and
more than 50 per cent of its iron and
steel. Furthermore, since the deposits
of coal, iron and manganese ore In th«
Ukraine occur close together, they form
the natural basis for heavy industry,
which has been greatly developed. Large
industrial cities dot parts of the Ukraine,
while mammoth hydroelectric instal
lations supplement coal with waterpower.
Furthermore, the Ukraine is the gateway
to the Caucasus region lying just east
ward, where there are some of the richest
and most extensive oil fields in the
world. Finally, the ports on the Black
Sea handle all the water-borne com
merce of Southern Russia and an tt®
natural links with th® outer world.