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$t)c fitting £taf With Sunday Morning Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, D. C The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Mnln Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office lilt East 42nd St Chicago Office: 4H5 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Regular Edition. -t Sundavs. A Sundays. Evening and Sunday 80c pet mo. 00c per mo. The Evening Star 50c per month The Sunday Star 10c per copy Night Final Edition. 4 Sundays. A Sundays. Night Pinal and Sunday Doc mo. $1.00 mo. Night Final Star 05c per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. Delivered by Carrier. The Evening and Sunday Star $1.00 per month The Evening Star _ _ . Hoc per month The Sunday Star _ . 10c per copy Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United Stales, _ 1 month. 0 months, 1 year. Evening and Sunday $100 $H.oo $12 oo The Evening Star .75 4.00 8.00 The Sunday Star .50 2.50 5.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at the Post Office. Washington. D C. as second-clajs mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use for republieation of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—10 * WEDNESPA~Y.~Dec7 2971943 They Want to Vote Hearings on the McCarran "home rule” bill again have demonstrated the strong preponderance of local sentiment in favor of voting rights for the people of Washington. There has been'some opposition. But much of the opposition to the McCarran bill was based on a conviction that national representation is the de sirable goal; even as much of the testimony in favor of the McCarran bill was based on a conviction that half a loaf is better than no bread at all. Support for the McCarran bill, as n matter of fact, is derived chiefly from support of the righteous prin ciple that citizens of Washington are entitled to a voice in their gov ernment. There was evident in some of the testimony a disinclina tion to look a gift horse in the mouth: in other words, a desire to support the McCarran bill on the theory that it is at least a step in the right direction, no matter how halting a step that might be. There is sympathy for if not in dorsement of this point of view from those who see in the McCarran bill a step backward instead of a step toward meeting the legitimate aspirations of American citizens in Washington for some effective voice in their own government. It is none theless unfortunate that the hear ings did not produce a clearer un derstanding of what the McCarran bill is and what it is not. thus per mitting a better analysis of the measure on its own merits, aside from the principle that Washing tonians should have the right to vote. This much, however, seems clear: , The local government elected under : the McCarran bill’s terms would hav« no taxing or appropriative or other legislative powers. Even its j ordinance-making powers would >e 1 more strictly limited than those of the present Commissioners. If Senator Burton’s suggestion pre- j vailed, the city council would be dominated by appointed represent atives of the National Government, although Senator Burton is not in clined to insist that this be done. What power might be exercised by the councilmen would not be checked by any financial responsibility to the ! local taxpayer. Yet the proposed form 'of government easily might lead Congress to disavow further national financial responsibility for Washington maintenance and de velopment. In these conditions, it is little wonder that considerable testimony in favor of the bill was offered with expressions of hope that the bill itself would be improved. It will be interesting to know the extent of possible improvement within the limitations of past interpretations of the Constitution as to what consti tutes exclusive legislative control of the District of Columbia by Con gress and whether, even with im provements, we are offered anything better than artificial voting rights. Hitler has said in effect that Ger many will be conquered only over his dead body. It will be a pleasure to arrange that, too, if necessary. ■-— Steel Strike Ends With most of the steel workers back at their jobs, the prospect of a crippling strike in this vital war I industry has been temporarily averted. But the basic issues which persuaded some 150.000 of these workers to leave their jobs in viola tion of their own no-strike agree ment and in defiance of the Presi dent's appeal for uninterrupted production have not been settled. In fact, if anything, they have been made more difficult of settlement. The immediate cause of this strike was the refusal of the War Labor j Board, in a curious voting split j which ranged industry and labor members against the public mem bers. to promise retroactive pay in creases. The President cut through this freakish tieup by going over the head of WLB with a personal prom ise that any pay increases within the stabilization program would be retroactive The labor members of WLB. who had wanted a promise of retroactive pav without any qualifi cations. then lined up with the pub lic members to reverse the board's i original position. This has sent the steel workers back to the mills, but the prospect of a bona fide settlement within the stabilization program seems remote. The reasons are obvious. The Presi dent has persuaded the men to go back to work by promising that any approved pay increase will be retro active- Is it at all conceivable that he or the WLB now will consider the case and then tell the workers that because they are entitled to nothing under the Little Steel formula there can be no jmcrease, retroactive or otherwise? It is most unlikely. The steel workers, by this promise, have been given reason to expect more money and the strong probability is that they will get it. Pre-Invasion Row It is easy to believe that Senator Wheeler's comments on the pro jected invasion of Western Europe are capable of doing a great deal of harm. And it is difficult l[o see how they could serve any constructive purpose. His criticism, some of it direct and some by innuendo, is predicated on assumptions of fact. He assumes it to be true that the United States will supply 73 per cent of the troops for the cross-Channel invasion of Hitler's European fortress. He as sumes that this is unjust—that the invading force should be half Amer ican and half British. He assumes that the British government does not believe the time ripe for an in vasion and that our own Govern ment is taking a “tremendous gam ble.” Finally, he assumes that the United States, having previously followed the British lead in foreign policy, has now changed horses and is following the lead of Marshal Stalin against the better judgment of the British. In the absence of authoritative in formation, which is not available, there is little to be gained by de bating the validity of these assump tions. The important thing to keep in mind is that we are on the eve of our greatest military effort of this war. The next few months are almost certain to bring the launch ing of the supreme blow against the Nazis—the blow that will finish them once and for all if it is successfully delivered. It may be that the Brit ish and Stalin are in disagreement as to the timing of the assault, and that we have sided with the latter. But it does not follow that our mili tary commanders or the President and his aides are being led along like little children, following one lead today, another tomorrow. If the blow Is to be struck in the near future, and if Americans are to constitute the bulk of the attack ing force, we may be sure that this has the approval of our govern mental leaders and our own military commanders. They have led the United States through more than two years of this war, and the rec ord which has been made is the best evidence of the soundness of their judgment. They have earned the confidence which the people have in them, and there is not the slightest reason to suppose that they have suddenly become dupes of the Rus sians, the British or any one else. The next few months promise to be bad enough at best. They can only be made worse if irresponsible comment succeeds in shaking public confidence in those of our leaders who have demonstrated that they are worthy of trust. WACS. WAVES, SPARS and fem inine marines are making a great : record for efficiency, loyalty and even heroism. It is nice to think that after the war we shall still have these excellent young ladies right with us. A Wisconsin bicyclist aged eighty one years was injured in a collision with an automobile. He was prob ably day-dreaming of Daisy Belle at the time. The Scharnhorst The sinking of the German bat tleship Scharnhorst off bleak North Cape, the northern tip of Norway just within the Arctic Circle, marks an important step in Allied domina tion of European waters. It elimi nates what was probably the most powerful unit in the German Navy in full fighting trim. To be sure, the giant superbattleship Tirpitz is 1 still afloat, but it is presumably undergoing repairs from the daring attack by British midget submarines * last September at its hideout in ’ Alten Fjord. Those Norwegian fjords, salt water estuaries of great depth which run narrowly inland between sheer mountains which screen vessels from air attack, have given the small yet highly efficient Germany Navy a nuisance value far in excess of its size. This is especially true of its in'terceptive potentialities against the supply route to Murmansk. Rus sia's Arctic port, through which sup plies from Britain and America go in vast quantities. It was in a raid against one of these convoys, pro tected by major units of the British Home Fleet, that the venturesome Scharnhorst was caught and de stroyed. The mere fact that the German Admiralty risked its trump card in the attempt shows the im portance which Berlin places o» that supply line to the Red Armies. But the destructive possibilities j of the German Navy are not con- | fined to interference with the Mur- I mansk route. The daring raid on j Spitzbergen last summer showed it capable of dashes farther afield, j perhaps against the North Atlantic : sea lanes like that in which the giant Bismarck met its fate two yedrs ago. The result lias been that the Eriti.sh Admiralty is forced to maintain a home fleet much larger than the blockaded German Navy and including units powerful enough j to deal with the Germans wherever they might appear. Assuming that the Tirpitz is still unseaworthy and that the Gnei senau. sister ship of the Scharnhorst, continues to be laid up for repairs at a Baltic port, the German Navy is at present reduced to two “pocket battleships” and a few cruisers, none of them able to stand up against the most modern super dreadnaughts, with, which both the British and American Navies are well supplied. This may mean that some capital units, British or American, can be relieved from their watchdog and convoy activities in North Euro pean waters to the Pacific or the Indian Ocean, to cope with the Jap anese Navy. In this way, the sink ing of the Scharnhorst can produce notable repercussions on the bal ance of sea power -clear around the globe. Light and Voice The war has had the good and helpful effect of drawing into closer relation the religious forces of the free countries of the world. This is evident in a Christmas greeting to the Christian community of the Capital of the United States, written by Rabbi Norman Gerstenfeld, minister of the Washington Hebrew Congregation, and published in The Star for December 24. It likewise is manifest in a reply to that message bearing the signatures of the Rev erend Armand T. Eyler, president of the Washington Ministerial Union, and the Reverend Dr. Frederick Reissig, executive secretary of the Washington Federation of Churches. Rabbi Gerstenfeld, with an elo quence distinctively his own, de clared: “We stand united, Christian and Jew, in a great festival of light, in the spirit of the noblest vision of humanity that down through the centuries has ever striven with the primitive forces of hatred and cruelty and tyranny to bring right eousness and mercy and liberty.” Mr. Eyler and Dr. Reissig, respond ing, expressed their conviction that: “To Jew and Christian the'future of all good things depends upon one force alone—the Voice, the Word of God, proclaimed from Jewish temple and Christian church. As long as that Voice is triumphant we need ha*e no fear as to what the morrow will bring.” Such sentiments unquestionably are deeply felt by increasing numbers of clergy and laity in America, if not actually throughout the whole earth. The challenge of the pagan Axis has been accepted by all who acknowl edge the Living God; and those dif ferences which in the past separated and weakened the religious forces of the w'orld now seem small and incon sequential as compared with the vast emergency of prevailing times and the spiritual labor which that crisis necessitates to the end that civiliza tion may survive and the Deity be not mocked. " It used to take George Washing ton a whole week to travel from Alexandria to New York—but, in compensation, he could sit down all the way. Hark to the sad case of the boy whose favorite sport was a paper chase, and who grew up to be a newspaper publisher, still chasing paper. This and That By Charles E. Tracer ell. Mrs. Yolanda Bonifant is a friendly lady who came to Washington from a ftiendl> State in the Midwest and who stays friendly as she goes around town. No amount of persuasion on the part of her friends can keep her from talking to any one she meets. Talk is free, she says, and needful, in these days of universal horror on a wholesale scale. A little pleasant conversation, she be lieves, cheers the depressed. * * * * Mrs. Bonifant, it might be added, is no "battle-ax.” She is tall, willowy, slender, with a beautiful face and golden hair and plenty of it. Not exactly a "pinup” girl in any sense, but mighty smooth. When the big Texas soldier got on the bus he naturally fell into the seat beside Mrs. Bonifant. Who wouldn't? That lady was all primed for a little talk. Talking to the soldiers was good fun and made them feel at home. * * * * This package.” smiled Mrs. Bonifant. “is getting heavier and colder all the time.” The big soldier looked down at it. all wrapped up. and wondered what it might contain. "Horse meat.” said Mrs. B. "Horse meat?” answered the soldier. Perhaps he didn't know anything else to say. “Yes. I get it for the dog. It is ration free, you know, and he likes it.” * * * * The man from the heart of Texas looked rather doubtful. "I suppose it is good for dogs.” He smiled, his first and only smile, for he was a very grave one. “I hope I have never eaten any of it.” "They tell me.” smiled Mrs. Bonifant, “that all our boys ate it in the First World War and didn't know the dif ference. It smells very nice, although I have never eaten any of it. myself. It keeps marvelously well. Sometimes I keep it for 10 days and he still eats it. I mean Bozo.” ▼ * * * “Well.” drawled the big soldier, “I don't like the idea. Down where I come from horses are friends. I had just as leave eat a pet dog or cat.” Mrs. Bonifant removed her hand from the increasingly cold package. "I suppose I would feel the same way,” she said, "if I had ever had any per sonal acquaintance with a horse. "The closest I ever came to that was once when I was a child. I offered an apple to an old horse hitched to a wagon. He swung his head around and knocked me down! I have never for gotten. you see. "This meat is supposed to come from wild horses, anyway.” The soldier grinned. "That is what they say,” he said, sig nificantly. * * * * "And where are you going?” asked Mrs. Bonifant. "To see my girl.” came the prompt reply. “I haven’t seen her in a year.” Mrs. Bonifant smiled her brightest, "Are there any men left in Texas?” she asked. “It seems to me that they are all getting cited for bravery.” The soldier smiled, shyly, this time. "There are a lot of tough characters in Texas.’ he said, and then hastened to add. “I don't mean bad. just tough. They have to be.” Mrs. Bonifant looked out of the corner of her eyes at the big soldier. He seemed so extremely young, with his long eye lashes, and he didn’t look a bit tough, in any sense. "I want to kill Japs,” he said, sud denly, and he looked tough. Mrs. Bonifant assured him that noth ing would please her more, either, than tobe able to kill Japs. And she meant * Letters to The Star Gold Star Mother* Appreciated. To the Editor of The Star: After two years of war, we still are enjoying the toys and turkeys of Christ mas, safe in our homes. For this we are grateful to the Gold Star mothers, whose tragic sacrifices have made our blessings possible. To them we extend our deepest sym pathy, our genuine gratitude. Our debt never can be paid. Their boys who in holidays past played soldiers around their gala trees are fresh in their memories. For them there will be no more Yuletides. No more Christmas, as we know it. But we know that they are enjoying their first real, first true Christmas with Christ Himself. This indeed must be far more glorious than any joy we have on this earth. The boys must be very dear to God. for remember that He Himself said: “Greater love has no man than this, that he lay down his life for another.” Mav the bereaved mothers t^ke con solation in this knowledge that their boys are learning the true joys of their first real Christmas with the King Himself. A. D. i _ Need for Woman Workers In Grocery Stores Explained. To the Editor of Th* Star: Cities throughout the Nation are‘faced with the danger of retail food stores closing due to a critical shortage of labor. This communication will call attention to a drive designed to recruit women for full or part time work in food stores to alleviate the shortage. Proper distribu tion of food became a question for con cern when grocery stores across the Nation began closing. One of the chief reasons was lack of adequate help, as 12.000 men were drafted daily and women joined uniformed services or entered war plants. In some sections of the country it was necessary to designate food workers as "essential” in order to prevent serious breakdowns. Further, the War Manpower Commission received 750.000 letters from war workers protest ing. “We can't get groceries.” Those letters plainly showed that disrupted channeling of food seriously might im pair war production. in tne interest or the all-over pattern, of the some 569,400 food stores through out the United States, a Nation-wide publicity campaign lias been launched, directed principally to women who find it impossible to leave their homes for full-time employment in industry. Of the 2,000.000 women requested for indus try by the War Manpower Commission before July, 1944. it is estimated that grocery stores will need 63.000 full-time workers and 200.000 women working part time. In five test cities—Los Angeles, Wichita, Chicago. Detroit and Boston organizations such as the Pood Industry Committee «f Michigan are being intro duced to the drive so that they may act as spearheads of a movement. It is expected that a vanguard of housewives, realizing the urgency of the problem, will form the nucleus of a trend and avoid repetition of the necessity in hard pressed areas for placing food workers under essentiality ratings. R. M. KIEFER. Secretary-Manager National Associa tion of Retail Grocers. Chicago. Prohibition or Rationing Suggested for Duration. To the Editor of The 8t«r: Those Congressmen who are worried more about the liquor shortage than winning the war should start thinking about the American soldiers dying on battlefields overseas. The only sensible solution to this problem is to abolish liquor for the duration or ration* it as -you would food. I am not a "dry," but, on the other hand. I'm not all "wet.’’ American fight ing soldiers are not worrying about liquor, and I see no sane reason for it here. HARRY F. YOUNG. Jr. Inquires About Neglect To Freeze Prices at 1941 Level. To the Editor ol The 8tsr: I am one of the many who have not had any increase in earnings for over five years. Quite a few of us were re quested to relinquish double time for overtime and we agreed. We were turned down when we appealed for raises and we were satisfied with that decision. Now I ask: Why were not prices frozen as of December 7. 1941? When strikes are called the explanation given is the increase in the cost of living. I think we all can vouch for advances in the prices of all things needed to sustain our standard tvpe of life. CHARLES WEISS. Criticizes Advice to "Elderly Residents'’ To "Stay at Home" During Holidays. Tu the Editor of The Star: The Star for December 23 carried a storv headed “Police to Help Yuletide Drunks Across Streets.” It told how Traffic Director Van Duzer had arranged that “police patrols would be on all night duty to prevent drunks from op erating automobiles and to assist tipsy pedestrians.” He was represented as urging “elderly residents" to “remain off the streets unless accompanied by some one responsible for their safety." According to this, a special police de tail was to make the streets of our city safe for drunks, but respectable elderly people were “urged" to stay at home or furnish their own protection. The irony of the situation is that these same “elderly residents” by their ability, industry and thrift have pro duced a large part of the W’ealth of our city and pay no small part of the taxes from which the police are paid—not to protect respectable citizens, but to pro tect drunks who squander their earnings and impoverish their families and thus contribute to the enormous relief rolls the same taxpayers must meet. Is this the freedom America is fighting for? AN "ELDERLY RESIDENT” Editor's Note: Police officers are under orders to give protection and assistance to elderly citizens and to children all through the year. The holiday re quest to watch intoxicated persons was intended to guard them against injuring others, a.s well as themselves, particularly by driving automobiles or walking into lines of moving traffic. Dark of the Year Quick skeletal fingers of sleet strum over the roof. The East wind moans and the fire whines in the flue, The cat stares amber-eyed at the golden core of flames. And dusk is tailing already at half *• past two. Bright burns the apples in the firelit copper bowl But the scratch of empty boughs at the window is cold. The tick of the clock is loud in the silent room And each rasped beat cries out that the year is old. A whisper of whitened ash sifts down in the grate. The boy cries the evening papers somewhere in the block; The eye unseeingly stares at the crimson flicker of coals, And the hand, unthinking, moves up to wind the clock. FREDERICK EBRIGHT. On The Record Dorothy Thompson Victory, says the President, the Vice President, and Gen. Eisenhower—is a certainty, probably during next year. The sobering complement to these statements is that this victory will be bought by rivers of blood, spilled for our cause by the youth of the Nation. This youth is re cruited, regardless of class and occupa tion. Workers’ sons and boys from Exe ter and Yale, hill billies and Park Ave nue scions serve in equal danger. All are paid according to the Army sched ule and none from private to general, in any proportion to his hazards and responsibilities. On all fronts a united Nation fights —joined in common discipline and com mon democratic comradeship. In all wars, the contrast between the spirit of the front and the spirit of the civilians has given rise to breaks be tween the Nation at the front and at home and between the generations, too. In all wars the compensation of the soldier is the discovery, under fire, of the living reality of comradeship and mutual dependence. * * * * Returning soldiers from all wars hope to bring home this spirit and reconstruct the nation they have saved in this spirit. And in almost all wars they have been disappointed. The shattering of this illusion is what repeatedly has created the “lost generations.” turning the bright faith of democratic brotherhood into cynicism and despair. One would think that the hope of early victory and the knowledge of its cost would occupy every American to the exclusion of any other considers tion; that hearts would be suspended in prayer, minds concentrated in the most fundamental thinking, and hands be moving ever faster as the supreme test approaches. The moment will come when thou sands of our sons have an eye on a wrist watch, not to see whether it is time to stop, but time to go—time to hurl their so-young bodies at the enemy's steel, each knowing exactly what is at stake, for himself, his comrades and his coun try. On the fronts? the vision of victory means a tightening of all ranks. At home it means a loosening of all ranks. At the front, every soldier prays that his own life will be spared. Not one of them wants to die. The instinct for survival is as strong in them as in you or me. * * * * But each, confronting the enemy, knows that his life is only protected by the life of the whole. He is one with his comrades. If one is wounded the other will try to save him at the risk of his own life, for so he would be done by, and so therefore he must do. At home, the enemy presents himself through distant communiques. Presum ably he will soon be beaten, and then, where will each of us be? The specter of victory looms on the horizon, and with it the reckoning of the cost. Each begins to eye the other w’ith envy. Who is getting the most? Which industrial ists? Which workers? The greater the pressure for winning the war, the greater the pressure each group can bring. Stabilized farm prices? Everybody needs food—and they'll pay for it. Renegotiated contracts, to squeeze out unconscionable profits? Where would the country be without the industrial ists? Raise wages’ Easy, when even the threat of a strike can bring a Nation to its knees. And there's an election coming, and of course it matters almost equally with victory which set of politicians holds the jobs. Peace for the soldier means the re prieve of his life, the grant of the transcendant boon. And peace for the soldier, because he is still young, and envy and greed have not frozen his blood, means the chance to help make a future for his country in which envy and greed are not the invisible rulers. * * * * The worker at the front looks forward to an America with a decent living for himself and his comrades. If the workers at home are improving conditions he is glad. But what is improvement? Something that only can last for the short period of the war boom? What the worker-soldier demands of his labor leaders is that they shall back him now, and be planning for the future, not plotting to grab another 10 cents at his cost. What the soldier who dream* of a business of his own demands of business is that it should leave some place for him and not monopolize the works while he is gone. What the soldier-student interrupted in his studies is thinking of is how the world got into this mess and how he can help pull it out, if he survives. Nor does he believe that modern democracy is just a continuous war between self seeking pressure groups all worshiping Mammon. Let politicians, labor leaders, indus trialists, fanners, and black market oper ators beware of youth that comes home disillusioned of their own people. That should worry all of us more than wages, dividends, or prices. (Released by The Bell Syndicate, Inc ) I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton In spite of Mr. Wendell Willkie's famous book title, there really are two worlds, not one. One Is a crude, sinister, leering kind of world in which the President of the United States has deliberately starved Gen. MacArthur of airplanes, in order to keep him from being the Republican candidate for Presi dent. Get it? Those who live in this world also be lieve that the chief purpose of the Te heran conference was to compact a conspiracy against Poland on behalf of Russia. You can't fool them. They know. * » * * The denizens of this world are also of the firm opinion that Rhodes scholars have sold their souls to England <at a mystic ceremony in an Oxford base ment i and they will take their oaths that the plan to let soldiers vote freely, under Federal auspices, is a deliberate conspiracy against the Constitution. It is a world in which goblins moan and chairs move strangely, of their own accord. It is a world in which the rise of Hitler was no particular menace, but in which the coming victory against him will be the result of a long series of diabolical plots. One plot was lease lend. a vicious scheme to enrich the world at American expense. Another plot is the accord with Russia, which is a conspiracy against the Atlantic Char ter. conducted by those who wrote it. Everything is a racket, but. somehow, we are getting victory out of it. The inhabitants of this wretched w orld know the cause of nothing, and a dirty reason for everything. They stare at history with a special, sad expression, indicating that nobody else understands w:hat it is to be a mother. * * * * There is. fortunately, a second world, a humbler but a brighter one; one which is not nearly so sure of its an swers, though it is much more sure of its road. In this particular world, a kind of miracle of universal under standing has occurred at a dark time, so that it has become possible for a Com munist metal worker of Belgrade to operate in harmony with the King's First Minister in Great Britain, and with young flyers from Texas, to defeat the enemies of all three. I call it a humbler world, because none of these three really know* what the outcome of this strange collaboration will be. yet each is willing to function on the basis of a kind of groping faith in human decency. It is also a proud world, for the people in it would rather fight for their faiths than die for their prejudices. In this second world there is a touch of charity and comprehension wholly missing from the first. Among its people are. for example, residents of Chung king who are willing to admit that the war in Europe must be won first, as compared with certain residents of safe Chicago who will make no such admis sion. * * * * There is also a touch of adventure among the people of this second world; they see an international conference as a meeting of four men. groping their way, willing to go a mile together, even if they cannot quite see 10 mile» ahead. To the denizens of the first kind of world, of course, the same international con ference is a meeting of thieves and the big question is, who is the smartest crook? Well, there is a bright new year com ing up. and we all have to spend it somewhere, in either the one world or the other, so pick the world in which you prefer to live during the coming twelve-month. Pick a good one. The Great Game of Politics frank R. Kent With the war reaching its most criti cal stage and. we are authoritatively toW. American lives about to be sacri ficed on a wholesale scale, among the railroad e m p 1 o yes and in the great ba sic industry of steel the union labor boss es. through strikes, recently threatened to bring the whole war effort utterly to a standstill. And once more, through his agencies or agents, the Presi dent prepares to give ground, buy them off Again and again this has happened. Whether he abjectly ; surrenders, as in some cases, or com promises as in many other cases, or. as i in the recent coal mine and the present railroad case, the gesture of having the I Government take over the properties is I made, the result is always the same. In the end the union bosses get all they expect, almost all they ask. In the end. after the face-saving moves have been made, that is what will happen this time, too. * * * * Regardless of how the most recently threatened disaster has been averted, the time has come when the pretense that these labor bosses are patriotically supporting the war ought to be aban doned. Instead of supporting the Presi dent -and helping the war effort, they systematically wreck his paper programs and impede vital war production as no other group in America has done. And the time also has come to cease regard ing Mr. Roosevelt as standing firmly for the national interests against these labor raids. He does not stand by his own. boards and agents. His political alliance with these men precludes him from doing so. They compose the most important part of his political machine. Some of them are actually in his admin istration. Others are his intimate friends, who have had the run of the White House for years, and are clamoring for the fourth term! It is impossible to pretend that he is not under heavy political obli gations to them, and it Is absurd to think that he ran be stern and unyield ing against their demands, because it is he who has built them up to the point where they can make their demands. It was Mr. Roosevelt's Attorney General. Mr. Biddle, who declared that the New Deal is a political jJarty allied with organized labor and directed by an en lightened leader—or words to that effect. All of which makes the recent statement to reDorters on this subject of a "high Government official” speaking, as Arthur Krock says, with Mr. Roosevelt's knowl edge and approval—one of the most outstanding pieces of false pretense recorded in a long time. This gentle man expressed the fear, which he urged be given wide publicity, that the American people are apathetic to ward organized pressures by groups • chief of them being the union labor bosses! "to obtain special benefits that impede the prosecution of the war. postpone victory and add to the toll of human life.” * * * * Coming from Mr. Roosevelt, this Is about the limit. If the American people are apathetic on this matter of organized labor pressure it is solely because Mr. Roosevelt has made them so. If the labor bosses are arrogant and dictatorial It Is because of the meat he has fed them. For 10 years now he has given presi dential and White House support to the men who are now pointing a pistol at the head of the Government, obstructing its war program and forcing it to bow to their will and who, after they get what they are after at the expense of the country and the war effort, loudly flaunt their phony patriotism. It is he who for a full year after the wah started asserted that inflation could be controlled without controlling wages and insisted that none of the privileges granted to labor, under the one-sided laws which he had put through Con gress for the labor bosses, should be af fected by the war. It was he who ap proved his Undersecretary of War's Labor Day letters to conspicuous labor figures telling them what magnificent work they had been doing when they should have been denounced because of the long series of strikes that had cost many millions of man-hours on war production. And. finally, it was he who used his personal influence To prevent effective antistrike legislation by a Con gress anxious to enact it In brief, tha President is the architect <of the situa tion he now deplores. Scharnhorst Affair Mystery Afaj. George Fielding Eliot There is a mystery about the affair of the Scharnhorst, and it is this: What was the German battleship doing out in the dark waters of the Arctic Ocean all alone, without es corting cruisers, de stroyers or aircraft? The Germans have a few ships of these ! categories left, and I certainly they not devoid of planes. If the Scharnhorst had been engaged in a normal-type oper ation against the Murmansk convoy, surely it is to be expected that she would be the central pivot in a properly organized group. Just as the Duke of York was. Are wje. then, to draw the conclusion that the Germans are becom ing desperate as the hour of invasion draws nearer and that they are now beginning to do what it has been antici pated that they might, to send their remaining surface warships out singly with orders to attack convoys and keep on attacking until they are destroyed? + * * * The very fact that the Scharnhorst, being wounded in her first encounter with tlie British cruisers, returned to the attack later in the day suggests that she had orders to keep attacking the convoy at all costs. But this is not a conclusive suggestion. She may have turned away to repair damages and it is probable that her captain did not know that the Duke of York was close at hand. He may have hoped to sink one or more of the British cruisers, which he might have done had he been able to stay within range long enough. But it is , much more likely, from his movements, : that his orders were to avoid battle with British warships and to keep after the convoy. Each time he waa engaged by the cruisers he turned away. The excellence of the British arrange ments for the protection of the convoy ■ is eloquently testified to by the results obtained. The close escort of three large cruisers was sufficient to deal with any thing short of a German battleship: the supporting group, comprising the battle ship Duke of Ycyfjf, another cruiser and four destroyers, was in readiness to close In if needed, and the battleship was kept far enough away front the convoy so that she would not be sighted by any attacking German battleship until she had a chance to close the range. The very nature of these dispositions sug gests that the Admiralty had some idea that a German battleship might be at sea. and the fact that the encounter took place near Bear Island, 350 miles north west of North Cape, tells us that the convoy was taking an extremely north erly route to keep out of reach of German aircraft, and that the presence of the Scharnhorst in those northern waters hardly could have been otherwise than for the purpose of Intercepting the convoy. * * * * The result showed how little chance a battleship alone has against a properly organized fighting team. In her morning encounter with the cruisers, the Scharn horst was hurt: probably not badly, but enough to cause her to draw off. Hav ing. presumably, repaired the damage, she returned to the attack. She was engaging the cruisers again, probably at the longest range the visibility would permit (it is rarely very good in those northern seas) when the Duke of York came within range and opened up with her 14-inch battery. The Scharnhorst immediately, and wisely, turned and lied Her nine 11-inch guns were hope lessly outclassed by the Duke of York's ten 14-lnchers. But now the destroyers accompanying the Duke of York were close enough to dart In for a torpedo attack. They did so very gallantly, and got three torpedo hits. That slowed the German battleship enough for the York to get to more effective range; she was set on fire and the flames must have given the York an excellent target in the deepening Arctic dusk. Finally, the cruiser Jamaica went in closer and finished the German battleship with her torpedoes. * * * * The point to be noted Is that all the British ships present—battleship, crui sers, destroyers—took an effective and important part in the destruction of the Scharnhorst. Alone against the Duke of York, she might have got away. Alone Against the cruisers and destroy ers. she might have either escaped or done a great deal of damage before she could be finished off. Against the com bination she was so helpless that only slight, damages were reported bv the British squadron. That is a happy augury for our naval forces in the Pacific, where the Japanese battleship force is still intact (as to its newer units), but where the Japanese have suffered very heavy losses of cruisers and destroyers, and their air power is weakening. One more point about the Scbam horst action is worth noting, and that is the fftct that the Duke of York wa* flying the flag of Admiral Sir Bruce Fraser, commander in chief of the home fleet. This suggests the great importance which the British Admiralty attached to the safe transit of the con voy under its protection—the decision has apparently been taken that the Germans are not to be allowed to in terrupt the Murmansk route this winter, try as they may. (Copyrnht, 1P4S. by Nrw Ynrk Tribune, the.) I Remember, I Remember From the Detroit News. Effects of Inflation upon farmer* dur ing the last war seem a neglected sub ject as heads of chief farm organiza tions. their Washington lobbyists, argued for permitting unrestrained rises of food prices before the Senate Banking Com mittee. It is a matter that, lor the sake of the farmers, the committee Senators should have required the Washington farm-the-farmer men to face. While it is true that the consequences of $2.50 wheat and $1.77 corn in 1919 did not fail upon farmers until 10 years later, the following 10 years of farm depres sion are fresh in all farm memories. The World War I fsrm-price inflation led to land—and farm equipment—buy ing at inflated prices; farm debt was un supportably doubled: and when the in evitable deflation came 85.000 farmers lost their farm*. It ought to be made perfectly clear that their Washington agents are leading the farmers iff.tfije same direction now. The force Of the adage is nowhere better among farmers that “what .coma down."