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The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to ,republicatlon of all news dispatches n»Dder ?nrt° ,L°!J10 O'hvrwise credited in this a}«o the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatch** herein also are reserved. uispatcnes ^^__H_£gURSDAY!_Dec. 3071943 New Start Needed The calling off of the railroad strike means that the President has achieved his primary objective in the negotiations with the railroad unions. The trains will continue to run and the Nation can go on with the war. It would have been un thinkable to have permitted any thing to stand in the way of achieving these results. But this does not mean that the settlement is one which really settles anything. The President in duced the unions to cancel the strike call by resort to what is plainly a subterfuge. The railroad workers are not covered by the wage-hour law. having Ween exempted at their own request because they thought it would be to their advantage to remain outside the scope of that statute. Nor are they to be paid for overtime now under the wage hour law. If the pattern established with respect to the trainmen and engi neers is followed, all railroad work ers will receive an arbitrary pay ment of five cents an hour for over time. They will receive this re gardless of whether they work more than forty hours a week. Thus, the arrangement is plainly a disguised pay increase—a device through which the workers’ pay demands can be satisfied without openly violating the Government’s wage stabilization formula, although, of course, the formula actually is ignored in the settlement. This is substantially the same thing that was done in settling the coal strike, when the miners were paid a certain sum for an assumed travel time. The assumed travel time might or might not be the actual travel time, but the miners nevertheless are paid on the basis of that assumption. This was the first method of by-passing the sta bilization program. The railroad adjustment is the second. What is the Government going to do in the steel wage dispute and the other similar controversies that are in the making? Perhaps it will be possible to find more circuitous ways of getting around the wage formula. But this is a course which can only tend to de stroy public respect for Government. If the overriding necessities of war require that higher wages be paid, then it would seem better to abandon these subterfuges, admit that the present stabilization formula has failed and start anew. Then, at least, we could seek a solution in a more wholesome atmosphere. The Balkan Kings Depart To those versed in European af fairs, one of the most significant aspects of the trend of events in the Balkans is the way its monarchs seem to be on their way out. The significance of this trend is not apparent to most Americans, because we have lived under a republican dispensation for nearly 170 years and kings seem to us an archaic survival whose elimination is only natural. That, however, is not true over much of the ancestral continent whence most of us spring. There, the monarchical principle is very much alive. Our British cousins revere the royal family and regard the Crown as the vital symbol of Empire. It should of course be un derstood that the deeper attach ment of a people is to the dynasty and not merely to the reigning sovereign, no matter how much he may be beloved. There is an almost mystic element here involved which we Americans can scarcely compre hend. Now what is true of Britain ap plies also to most of Western and Central Europe. Even where mon archy has given place to a republic, as in France, Spain and Portugal, strong royalist parties remain and a restoration is either possible or prob able. In Italy we are beginning to discern the attachment which still clings to the House of Savoy, despite its discredited representative, Victor Emmanuel. However, in the Balkans, the mon archical principle is not nearly so deep-rooted as it is to the west and north. Greece, for instance, has re cently oscillated between monarchy and republic, and it is fairly clear that the return of King George is not desired by most of his former subjects, while the Partisans of Yugoslavia seem to be veering against King Peter and probably against his dynasty in favor of a Socialist Fed eration which might well include Bulgaria. That would cut out the Bulgarian royal family. As for Ru mania, its dynasty is decidely dis credited. The upshot may be a clean sweep of royalty throughout the region. If this happens, the basic reason would seem to be that Balkan royalty did not evolve through the feudal ages, as in Western Europe, but Is a recent innovation. The Turkish con quest of five centuries ago swept away the old nobilities and reduced those peoples to oppressed peasant ries. When the Turkish yoke was lifted, largely through the European Great Powers, dynasties of Western European origin were generally es tablished by the liberators. Serbia was the exception, but there inde pendence was gained by two brigand chiefs whose families have wrangled for the throne ever since. The “divinity that doth hedge a king’’ ripens slowly. In the Balkans, roy alty is still relatively green. Hence, a killing frost may be its undoing. Stalingrad-Ortona-Tarawa Three outstanding sieges of the past two years in widely different theaters of the global struggle reveal from various angles an interesting evolution in that perpetual duel between defense and offense which is the basic factor in the art of war. The trilogy starts logically as well ,as chronologically with Stalin grad. When the ponderous. Ger man war machine rolled eastward from the Ukraine to the Volga in the summer of 1942, most military students doubted Stalingrad’s ability long to hold out. Not only was it “unfortified” in the technical sense, but it was also dominated by hills to the westward whence the be siegers could direct a plunging fire on every part of the city, strung out thinly along the west bank of the Volga for upwards of ten miles. It looked as though the Germans could blast gaps in the Russian lines, cut them into segments, and destroy these in detail. The expected, however, did not happen. Despite months of furious fighting wherein the Germans were compelled to battle street by street at tremendous cost, the Russians were never completely expelled from the city. With the coming of winter, relieving Red armies turned the tables, cut the German supply lines, I and presently crushed the enemy garrison in a great disaster. The basic reason for this surpris ing outcome was the unlooked-for defensive possibilities of a city con structed of durable materials. Under the Soviet regime, Stalingrad had been transformed from a straggling port town into an industrial metrop olis, with huge blocks of factories and workers’ apartment houses built of reinforced concrete. Such con struction is not only resistant even to heavy bombing and shell fire but is also noncombustible: so the ruins form natural fortresses within which determined defenders can be dis lodged only by hand-to-hand fight ing. The Red high command had apparently foreseen this from the precedent of University City on the outskirts of Madrid, during the Spanish civil war, where a similar deadlock was established. The up shot was that an “open city” in the traditional sense was shown to be as defensible as one with fixed fortifications, provided the defenders were ready to accept its material ruin as part of the siege price. The same lesson has just been taught by the stubborn German de fense of Ortona, a small town on Italy’s Adriatic Coast, where picked German units held out in the tumbled ruins of stone buildings in what Allied official bulletins describe as “a Stalingrad in reverse.” The i same principle was applied by tfre Japanese to fixed fortifications on the island of Taraw’a by allowing great thickness of cement, sand and steel plates, able to withstand in tensive barrages of heavy shells and aerial bombs. All this greatly enhances the strength of the defense. On the far-flung eastern front of Russia strong points can be by-passed and isolated in major offensives, while much the same is true of the vast sea stretches of the Pacific. On a restricted front like that of Italy, however, the offensive does not ap pear to have yet found the appro priate answer. Jefferson's Writings The announcement of the proposed publication of a definitive edition of the writings of Thomas Jefferson by Princeton University and the New York Times is something important to the average American in a meas ure and to a degree that perhaps may not be apparent to every citizen at first glance. A clue to the signifi cance of the enterprise, however, may be discovered in the affirmation of Prof. Henry Steele Commager of Columbia that the literary works of the third President “are absolutely central to an understanding of American history.” Expressed in other language, the thoughts of Jefferson are fundamental in the culture of the United States. Dr. Harold Willis Dodds, speaking as the principal sponsor of the project as well as the administrative head of Princeton, suggests the catholicity of the mind of the man whom Henry Clay regarded as “the second founder of the liberties of the people.” His writings touch art, science, politics, government, agri culture, music, architecture, educa tion, mathematics, trade, slavery, religion and many other depart ments of human concern. And the contact is peculiar. Jefferson was himself, a very distinct personality. He possessed an intelligence which John Quincy Adams, his stern and bitter critic, conceded to have been of “great compass.” It likewise was of dynamic strength and power. Jefferson could demolish an idea with a single epithet. His capacity to create and to build also was Olympian. Much of “the American way of life” traces back to him. He transmitted to millions of people his own especial philosophy. The heirs of his genius have not realized their obligation to the force deriving from what Woodrow Wilson denominated his “attitude toward mankind.” But in the years which lie immedi ately beyond the war the American community will need to appreciate that relation. The essential canons of democratic civilization may be tested again and again in the era of reconstruction after peace has been restored. Jefferson’s guidance in those crises will be available in the books which the scholars enlisted by Dr. Julian P. Boyd, Princeton libra rian, are to bring together. The active aid of every owner of Jeffer soniana is invited. It is good to know that the whole tremendous undertaking will be a living memo rial to Adolph S. Ochs, publisher of the Times from 1896 until his death in 1935. He served the equalitarian tTadition all his days and well de serves such fair remembrance. P as in Puzzling The President’s penchant for words beginning with a "P”—puerile, politics and picayune—presents a problem and portrays the predica ment of the people. There is a paradox in the predilection of a paragon to parry presentiments, in pique if not petulance, pertaining to his plans. Are pesky pressmen presumptuous, in palavers with the President, in pressing the perennial point as to his purposes, the portents of which are perfectly plausible if not palpable? Prone though they are to provocative prediction, they are not preposterous in their perti nacity. One cannot placate them with prolix parables. They are not pusillanimous puppets nor partisan I poltroons, but plucky patriots. A prestidigitator should preserve his poise, not precipitate a pother over the persistent pursuit of pitiless publicity on the President’s propen sity for postponing the publication of providential pronouncements. The- oldest theater admission ticket ' in existence, one for the Coliseum in Rome during its prime, is in a European museum. It is a likely bet that this, too. passed through the hands of a speculator, j Units of the Australian Army are detailed as fishermen to help out the military food supply. When last heard of, these soldiers had many captives and were still holding the line. The British Navy, typically enough, is the only one in the world to have a chief petty officer who wears a monocle. The late Admiral Sir Joseph Porter, K. C. B„ would thor oughly approve of that. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. ‘BETHESDA. Dear Sir: "You had a piece in the paper about belling the cat, and you said that you couldn't buy a collar with a bell on it for a cat, that the bells had gone to war. because they needed the metal. "Not all the bells have gone to war, evidently, because I found some very nice ones at Christmas in a 10-cent store. They came three to a card, at 10 cents for three; I took them apart and made a very nice belled collar for our cat. "The metal is saved on the cat collars, but is not saved in the bells themselves! Maybe this means something. “Sincerely, M. J." ♦ * * * These small bells are probably some j the manufacturers had left over from ! past seasons. If you want to put them on a collar, all right, but they don't come sewed on. All the Government can do is to make general rules: there will be many reser vations and what seem to be infringe ments and violations These small bells were intended for the ladies to wear on their coats, to give them a merry holiday jingle. ♦ * * * It will be bad news for the cats, that bells can be secured, after all. These fellows want nothing to wear except their fur suits. These suits have an amazing auto matic action which keeps the wearers warm outdoors and comfortable indoors. Old Tigey, for instance, who spends most of his time outdoors, even in zero weather, can come indoors and lie for hours touching a warm radiator, without the slightest harm or evidence of dis comfort. The moment he goes outdoors, the muscles holding the hairs contract, and so place them that they form the best shield against low temperatures. This is a wholly automatic reaction. The coarse outer hairs of the small animals are held in such a position that they make tents or umbrellas, while the soft undercoat acts much as long under wear on humans. w v m w There has been a great deal of laugh ter, through the years, over long under wear, but there is nothing else which gives as much protection. The sensible person will laugh at “longies,” since that seems to be the thing to do, but he will go right ahead wearing them, too. Return of the long underwear habit probably would do a great deal toward cutting down the incidence of colds and the “flu.” This is particularly true of December, the most treacherous month of 'the year. If people were covered up, they would avoid the chills in this month which are so dangerous. Mostly city folk are not properly dressed for December. The month catches them unaware. (No pun intended; the writer here is not smart enough to use puns.) * * * v There would be no use, however, of wearing long underwear in December or any other month, if houses, offices and stores were not kept so hot. Despite wartime restriction on fuel, many places are far too hot for long underwear. It will remain a question, then, whether it is best to be on the chilly side, most of the time, and not sweat when going outdoors, and being at a proper temperature outdoors, but in a slightly moist state indoors, and going out with perspiration on the skin, even though covered up with an over coat. These are practical questions of every day city living in the winter. It should be fashionable to talk about them, be cause health and sickness are serious topics of discussion, even if “longies” somehow are not. We have often thought that the American sense of humor, while a blessing, also has its drawbacks, not the least of which is that we often tend to laugh at, and so disregard, matters which, after all, are serious and need honest, serious dis cussion. % Letters to The Star McCarran Bill Discussed By Voter of 1896. To the Editor of The Star: The hearings on the McCarran bill have increased rather than diminished the confusion. I submit the following propositions: 1. The letter and intent of the Con stitution are that Congress shall gov ern the District. Congress cannot get rid of that responsibility without a constitutional amendment. 2. This is the Capital of the Natioh. Every citizen of the country has an Interest in its proper maintenance, in cluding such matters as police and fire protection, transportation, health, edu cation, water supply, cleanliness, city planning, etc. 3. A proposal to transfer responsibility in these matters from Congress to a local elective municipal government would not be ratified by a single State, and should not carry in a single county. 4. Control through an appointed com mission is far preferable to control by an elected commission. (No one has proposed that a city manager be se lected by a general election. The rea son is obvious. The same reason applies in the selection of Commissioners, who should be experienced businessmen, with special qualifications for their duties.) 5. This is not a suitable time for an experiment in municipal government. 6. Service on the District committees should be sought by Congressmen rather than avoided. It is unique in char acter and importance, and should afford fine opportunity for members who have had experience in city government. 7. The District committees should have the advice and aid of members elected by and from the people of the District, pursuant to the adoption of the pending Sumners-Capper Resolu tion and action thereunder by Congress. 8. The suggestion that the people of the District should demonstrate their capacity for local government before being allowed to participate in national affairs is devoid of reason. Where and when has such a test ever been applied? The idea mentioned in No. 8 has a humorous aspect in my own case. I last voted for President and Congress man in 1896. Allowing reasonable pe riods for installation of a local govern ment, demonstration of its capacity and subsequent enfranchisement of voters, I might expect to resume my rights as a citizen in about 20 years—at the age of 1Q3! C. V. BURNSIDE. Submits Four "Points” On “Juvenile Delinquency” Problem. To the Editor of The Star: The vast publicity during the recent months on the subject labeled "Juvenile Delinquency” is creating such confusion that I am moved to invite your atten tion to some of the things which are not being said but which desperately need to be brought to public attention. The thoughts expressed are not only my own but those of every person pro fessionally connected with the recrea tion field witji whom I have talked. We give them the weight of professional opinion on this subject just as medical men judge medical matters, clergymen weigh religious matters, educators con sider school problems, and so on. Many lay leaders of the recreation movement support these views also. Point number one, then, is that the term "Juvenile Delinquency” really puts the cart before the horse.' Those of us who are working with children and with agencies serving them during leisure time know that most so-called delin quent acts (excepting those of mentally deficients) are the normal expression of children's mental and physical growth and their desire for adventure. We be lieve, therefore, that the real problem is not "Juvenile Delinquency” but is fundamentally the human need of all people for wholesome creative activity. The second thought Is, now that par ents, schools, churches, and the recrea tion centers have been roundly con demned by one and all. including each other, that the time has come for us to look at the community resources we have and make full use thereof rather than exchange recriminations and cry about what we do not have. This is not to say these resources are necessarily adequate, but we know' that existing resources could be made to be of greater service. This brings us to the third point ! which is that just as professional mat ters in medicine are left to medical men, and professional matters in education are left to school people, so should recreation problems of technical na ture be left to those who know how to deal with them. One of the ill effects of the current hysteria about so-called “juvenile delinquency” is that all kinds of "wild cat” projects are springing up. Expedient projects started on the im pulse of sentimental philanthropy do more harm than good. Let's mobilize community forces through recognized agencies, strengthen them, and use the energies and skills of those trained in this work. The fourth, final, and probably the most important point is that this vast publicity has created in the minds of youths themselves the idea, that they are in the spot light. It has become smart to be a “problem child.” Many of us from day to day hear these chil dren refer to one another as “you juve nile delinquent” in the way in which they used to say "Hiya, drip.” This means that we adults are making a grave mistake by not consulting vouth in our planning. There have been one or two notable exceptions of bringing youth into planning but, for the most part, this assistance in solving the prob lem has been ignored. WAYNE C. SOMMER. Recreation Secretary, Council of So cial Agencies. Strikers at Steel Plant Described as Traitors. To the Editor of The Star: On Monday there appeared in The Star an Associated Press wirephoto showing about 25 smiling strikers from the Blair Knox steel plant at Pittsburgh. I noticed that the majority of them are of draft age. Why not call them into the armed forces immediately? Those beyond the age of military service should be tried for treason. Strikes in defense industries must stop. JOSEPH W. LEVERTON. National Gallery Here in these frames the centuries assemble, Nor time nor space escapes the might of art; Pigment with power to set the heart atremble Seeks out its light and breaks the sun apart. Behold this sea whose waters never wane, Behold these skies bearing eternal wings; Eyes that knew happiness and love and pain, Lips that kissed queens and hands that welcomed kings. Protect, O God, these vestiges of time Which from Thy mind were given unto man, Though cities crumble in the dust and slime And we must start once more where we began. So shall they know who come on earth hereafter That there was virtue, too, and peace, and laughter. PAUL H. OEHSER. I This Changing World Constantine Broubi The controversy over the proportion of American and British troops to be engaged in the invasion of Western Europe continues unabated. Senator Johnson, Democrat, of Colorado, a mem ber of the Senate Military Affairs Committee, has said on "good authority’’ that 73 per cent of the invasion "force will be American and 27 per cent British. It was stated offi cially here Tuesday night that the ac tuah proportion was a military secret which Hitler would like to know, but it can be inferred that there will be more American than British troops in the invasion because the statement, Issued by the joint chiefs of staff, said: "The British with one-third as large a population as this country already have a considerably larger number of troops in the Mediterranean theater than we. Fo>- other European opera tions they aie going to put in every thing they have got and we are going to put in everything we can get there.’’ We know that the British manpower potential is one-third as great as'ours. The fact that the chiefs of staffs said the British have a considerably larger force in the Mediterranean, a zone which includes North Africa, Sicily, Italy and the Middle East, leaves no doubt that in an operation said to re quire close to 1,000,000 men we shall have to furnish the bulk of the striking ground force. * * * * On the basis of the comparative pop ulations of the United Kingdom and the United States the strategists of both countries have had a different strategic concept. __ The Americans always have shown a strong desire to finish off the war in Europe quickly so that we can transfer our forces to the South Pacific, where the Japanese are consolidating and fortifying the main bases in their newly conquered empire. The top American military men believe it is preferable, considering that we have to fight an other equally bitter war against Japan, to make a heavy sacrifice in one major operation and put an end to the German resistance as soon as possible rather than engage in a war of attrition against the Reich. They became firmly convinced that this was the only possible strategy in Europe, particularly when they realized that the Russians made it a "must” at the recent Teheran conference. Tire doubt about Russia’s continuing in the war which existed until recently in the minds of many responsible officials has not been completely dis pelled. But in exchange for Stalin’s unequivocal guarantee that he would continue the war relentlessly, the British and American leaders had to promise that their armies would attack the Ger mans from the west in force. * * * * These two considerations have made the proportion between the American and British forces slated to invade Western Europe a matter of only rela tive importance in the minds of our military leaders. Prime Minister Churchill and the majority of his military advisers be lieved until recently that a war of at trition against the Reich, combined with strong Russian attacks from the east and a continuous aerial pounding of Germany, would break the morale of the German home front and would pre cipitate the defeat of the Nazi forces. The British have been stronglv in favor of extending their military opera tions in the Mediterranean. The Italian campaign was somewhat of a dis appointment so far as its speed is con cerned, but the British general staff pointed out that it forced the Germans to send at least 25 divisions into a country held last year by not more than 7. * * * * They would have liked to see a similar operation develop in the Balkans. They expected the Turks to join the Allies actively, and hoped the Bulgarians, Hungarians and Rumanians would fol low the example of the Italians and thus compel the Nazis to pour a larger number of men into the Mediterranean area. In the past, when the Russians were on the defensive, they predicated th-ir demand for an immediate second frcnt on the fact that it would take away at least 60 Nazi divisions. The Bri l-'h maintained that half that number al ready has been diverted to the Balk' t.s from the eastern front and from t'T.e Nazi reserve pool. The Russians are now on the ofTr-; sive, and, what is more imports -it, further operations against South', n Europe would compel the German-, o take still more troops from the er. . Moreover, the British have imrllc t faith that continual air bombardmc s of the Reich will destroy the mo Tie of the home front and curtail prodr tion to a point where the German hrh command will give up the fight. * * * * This strategic concept was shelved definitely by Premier Stalin, and the American strategists agreed with the Russian view. The British have accepted the ma jority decision. But it is pointed out that they have been preparing for major operations in the Mediterranean Hence, a large number of their forces have been dispatched to that area for some time. When the zero hour for the invasion of Western Europe comes, the number of British divisions necessarily will be much smaller than the American The Political Mill Gould Lincoln President Roosevelt has side-stepped the first direct question put to him on his possible fourth-term candidacy. The question was asked at his Tues day press conference by Bert Andrews of the New York Herald Tribune. His reply was that the ques tioner was getting “picayune.” Until the Presi de n t makes some other answer, some definite statement of his own future polit ical plans, the coun try will assume he is going to run again next year for re el e c tion. Whether this is an incorrect assumption or not, it will be the interpretation of his silence. Judging fmm what occurred in 1940, when the President would not discuss a third-term candidacy—and' what happened in the end—it is a justifiable Interpretation. * * * * It is exceedingly doubtful that the Democratic party and the country at large would agree with Mr. Roosevelt that the question of a fourth-term can didacy is "picayune,” meaning a thing of slight importance. Indeed, most of the Democratic leaders will insist that he run again. They believe that he would be their strongest candidate. There are exceptions, of course—Democrats who do not wish him to be the party nom inee next year. One of the most out spoken is Senator Johnson of Colorado, who declared after the November elec tions, that “the New Deal is dead,” and that the Democrats had better get busy and nominate Gen. George C. Marshall, chief of staff, as their party standard bearer. It is not without interest that a dis cussion of the New-Deal slogan by the President himself brought the ques tion regarding his fourth-term candi dacy. He previously had told a Cleve land newspaperman he considered the slogan outmoded and in reply to a question from the Clevelander suggested ‘•Win the War” as a substitute, for his administration. Slogans exist for cam paign purposes. At his press conference, the President undertook to explain what he had meant—pointing out that the main objectives of the New Deal had been attained. He listed some 30 ac complishments, ranging from the laws creating Federal deposit insurance, the Securities and Exchange Commission to minimum wages and maximum hours of labor. He asked if any of the de tractors of the New Deal would remove these remedies. * * * * To a great many persons in this country, however, the New' Deal has come to mean unlimited deficit spend ing. with huge national debts and high taxes (outside of the w-ar effort en tirely;; setting class against class: play ing politics with pressure groups having many votes; great concentration of power in the Federal Government in Washington, and more recently, bu reaucratic control of many of the activi ties of private citizens as well as of all business. These are some of the charges leveled against the New-Deal adminis tration. to which a great many people subscribe. These are the things that any candidate for President would not like to have tied to him in an election campaign. These are the things which weighed against the Democrats in the 1943 elections. There Is another item in the people's criticism of the Roosevelt New Deal administration — its handling of labor problems, particularly, since in 1940, the great program of national defense was launched, beginning with the Selective Service Act. It is today particularly in the headlines because of the administra tion's handling of the threatened rail road strike, the steel strike and the coal strike. The Government has been forced to yield to labor's threats and acts—to yield and yield again. The political im plication in each measure of yielding has been understood. At no time has the Government taken a firm stand against the demands of labor leaders—and maintained it. There does not appear to be any end in sight, either. The ‘•line”—set up in the "Little Steel” formula for wage increases, and price control, which went along with it, has been broken. The break started seriously with the coal strike, engi neered by John L. Lewis. The Presi dent s promises to the steel workers to get them back to work and the railroad workers make the line no longer tenable. The most that can be hoped for is the formation of a new line, with higher scales all along the line, involving both wages and prices. Unless the Govern ment exerts all its power to form such a new line and hold it, the inflation, against which we have been warned day in and day out, will arrive, with all its attendant miseries. Incidentally, the President’s demand for roll-back subsidies, resisted by Congress,, gets a setback with these wage increases. * * * * The President’s seizure of the rail roads and their operation by the Gov ernment raises an issue that could have wide political repercussions. The Pres ident's Fair Employment Practices Com mittee not long ago issued an order to the Southeastern railroads to make no discrimination against Negroes in their employ. This means, in effect, that Negro brakemen and firemen could, under seniority rules, become conductors and engineers on the trains. The rords declined to accede to the order, point ing out that their contracts with the brotherhoods themselves prevented it. If the President undertakes to enforce the order, while the roads are Govern ment-controlled, the railroad workers may take it out on the administration in the coming election. It might easily lead to racial troubles, too. On the other hand, if the President ignores the order, what about the Negro vote? The President at his press conference indi cated that nothing speedy would be done about the matter, that he would undertake to try to work out some adjustment. I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton When Gen. Marshall said that the Japanese are already beaten, though we still have much fighting to do. many of our journalists jumped him. Bad for morale, they said. Makes overconfi dence. A new jour nalistic game is going on, in which a number qf commen tators sit about, their eyes as bright as buttons, waiting for some general o r statesmen to make an optimistic re mark. Then they let him have it. Well, it is an easy way to make a liv ing, but it is also a rather-crude approach to the complex question of morale in wartime. To begin with, morale is confidence. You can’t get away from it. Morale is confidence that we can solve our prob lems. Gloom is not morale; doubt is not morale; worry is not morale. If these things were morale, the French should have been busting with morale in June, 1940, for they were, filled with gloom and doubt and worry. The French did not think they were going to win, and they were quite right. They didn't w'in. * * * * Contrariwise, the Nazi troops had been informed, on the personal word of their leader, that they were of a higher species of humanity than the French and were, indeed, supermen. Where upon, by the crude standards currently being set up. they should have lost the war against the French. Somehow, they won. I cite these facts to show that the question is a bit more complicated than would be indicated by our current bur lesque debate over whether we ought to wear a property smile or a property frown. The Russians do not hesitate to fire 130 guns in Moscow by way of celebra tion whenever they capture a good-sized provincial city, and they sometimes make with the merriment when they have seized only a split-week town, or* a one-night stand. Russian official posters show Hitler as an animal vary ing in aspect and dignity from a rat at best to a roach at worst, and those contemptuous posters don't seem to hurt the Russian soldier. * * * * Our own worried approach to morale Is thin, childish and insipid. One of our high (but anonymous) officials be came so disturbed about our supposed over-confidence last week that he even predicted we were soon going to have 400.000 new casualties. This frantic effort to get us to wipe the smile off our faces was, I think, panicky and disgrace ful. It was an expression of fear of ourselves, just as hysterical as any sudden expression of fear of the enemy. We need a much richer approach to these matters than this inept little campaign of glum prognosis and simu lated woe. If our weapons are good, and plentiful, the people who built them have a right to know it; a parade of those weapons would produce more of same than the pretense that we do not have them. Pilgrimages by selected warworkers to the war fronts, to see their weapons in action, would be more in order than to tell them they haven’t done anything yet. when they know they have been working like hell for two years. * * * * A thirty-minute radio speech, telling the evil story of Fascism and denouncing same, would have better effect than 30 minutes of synthetic tears over alleged American complacency. If we want the people to fight Fascism, why don't we tell them the truth about Fascism, instead of lies about themselves? Why not explain the importance of the com ing second-front operation, instead of inculcating the heebie-jeebies about it? An organized campaign to do just this in Army camp and factory would be the confident approach to the morale problem. The Army has been doing something like this through its wonder ful special services films; you don’t find sound Army officers encouraging their men to fight by telling them that they stink. They know morale to be a com plex of work and pride and truth. The worst aspect of our current in formal morale program is that those in charge of it look so scared. They had better be called off before they damage the national morale. Nazis Appear Desperate Alaj. George Eieldinp Eliot The German fleet has suffered a further loss by the destruction of three destroyers, and possibly damage to others, in action with British warships and aircraft in the Bay of Biscay. This taken in connection with loss of the battleship S c harn horst does begin to look as though the Germans were will ing to take any sort of chance with their surface fleet in order to delay or impede the flow of men and materials across the Atlantic for the in vasion of — in the words of the official statement of the combined chiefs of staff—“Northwestern Europe.” In so doing, the Germans are again being compelled to abandon long-range policy for short-range necessity. Weigh ing the values cold-bloodedly, they could afford to lose the whole of their re maining surface fleet if at that price they could buy the destruction of a few loaded convoys. But so far, British vigilance has been too much for them, as they might well have anticipated. That is why the attempt smacks so strongly of desperate clutching at straws; for the German fleet had its real value to their cause not in action, but as a “fleet in being.” * * * * As long as the Germans kept this small but dangerous nucleus of fast, powerfully armed warships in readiness for action in their ports, three or four times the number of British and Amer ican warships were tied up in the North Atlantic covering all the various convoy routes. The Germans derived direct benefit from this fact as long as they had forces in Africa, because warships operating in the Atlantic could not be employed in the Mediterranean. The Germans still possess some naval interest in the Mediterranean, because it is to their advantage to prevent the Allies from having such a surplus of naval power as to be able to bring overwhelming naval support to bear for an amphibious oper ation against the Dodecanese Islands. Also, the Germans probably have a few warships in the Adriatic, which might some day be used against an Allied move across to the Yugoslav coast. But in general, the release of the Allied battleships, cruisers and other heavy warships in the North Atlantic now would be of far more direct injury to Japan than Germany. Should the whole of the German sur face fleet be accounted for, only the support of amphibious operations would remain as a reason for keeping heavy Allied warships in the Atlantic. This can be accomplished just as well bv older battleships (such as the British Royal Sovereign or the U. S. S. Texas) and by the monitors now being built specially for the purpose; firing at ex treme ranges, high speed and great fuel endurance are not required. * * * * Thus, in effect, the whole of the British fleet could be concentrated in the Indian Ocean, and the whole of the American fleet in the Pacific, as far as the larger classes of warships are concerned, leaving vessels especially designed for the purpose to carry on the Atlantic war against the submarines. Moreover, the whole British submarine force could be sent to the assistance *f the American subs in their attacks against Japanese merchant shipping British subs would no longer hafe targets In the Atlantic. This would be a factor in advancing the date of Japan’s defeat. It woujd enable greater pressure to be brought to bear against the Japanese outposfc, without diverting from the European theater of war anything needed for the invasion of Europe. --- Everybody Concerned Prom the Topeks Capitsl. The President Is a little late in adopt ing "Win the War” as a slogan. About 135,000,000 Americans took out a pateftt on that idea on Pearl Harbor Sunday.