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With Sunday Morning Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON. D. C. Ifhe Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: 1!th St. and Pennsylvania Avt. New York Office: 1 111 East .f.'nd St. Chicago Office; 4.15 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. ¥ Regular Edition. 4 Sunday*. A Sunday*, vening and Sunday 80c per mo. Hue per mo. 5® Evening .Star.. 5()c per month ®tar 10c per copy Final Edition. 4 Sunday*, ft Sunday*. Night Fnna and Sunday 90c mo. $1.00 mo. Nighu Final Star 05c per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. Delivered by Carrier. The Evening and Sunday Star $1 00 per month The Evening Star 00c per month The Sunday Star -. 10c per copy Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United State*. 1 month. 0 months. 1 year. Evening and Sunday $100 $o uu $l0.uu The Evening Star .75 4.00 9.00 The Sunday Star .50 2.5o 5.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Office, Washington, D. C., as second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local nows published herein. AJ1 rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—8 TUESDAY, December 7, 1943 Another Public Obligation? If day-care centers for the chil dren of working mothers really meet an essential need, it is difficult to believe that the relatively low rates charged the parents for such serv ices is a bar to their patronage. But with the use of these centers below expectations in many cities—includ ing Washington—the Federal Works Agency is already reducing the fees as an added incentive for parents. The three-dollar-a-week ceiling, recommended by the FWA. would be a substantial reduction below the scale in the District, which begins at tw'o dollars, for those who can pay, and rises to eight, depending on the earnings of the parents. There is an obvious danger in making the rates too low, thus work ing toward the theory that the care of the children of war working mothers is a public responsibility. Many good people doubtless wish to establish that theory, transferring a perfectly legitimate charge against i parents who benefit to the general taxpayer. There is no doubt that free nurseries wTould attract more patronage than those which charge even a nominal fee. But the idea should not be to attract patronage; it should be to provide, at reasonable rates, a service for those who really need it. Those who need it can. for the most part.* pay a fair part of the cost. In the District the fees, under the law, are to be “on a sliding scale, according to the parents' ability to pay.” There is no definite indica tion that existing fees are too high. Yet those now in effect, and which are supposed to meet 50 per cent of the cosW-the FWA supplying the balance—produced only 30 per cent in the first few months of operation. A revised sliding scale of fees might raise more revenue. But a reduc tion to a top of three dollars, as the FWA is recommending, definite ly would eliminate any hope that the centers could become even sub stantially self-supporting. If they tend to become merely another charge on the community for the special benefit of those who make Use of them they are apt to lose the public support they have now. Two Years After On this second anniversary of Pearl Harbor—the “day that will j live in infamy”—we can speak with I a calm confidence of ultimate vic tory, even though the hour of final triumph may be far in the future. The American armed forces in the Pacific have just won their hardest fight of the war—the bloody battle of Tarawa. That bitter three-day struggle, costly though it was. dem onstrates beyond a doubt that Ja pan is doomed to defeat. The re duction of the Gilberts punches a hole in the center of the enemy's outermost defense arc. And the Japanese knew that the attack was coming. They would have held there had they been able to do so. But the American forces were in full command of the sea and air, and when the Marines went ashore under devastating fire they defeated the best of the enemy’s ground forces. This position was of first importance to the Japanese, but they simply lacked the strength to hold it. From this we may reasonably in fer that the balance of power in the "no-man's land” of the Pacific has shifted to us. The era of retreat— the days of Wake, Bataan, Singa pore, the Indies and Burma—is a thing of the past. It was on June 12. 1942, that we checked the Japa nese in the battle of the Coral Sea. and in the past fifteen months they have known nothing but defeat. These enemys defeats have not been decisive. We are still maneu vering and fighting for the positions from which the real blows can be struck, and it is only reasonable to suppose that months will pass be fore Japan can be fatally injured. But the significant thing is that we are slowly pressing in upon the out posts and overwhelming them. Each new advance is stronger than the last, and the ones to come will be still more powerful. Slowly but surely, our incomparable productive power Is being translated into the ships and the planes and the guns that spell superiority on battle fronts 'thousands of miles away. As we look back Over the past two years it is clear that we owe much of this to the Japanese themselves. They did a thorough Job of blasting Pearl Harbor and the Pacific Fleet on that Sunday two years ago. Up to that time, in the military sense, It was probably the most effective air raid in history. But it had con sequences which escaped the cal culations of the Japanese. As noth ing else could have, It united the American people and steeled them for the ordeal of war. Today—two years later—the real results of Pearl Harbor are self evident. We have learned that the Japanese are a warrior race and that they will fight to the death. But we have also learned that that is not enough—and so have they. The real weapons of victory are power and the will to win. Thanks to the treachery of Japan, we now have both in abundance. Teheran War Council The official communique from Teheran—a city that is no stranger to the tides of history—tells dis appointingly little of the most sig nificant war council of modern times. This disappointment is due in part to faulty staging of a tremen dously dramatic event. President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Premier Stalin had traveled many thousands of miles to keep their rendezvous. They sat down together—the President and the Russian Premier meeting for the first time—as the greatest of all wars was sweeping to a climax. Be yond any doubt, the fate of millions turned on the decisions to be taken by these three. Yet the communi que, when it came, was disappoint ing. To some extent its effect had been blunted by clumsily handled publicity. Probably a world-wide audience hoped for more from this first meeting than was reasonable to expect. And there was always the danger of giving information to an enemy who would scrutinize every word and line for a hint of what the future holds for him. When all of this is said, however, the joint statement of the three Allied leaders is meaningful—both in what it says and in what it re frains from saying. Overshadowing all else is the, fact that in the fifth year of war in Eu rope the heads of the three states carrying the burden of that fight have met at last, and have parted as friends “in fact, in spirit and in purpose.” No one will better under stand the portentous meaning of those words than Adolf Hitler him self, for they strike down his most deadly weapon—the policy of ' divide and conquer” which he employed so effectively in the days when he was winning his cheapest victories. If he cannot split these three great powers arrayed against him his last hope is gone—and he knows it. Had the meeting at Teheran produced nothing more than this it would have been worth all the time and effort that has gone into it. But the welding of a firm friendship was not all. On the military side the three men reached "complete agreement” as to the scope and timing of the operations ^o be undertaken from the east, west and south. This should mean that commitments have been made which satisfy Stalin on the troublesome “second front” issue. Whether this agreement em braces an Invasion of Western Eu rope remain?; to be seen, but it is a virtual certainty that new blows wnil be struck—blows which will under write the guarantee of victory con tained in the communique. Of equal interest and importance are the diplomatic maneuvers. At no point does this latest statement even mention “unconditional sur render”—apparently a concession to the Russians. The stated military ■ objective is the destruction of the 1 German armies, the U-boats and the j war plants. There is nothing here i to deny hope for the future to the 1 German people—an outlook quite different from that held forth to the Japanese after the Cairo meeting with Chiang Kai-shek. The three leaders, in their statement on Iran, specifically reaffirm their adherence to the Atlantic Charter. Finally, the people of “all nations”—the large as wrell as the small and the vanquished (if they repudiate tyr anny) as well as the victors—are warmly invited to join the postwar world family of democratic nations. All of this is a long step forward. It seemingly disposes of military issues and charts the postwar future a little more clearly. Gradually, from the Atlantic Charter to Te- i heran. the Allies are getting on with , the winning of the war and the j planning of the peace. As against their great accomplishments, the minor failures and the little disap pointments are of no real im portance. Subsidy Vote Delay There is considerable force to the arguments advanced by War Food Administrator Marvin Jones against the proposal to postpone for sixty days the Senate vote on the House approved bill to knock out the food subsidy program. The postponement move, said to have been sponsored by administra tion leaders, apparently is designed to give the legislators a chance to sample public sentiment during a contemplated Christmas holiday. As Mr. Jones has pointed out, however, any protracted delay would be harmful, since time will be required to plan and carry out next year’s food program. In all probabilty this legislation, if passed by the Senate, will be vetoed when it gets to the White House. In that event it would go back to Congress for action on the veto, with the result that any ap preciable delay in the Senate vote at this time might well prevent a final decision on the subsidy issue until after the planting season. Procrastination of this sort could result only in confusion and injury to the food program. It is quite likely that some of the members of the Senate would be glad to put off a showdown on the sub sidy question until the administra tion reveals whether it intends to hold the wage line or yield to the demands of the steel workers and other potent groups demanding the abolition of the Little Steel formula. Very few legislators would want to be in the position of voting to con tinue the subsidy program if wages are going to be boosted in any event. On the other hand, they realize that if they kill the subsidies the Little Steel formula is doomed. Thus, there is an element of timing in volved which tends to put the mem bers of the Senate on the spot, what ever they do. In this connection it might be noted that the Senate itself will play an important part in determining whether the wage line can or will be held. It is scheduled to vote today on the resolution urging the stabilization director to grant the pay demands of the railroad workers. If that resolution is passed, it will be naive, to say the least, to expect the War Labor Board to turn down the other labor groups which are demanding more money. Changes on This Page Star readers will note the changed make-up of this page today, one of the many steps being taken to con serve space and consumption of newsprint paper. The popular Has kin column, somewhat, reduced in length, hereafter will appear on the adjoining page. Mr. Lawrence's column remains in its old position, but his neighbors have been moved to this page and Mr. Tracewell's column has been transferred to the third column. Mr. McLemore. to his readers’ loss and the Army’s gain, is on military leave. As in other changes, the effort here has been to retain The Star’s full coverage in news and comment, while resorting to every practical ex pedient in reducing space. The Star believes the benefits of greater con densation will at least balance, for the most part, necessarily reduced volume. Word comes from West Town send, Vt., of a hunter who, thinking he had killed a bear, advanced, and was squeezed to death by the "corpse.” A certain ex-paper hanger knows very much how he must have felt at the time. Herr Goebbels reminds one some what of the Yankee character w!ho wTas described by his fellow villagers in The following pithy phrase: "He'll tell the truth for fifty cents; tell a lie for nothing.” Our Navy has developed some sen sations in the way of ordnance, in cluding one which an eminent for eign scientist had announced to be "impossible.” Tire impossible just takes a little longer. This and That By Charles F. Traceu ell. Spread of the black squirrels in the Washington area is good pews to all friends of these small animals. Reports come in to this column of many of these specimens being seen in increased numbers, and especially of their appearance in locations where none of them was seen before. Centers for the melanistic forms of the gray squirrel in the past have been Chevy Chase Circle, Takoma Park, Silver Spring and Arlington. Now they seem to be increasing and fanning out over adjacent territory. Increased bird feeding and conservation of wild life in general are probably responsible. The time may come when squirrels will be as much of a nuisance as rabbits in seme places. * * * * The black squirrel is simply the melanistic form of the common gray squirrel. His black is something like that of the black cat. seldom being a deep, intense true black, but more likely to be under shot with reddish. His appearance and habits are exactly like those of the gray form. In nature he is likely to be more suspicious, and does not mix well with his more normal cousins. The latter is probably due to the deep suspicion with which all animals— including man—look at the abnormal even In the slightest degree. * * * * In our own neighborhood In nearby Maryland we have seen many more black .squirrels in the past two years than in the entire 10 years previously. None of these has remained in the yard long. Nor have they come much to the bird-feeding station, which is frequented by from half a dozen to a dozen gray squirrels at all times. As has been pointed out here many times, squirrels are not unmixed bless ings at feeding stations designed pri marily for the birds. They do not keep the wintering songsters from eating, nor do they harm them, but they consume so much seed themselves that they run up the bills considerably. They also scatter the seed around in their search for the sunflower seeds. They like cantaloupe seed, which is now being used as replacement for sunflower, owing to the high price of the latter. * * * * The real rarity would be an albino squirrel. They do exist, but are seldom seen. No doubt they must feel their strange ness even more than the black ones. These forms of the gray animal always attract attention, but in the eyes of the discriminating friend of animals they rather attract attention to the good qualities of the entire tribe. The squirrels we have with us always, especially in a city where there are many oak trees. Such trees, in all their forms are favorites of this sprightly animal. No doubt the prevalence of oaks helps account for the number of squirrels. * * * * Rabbits are the Easter animal—maybe in time some one will suggest the gray squirrel as the Christmas animal, to take the place of the reindeer. Reindeer have gone out, we believe even for Santa Claus. Santa must use an airplane, if he doesn't use an automobile. So there is room for a real Christmas animal from the small fellows, and we nominate the squirrel, tail and all. Nothing would look better on the Christmas tree, one may submit, than a squirrel. Certainly nothing would be more at home there. What would happen, then, to the gav glass balls and the tinsel? Well, you know- what would happen if a squirrel plunged in among them. But such deco rations are going out, along' with rein deer—the modern streamlined Christmas tree could atand a squirrel or two, we feel sure. 9 / Letters to The Star Co-Operation Wanted For "America First.” To the Editor of The Star: The price we are paying today in blood, sweat and tears for a future that will be free from unnatural mass suffer ing is a price which must not be paid in vain. Now' and then we hear the complaint that if Americans had been for America first we might be at peace today. If the American people had thought of their owm safety first, we might not now be witnessing the mast catastrophic, sys tematic destruction of whole cities. Had we been for America first we never would have condoned the meddling by our own exploiting, monopolistic in terests in the affairs of other nations for their own power and gain. Instead of blindly hating the Russians, we would have made every attempt to examine the causes which led to the war-breeding industrial depressions in our own country. If we had put our own interests first, we never would have sanctioned the creation of a Hitlerite Germany. Tills time the people of each nation must look out for themselves. They must realize that honest and normal economic co-operation among nations is the only sure way to preserve peace. DAVID ASCH. Paving of Park Space At Trolley Terminus Urged. To the Editor of The Star: Recently I was a witness to what could have been a fatal accident in volving a girl and a truck. At the terminus of the Potomac Park streetcar line, where no protection Is given pas sengers alighting from the cars, a girl dashed between two stopped ears into the path of an approaching truck, and despite a quick stop by the truck, the fyrl ran into its fender. With less money than it took to pave tile polo grounds these two grass plots could be converted into a terminal for the buses and streetcars serving some 20.000 workers of the War, Navy and Interior Departments. L. T. B. Churchill Claimed Kin Of Distinguished Virginians. To the Eduor of The Star: While so much is being written in praise of the oratorical ability of Prime Minister Churchill, it may interest many in America to know that he is related through the Winston branch of his father’s family to our own great orator, Patrick Henry, whose mother was Sarah Winston of Hanover County. Va. The Winston family came from York shire, England, and one of them was the mother of the first Duke of Marlborough —direct ancestor of Winston Churchill, tAn uncle of Patrick Henry, Edmund Winston, was considered by many in Colonial days to be as great an orator as Patrick Henry himself i. REGINA TEBBS. South Dakotan Proposes Single Tax Program. To the Editor of The Star: When we hear much about prosecut ing certain corporations and individuals under the statutes against “restraint of trade,’’ we do some wondering about the inconsistency of legislators who enact statutes of that, intent, yet also enact statutes—certain tax statutes—which restrain trade and commerce much more effectively than any corporation or in dividual. except international cartels only, has yet been guilty of or even contemplated. Can any one mention any tariff act which is not a statute in restraint of trade? Doesn’t taxation of transporta tion facilities constitute restraint of . trade and commerce by existing statutes? How about the taxes imposed on pro ducers and distributors of goods and or services? Are they not statutes which restrain trade? isn't it a fact that all such statutes increase the cost of living, promote inflation and maintain a state of poverty when there is plenty for everybody? It seems that the system of taxing those “best able to pay” is all wrong, and that justice better might be achieved by shifting the taxes which now act in ! restraint of trade Rnd commerce to the j income derived from economic rent I Hand rent' or a tax on inheritance or ! personal income. Neither of thpse three kinds of taxes can act in restraint of trade, nor do they tend to raise the prices for consumer needs or wants. CHARLES J. LAVERY, M D. Aberdeen. S. Dak. “Fire Department" to Put Out Wars Advocated by St. Louis Reader. To the Editor of The Star: Opposers of membership of the United States in the League of Nations, lest the league impair our sovereignty or embroil us in war. may be able to accept a war prevention plan that would bind us on only one point: Co-operation in prevent ing and combating external aggression. Just a.s the fire department, without tarrying for the board of aldermen to inquire into the merits of the reported conflagration, answers a fire alarm, so would armed forces, without awaiting debate in the Congress of the United States and deliberative bodies of other nations, respond to a war alarm. Inasmuch as the sole purpose of such | forces would be to prevent and combat j external aggression, there would be no j fighting except to repulse an actual j physical attack from without upon the nation turning in the alarm. There might be a false alarm now and then, but what of it? Sending armed forces to a reported scene of interna tional trouble casts little more than keeping them idle elsewhere. World convenience might be served by a provision requiring the nations geo graphically closest to the scene of trouble to answer the first alarm, more remotely located nations to hold themselves in readiness to respond to a second or sub sequent alarm. The details of such a plan would be simpler than the details of plans ably executed by the United Nations in the present global war. Such organizations as the League of Nations and the World Court can serve j effectively, in most instances, as fire | prevention bureaus, but an essential, if we are to avert World War III. is a fire department, ready to put out fires if ! and when they occur. MILLER HAGEMAN. St. Louis. Mo. Winter Wheat Seasoned by gales, made hardy by the frost, Strengthened by blasts a-howl through snow-flecked, skies, The winter wheat, to summer's pleasures lost, Grows strong in bleakness, and the odds defies. It flourishes, unhampered by the cold . . . (Its summer brother never knew its ' pain.) And when the story of the harvest's told It's in the quality—the perfect grain. > This is not unlike life—the winds and snows Beat upon men in countless winter times, Making them stronger from their un pulled blows Than their soft brothers of more favored climes. The blasts of winter whip across the fields, Lashing its children on—to greater yields. EDWARD D. GARNER. This Changing World unless mere is mucn wnicn nas not yet been said about the decisions reached at Teheran, the Roosevelt-Churchlll Stalin conference was spectacular chiefly because of Its logistic aspects. It seems un likely, however, that the President of the United States and the British Prime Minister traveled thousands of miles by sea and air to meet with the Rus sian Premier merely to reiterate a formal declaration of war against the Germans and reassert their faith in the Atlantic Charter and the Four Freedoms. Other matters which are vital to the reorganization of a better world after the war in Europe Is over must have been discussed. We are now certain that the Russians will continue to fight on our side. It was very important for our strategy framers to receive formal assurances from Pre mier Stalin himself that the Red armies will continue the battle until Hitler is crushed. Some doubts previously had been expressed about the continued co operation of the Russian forces. These doubts did not come from any precon ceived idea or suspicion of the generals and admirals in the United Statps and Britain but from the insistent demands of the official Soviet press, which com plained continually about the failure of the Allies to open a front in Western Europe. * * * * It is passible that the Russian high command, which heretofore had had no direct contact with the work of the American and the British chiefs of staff, did not realize the difficulties involved in a cross-Channel invasion. These matters must have been cleared up during the protracted three-corner conferences of the American, British and Soviet' strategy framers at Teheran. It is certain that other vital matters, such as the question of the countries where ideologies appear to be confused at present, must have been discussed. Otherwise there could have been no need for the leaders of the major United Nations to travel so far for so little. Mere staff discussions could have been held by trained military men and re ported afterward to the civilian leaders. The political importance of the meet ing will be known at some future date and will be given out in driblets. But diplomatic observers regard as signifi cant the fact that during the week end the Yugaslav Partisan organization, which is fighting the Nazis, has decided to form its own civil government to take care of Yugoslavia when the Nazis are ousted. King Peter's Yugaslav govern Constantine Brown mpnt-in-exile is still fully recognized by all the members of the United Nations and functions in Cairo. * * * * The fact that the newly created Mos cow-sponsored Marshal Broz (better known as Drug Tito; has chosen this time to install a new government on Yugoslav soil, avowedly hostile to what Tito calls the “Fascist” government in Cairo, is being widely discussed by dip lomats of our minor allies in Washing ton. Whether or not the speculations of these scared diplomats that the timing of the announcement of the new gov ernment was carefully chosen by Tito are correct remains to be seen. The Big Three's reaffirmation of the principles of the Atlantic Charter should remove any suspicion of unfair play so far as the minor nations in the United Nations group are concerned. Yet these people have had their fin gers burned too often and their fears that they might again eventually become scapegoats are not without foundation. Yesterday's official announcement of the Teheran conference is a mere cur tain raiser. Much of what has been dis cussed in the privacy of the heavily guarded embassies in the capital of Iran will never be known to the public. But some of the more important political features of the conference are bound to come out piecemeal as time goes on and the fight on the battlefields reaches the intensity forecast by the three leaders. The Political Mill Gould Lincoln The Senate has turned its back on the proposed Federal ballot commission, de signed to distribute and collect soldier and sailor ballots in the 1944 elections. It looks very much as though the House would do the same. In place of the Green-Lucas Federal ballot bill the Sen ate on Friday passed a measure urging the States to so amend their election laws that the men in the armed forces may be able to vote, whether they are in this country or overseas Immediately, this caused an uproar. Administra tion Democrats—like Senator Guffey of Pennsylvania—asserted that an ‘ unholy alliance'' of Southern Democrats and Republicans was seeking to prevent the soldiers and sailors from voting. The supporters of the substitute bill, sponsored by three Southern Senators, pooh-poohed this idea They replied that they were anxious to give the men an opportunity to vote—in a constitu tional wav. • * * * Mr. Guffey and some of the Ather Democrats charged the Republicans with seeking to block voting by the armed forces because they feared the soldiers and sailors would vote overwhelmingly for the re-election of President Roose velt. To this the Republicans said that they really wanted to give these men an opportunity to vote. They added that it was one thing to let the soldiers vote and quite a different thing to line the soldiers up and vote them for the Com mander in Chief. This, they said, was what the Democrats hoped to be able to do when they brought forward the Green-Lucas bill. The one thing that stands out in all this fracas is that the men in the armed forces should be given an opportunity to vote in the elections next year. Some workable plan should be evolved Those who support the plan for a Federal bal lot. limited to voting for presidential and vice presidential electors and for members of Congress, give as their rea sons for this unprecedented course in ability of the States to do the job. But they do not know, really, whether the States can handle the job or not. They say that the States will not amend their election laws so as to expedite absentee voting by the men in the armed forces. But they do not know that, as a fact, either. Almost a year must elapse before the national election is held Nineteen State Legislatures are to meet in 1944. They would be in position to amend their election laws so as to permit the soldiers to get their ballots into the hands of the State election officials in time to be counted. The Legislatures of the 29 other States could be called into special session to make similar changes in their laws, if they were necessary. * * * * It is reasonable to suppose that the State* would prefer to make these war time changes in their election laws rather than to have the Federal Gov ernment undertake to run the election so far as the voting of the armed forces is concerned The Constitution of the United States leaves to the States the handling of the elections within their borders. It is a duty and a right which has been jealously guarded by them With two exceptions all the States have absentee voting laws already. The difficulty with many of these laws lies in the fact that the issuance of the ab sentee ballots would require too many motions and too much time for the sol diers on duty in foreign lands to vote by election day. There are requirements that the absentee voter must apply for a ballot and see to his registration in h:s home district; that the ballots must carry the names of the candidates for election, and that the ballots may not be distributed until 30 days before the election. The opponents of the Federal ballot insist that these State absentee ballot laws can be streamlined for the benefit of the men in the armed forces. The ballots could be turned over to the Army and Navy to distribute, collected by them and returned to the State election offi cials. * * * • A bill similar to the Green-Lucas measure was Introduced in the House by Representative Worley, Democrat, of Texas. Mr. W'orley is chairman of the Elections Committee which has charge of this legislation. The committee gat e the bill consideration and then tabled it. It probably cannot be revived. The substitute bill passed by the Senate is in reality a measure originally drafted by members of the House ’Elections Committee, including Representative Rankin of Mississippi. Mr. Worley is authority for the statement his commit tee will be called to consider the Senate bill at an early date. One member of the committee predicted that not more than 125 votes could be mustered in the House against it and for the Federal ballot commission. There are 453 mem bers of the House. It may be that action in the Hou^e will be delayed—In the hope that reac tion from the country will be hostile to the Senate bill, and favorable to the Federal ballot measure. With the votes of perhaps eight rr nine million men involved in this con troversy it is no small matter. How many of the men want to vote, or would take the trouble to do so. is a matter r,f conjecture. But they certainly should have the opportunity. I d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton What the subsidy-haters hate most about subsidies is their scientific nature. Subsidies, at least theoretically, apply the medicine only where It is needed and only in the amount needed. If bean raisers need a bit more of money, the subsidy plan gives it to them, precisely, specifi cally, and in meas ured quantity. The opposition prefers to help the bean grow er by raising all prices. It wants to assist the poor fam ily in the side street by giving a $10 bill to everybody in town. The difference is between a medicinal use of stimulant and a general issue of grog to all hands. Tlie subsidy plan would merely raise up those who are faint; the opposition wants to have a party. The scientific, limited and factual nature of subsidy operations is offensive to the kind of hunch-player who draws his dally inspiration with his bath. What! Are we to study each case sep arately on its merits, and come to a decision on the facts? Nothing could be more hateful to the wholesale type of thinker, who believes that a touch of inflation will solve all economic prob lems. while a return to State govern ment will solve all political ones. * * * * These characters have a credo of their own. It goes something like this: 1. All college professors are quaint little monkeys, out of a Action story by Clarence Budington Kelland. They in variably wear rubbers on sunnv days, and forget them only when it rains. 2. The accumulated economic and po litical wisdom of the ages, as massed in books, cannot compare with the ac cumulated wisdom of the smoking car. Pullman, not Aristotle, is their inspira tion. 3. ‘'Research” is a comic word, and “statistics” is a laugh. Any studv or report longer than a Reader's Digest article is. ipso facto, funny. The use by an official of an unfamiliar word indicates the inferiority, not of the reader, who does not understand it, but of the official, who does. The business of statesmen is not to solve problems, but to win arguments. The use of subsidies is peculiarly galling to men of these beliefs, because it involves the use of the scientific method. Farmers < or copper producers» who want price increases must, under the subsidy plan, prove that their ex penses have gone up sufficiently to war rant a change; they then receive relief Precisely apportioned to their increased need: the cost of it comes specifically out of the Treasury; an actual check is drawn; the whole process is visible and open. Nobody gets anything for noth ing. and. of course, no political principle could be more unpalatable than that. * * * * The dreadful danger is set up that if subsidies endure, we shall have set a precedent for government by fact, in stead of government by yawp. So there is something old-fashioned, n touch of the Gilded Age. about the company of inflationists which has descended upon Washington. It is not quite like some of the early land grants, but the carrot grower is there to see if he can't get a price increase, so long as the bean grower, who really needs it, is going to have one. 'Please under stand that I use carrots only for an illustration; I am not opposed to car rots.! The fight is the old fight, between the scientific approach and the grab bag. Actually, truth is the issue, and that is why tempers are high. For if subsidies win. facts become the boss in Washington, and what will happen then to the type of statesman who is against more taxes because the people are broke, and in favor of higher prices because the people can easily afford them? Delayed 'Block Buster’ Mai George vhidu,» m>t It looks as though the political "block buster" which informed quarters thought likely to be launched on our common enemies as the result of the Cairo and Teheran conferences is going to be of the delayed action type. The ef fect of the meeting of the Allied leaders will be very great, not only because of their co-ordination of the war effort and enemy anticipation of the results of that co-ordination, but also because of their evident determina tion to carry Allied unity into the post war era. They have put the war lords of Germany and Japan on plain notice that this time there is going to be no return engage ment. The free peoples of the world are going to have a guaranteed, organ ized and established peace with cops on all the corners In the gashouse district. As this realization penetrates slowly and by degrees into the thick skulls of our German and Japanese enemies, the effect will be considerable. It may make them fight harder at first, though it would be difficult for any peoples to fight any harder than both of them are doing nowr, but what courage it gives them will be the courage of despair, for there will be neither hope of present victory nor of future come back. It is the latter hope which some of them have been nourishing tenderly of late, but the infant has received a rude knock on the head which will cer tainly stunt his growth if, ir^eed, he survives it at all. * * * * On the positive side, the results of these conferences have given all the peoples of the United Nations a clearer idea of just w'hat they are fighting for. Not only the defeat, of the enemy, but the establishment of a just and lasting peace is now our announced objective. This Ideal was in the hearts of many, if not all of us, before Cairo and Te heran, but It needed definition and crystallization. The plain words of the conferees at Teheran have done much to aid this process, though much still depends on what measures are now' taken to translate such excellent words Into equally excellent deeds. Nothing could be of greater consequence, in this direction, than the creation of a United Nations council, even though in its be ginnings it were to be no more than an agency for consultation, discussion and the exchange of information. Once established, it would grow, and its pros pects would indeed be brighter if its beginnings were of the experimental order. * * * * There is a need, and a very great need, for the establishment of such an agency of political co-operation among the United Nations. It would serve as a symbol, an outward and visible sign of that unity which is out hope of victory and our hope of peace. The effect of the conferences of Moscow, Cairo and Teheran has been great, but these are transitory affairs, ended as the captains and the kings departed from their places of meeting. What is needed is assurance that the agree ments reached, and the confidence established, shall become permanent, shall lead us not only to victory, but to the harvest of the fruits of victory in due season, and year after year in a brighter and better future. Therefore, while these conferences are a good start, they ought to be replaced, or perhaps supported, by a permanent organization, w'hich need not be given authority over military operations and probably ought not to be. which need not at first be given any defined authority at all. but which would begin to examine in detail the vast problems of political and economic r-prppter which must sometime and somehow either be faced and solved, or which, lacking solution, may prove the downfall of all our bright hopes. The United Nations, or certain of them, have created many agencies to insure their closer co-operation for the prosecution of the war. In the political field there is the new European Advisory Council, the Mediterranean Council, the Pacific War Council. In the military field there is the notably suc cessful combined chiefs of staff. Then we have the food administration yet to be formed and the United Nation Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, just getting under way. But there is no over all co-ordinating agency for all these various efforts. Is it not clear that we need one? As the enemy is compressed into smaller and smaller space, as more and more nations are free—as the United Nations on all fronts acquire greater freedom of action, we shall face the need for decisions which will re quire careful study beforehand, and study carried on not only by each of the several governments concerned, but combined study by experts of all the nations concerned, in order to attain that unity of purpose and effort which has proved the only key to success in the past, in all the long history of human co-operation. And above and beyond these purelv practical considerations, we need a permanent and visible symbol within the sight of all men. of the fact of that unity on which so many hopes are founded and on which depends the future welfare of so many hundreds of millions of human beings. (Copyright. 1P43 1 Radios to England? From the Ottawa (Kansas) Herald Eight thousand American radio sets have arrived in England to help relieve a shortage. This news will bring loud acclaim In England, and be hailed as a big boost to British morale. It will be greeted by groans in the United States. Thousands of Americans who have been obliged to do without radio recep tion weeks at a time because they can'> get tubes and other repairs, and thou sands of others who have no radios at all. are likely to feel that sending.8.00® to England is overdoing lease-lenri a bitA The British undoubtedly feel their loaft of radio entertainment quite as much Americans, but that doesn't seite to; soothe the ruffled feelings of many Americans. Americans are willing to skimp on necessities, such as food, to supply our British allies, but they, Will wonder whether it is necessary to send milos overseas.