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Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use lor republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—8 *** THURSDAY. January 6,1944 From Victory to Disaster How must the average German feel today when he gives thought to the simple but profoundly mean ingful fact that the Red Army is back on the soil of old Poland? It is back where it stood in August, 1939, advancing beyond its prewar western frontier, beyond the line it held before Hitler, with the vaulting ambitions of a megalomaniac, shat tered the status quo and set forth to establish his "New Order” for the next 1,000 years. August, 1939, was the beginning of new “glory” for the Reich, the beginning of what the Fuehrer called "the greatest victories of all times,” the beginning of an era in which the herrenvolk seemed clearly destined to become the earth’s owners and rulers. It was to be a short war. The German people were assured of that. And for a time it looked as though it would be, with the “invincible” Luftwaffe and Wehrmacht smashing everything before it with lightning speed—Po land, Norway, Denmark, Belgium, Holland, France, Greece, Yugoslavia. Only Britain remained standing, and Britain could be finished off at leisure. It was possible now to take on Russia, and so Russia was taken on, and in October, 1941, scarcely , three months after he had struck at them. Hitler felt cocksure enough to declare that the Russians were al ready broken and would never rise again. Bftt now the Red Army Is back in old Poland, and to the average Ger- j man that must make it seem j frighteningly plain that events have swung almost full circle. True, there still are large Nazi forces in the Leningrad area and in Southern Russia. True, too, “Fortress Europe’’ has yet to be cracked by Allied in vading armies in the west. But the Reich home front can find small solace in that. It knows that the Wehrmacht, if it does not move fast in the east, may suffer a disaster worse than that of Stalingrad. It knows that Britain and America are gathering overwhelming strength for knockout blows to be delivered in the near future on fronts other than in Italy. It knows, above all, that the mounting fury of our air power will reach a crescendo in the weeks and months immediately ahead, scarring and blackening Ger many from one end to the other until the day of surrender. The fact that the Red Army is in Poland must come as terrible news ! to every German who once looked forward to owning the world. For 1 it not only underscores the complete i failure of Hitler in Russia but also symbolizes the desperate character of the Nazi position in general. After more than four years of war, Germany today finds all its early triumphs turned to ashes, sees its cities being reduced to rubble, counts the casualties of its armed forces at a figure perhaps as high as 6,000, 000, and hears its Fuehrer speak bleakly of even harder times to come. In 1942. when the Nazi hierarchy was still boasting of its conquests, a Russian official wryly declared that Hitler was leading his country from victory to victory to the final catastrophe. In the light of today’s events, the observation seems presci ent. The adventure begun in Au gust, 1939, is approaching its end, and no German can find any glory in it now; no German can find any promise in it, except the promise of black disaster. War Within War The furious debate that has fol lowed the denunciation of strikes and threats of strikes by an anony mous high official — now widely identified as General George C. Marshall—is rapidly assuming the proportions of a full-fledged war within a war. And this battle of words is developing as many strange quirks as would be encountered in the most unpredictable of actual combats. There was, for instance, the as sertion by William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, that “there never was the faintest possibility of an actual walkout on the Nation’s railroads.” The smoke from this verbal broad side had hardly drifted away before the heads of two of the railroad unions involved in the strike threat had leaped into the breach to take issue with Mr. Green. All that averted a strike, according to these rail chieftains, was the taking over of the railroads. They want it under stood, and emphatically, that re gardless of what Mr. Green says, they were not “bluffing.” Next came an announcement from the American Federationist, AFL magazine, that the forthcoming issue would quote General Douglas MacArthur as saying: “Labor never has failed the Army or the Nation. May God bless you all for your splendid patriotism.” A search of newspaper flies has revealed that he used those precise words on April 1, 1942, in response to warm assurances of support from labor spokesmen. That was twenty-one months prior to the beginning of Washington’s current outburst of verbal warfare. There is no way of telling how many more of these surprise at tacks will be launched before this war within war ends. But if these verbal shots are going to be as wild in the future as they have been in the past, the sooner we get back to fighting the real war the better it will be for all concerned. Taxes and Politics The proposal by Representative Knutson to divorce the Bureau of Internal Revenue from the Treasury Department seems designed more to slip the wings of Secretary Morgen thau than to bring about any ap preciable tax reform. The Minnesota Congressman, ranking Republican member of the Ways and Means Committee, ac cuses the Treasury of “playing poli tics” with tax policy. He might have added, and with as much justifica tion, that Congress has not been indifferent to political considera tions in shaping its own tax policy, but the real question here is not whether the Treasury, or Congress, or both, have been playing politics with tax legislation. So far as the Knutson proposal is concerned, the important thing is whether the separation of the Treasury and the bureau, with the latter acquiring the status of an independent agency, would have any really beneficial effect in shaping future tax policy. On the face of the matter, this does not seem probable. Mr. Knutson says that Secretary Morgenthau would rather “lose his teeth than the Bureau of Internal Revenue.” Perhaps so, but it does not necessarily follow that the ex traction of the Secretary’s teeth, or the removal from his control of a bureau that he cherishes more highly than his teeth, would result in a better and less political tax program. As Mr. Knutson himself points out, the activities of the bureau relate strictly to the collec tion of taxes. It has nothing to do with the formulating of tax policies. If the bureau were made an inde pendent agency, better tax collec tion might result, but this would not eliminate politics from tax policy at either end of Pennsylvania ave nue. If Secretary Morgenthau and his staff are trying to employ taxes to bring about changes in our economic system that are contrary to Amer ican principles, ,as Mr. Knutson charges, the best place to curb that is in Congress. For, as Mr. Knutson points out, the Constitution dele gates the power to originate reve nue legislation to the House of Rep resentatives, not to the executive branch, and under the law the Treasury “has no right even to sub mit proposals for raising revenue except at the invitation of Con gress.” So long as the House retains this power, there is little to be gained from a proposal to punish Mr. Mor genthau by taking the Bureau of Internal Revenue away from him. His tax proposals may be politically inspired and thoroughly undesir able. But Congress, if it desires to exercise its power, can cope with this by writing tax legislation of its own which is free from political in spiration. The difficulty grows out of the fact that it has not seen fit to do so. A word of warning to those tempted to “write off” the German fleet because of the sinking of the Scharnhorst and the claimed dam age to the Tirpitz and the Gneise nau: Dont sell that German Navy short till the bubbles rise above the very last of her capital ships. Churchill, out of danger, an nounces that he will convalesce by the sunshine cure. ■> It can be no military secret, then, that he will not be in Britain for a while. Picture by Homer The presentation of a fine ex ample of the genius of Winslow Homer to the National Gallery deserves comment because of the picture itself, the painter and the source of the gift. Homer, born at Boston in 1836, was an authentic American charac ter. As Miss Leila Mechlin said in The Star last Sunday, he was “per haps least influenced by tradition or -his contemporaries here or abroad.” He “painted what he saw and as correctly as he could,” and his inter pretations of nature and of people “will always have a place all their own—a high place at that—both because of his ability and his sincerity.” The work by which the artist is to be remembered in the National Gallery is his “Breezing Up,” which was painted between 1873 and 1876. It illustrates the period of Homer’s life when he first was doing what he wished to do with the assurance born of experience with his mate rials. The drawing is confident, the coloring forthright. In comparison with canvases executed as late as 1902—“Early Morning After Storm at Sea,” for example—it spells youth, but not immaturity. Homer had “arrived” when he made it. One proof of his power is the fact that he needs no explanation. William Howe Downes sums up his personali ty and his achievement in the Dic tionary of American Biography in these words: Without much academic training, by dint of indomitable will power and remarkable single-mindedness, he triumphed over all difficulties, win nine laurels which with peculiar unanimity have been conferred upon him by his fellow artists, the critics and the man in the street. Homer’s picture comes to the . National Gallery from the W. L. and May T. Mellon Foundation of Pitts burgh. It signifies the continuing philanthropy of the family toe which Andrew W. Mellon belonged. The Straight News When Palmer Hoyt, publisher of the Portland Oregonian, reached Washington last June to assume directorship of the domestic opera tions branch of the Office of War Information, the House had just voted to discontinue further appro priations for that papt of OWI. But he took the job, “convinced that its operations are absolutely vital to the conduct of the war and to the inter ests of the entire country.” He was anxious to give the people the news, “without propagandizing” and with out pamphleteering, and, largely because of its confidence in him, Congress appropriated enough money to keep the office going. Mr. Hoyt is leaving Washington today with the satisfaction of having given to the domestic branch a prestige which it never enjoyed be fore. It still serves at times as a convenient whipping boy for a press that always will be restive under wartime restrictions on publication of news. But under Palmer Hoyt it has made itself increasingly helpful in working for the dissemination of straight news. And if the advan tages of giving the people the news, without propaganda coating, are becoming apparent to others in the Government, the domestic branch of OWI will have served its purpose. Mr. Hoyt is leaving his office in the capable hands of another good newspaperman, George W. Healy, jr., managing editor of the New Orleans Times Picayune, who also believes that the straight facts are what the American people want to know about the war and whose fine repu tation in his craft is adequate as surance that he will stick to that policy. me unicago stocKyaras are con gested with the greatest herds of swine in its existence, more than enough to make up for the alarming shortage of road hogs, caused by gas rationing. It is proposed herewith that in future food ration book tickets for canned soup be designated as soupons. Never before in his career has Hit ler had such a wide military choice— of scores of places to defend. lhis and lhat By Charles E. Tracewell. If you ask the average person what a termite is, he will say "white ant,” and he will be wrong, for the termite is dis tantly related to the cockroaches. The termite is not related to the ants, ! and is often not very white. He belongs to one of the most ancient insect families, one which has evolved a complex type of living, no matter what its habits do to mankind’s dwell ings. These amazing and costly insects even keep pets! That's a fact, as strange as it may sound. They keep a certain sort of small beetle, which they feed and actu ally “pet.” In doing so, they ruin the beetle's health. As a result, it becomes fat and diseased, and finally exudes a fragrance. It is this fragrance which the ter mites like. * * * * Termites live in nests, or termitaries. These consist of galleries and tunnels in wood. And that, as we all know, is where the trouble comes in for mankind. Termite colonies range from a few thousand individuals to sever&l mil lions. They have kings and queens, and workers and soldiers. Some colonies have true castes, with various divisions in them. * * * * White ants and true ants, it may be realized, show a remarkable parallelism, as the scientists say. The “white ants” are the more primi tive, of a much more remote origin. They are also much less aggressive, a fact which householders who have la bored and spent their money to get rid of them will find difficult to believe. True ants belong to the wasp and bee order of Hymenoptera, while the “white ants” have been placed in a special scientific order all their own, Isoptera. Most ants have poisonous stings, whereas only the soldier termites pos sess them. True ants go through a complete life cycle of grup, pupa and adult, but the white ants do not. Workers in the true ant ranks are arrested females, but both workers and soldiers of the termites are arrested individuals of both sexes. * * * * It is believed that termites make sounds by rubbing one part of the body against another. They also secrete a corrosive fluid, the use of which has not been deter mined. There seems to be a terrible parallel between the termite colonies and the National Socialism of the Nazi party in Germany. All nations, perhaps, should take a warning from these insects, with their relative small brains and yet their very developed-social status. A typical colony has at the head a completely developed male and female, the, king and queen. Next come what are called comple mental males and females, which do not fully develop. Still more arrested forms are still fertile. Next in this odd state come the nor mally sterile workers and after them the sterile soldiers. There are two sizes of workers and three forms of soldiers. * * * * Pet beetles of the termites suffer from a disease called physogastry. That word represents what happens to a “pet." It is too fat, its wings fall off and it becomes blind, all so that its owner, the termite, may enjoy the fragrance given off by its diseased condition. The air is bad in the tunnels in which the pet beetles are kept, there is a lack of oxygen and often the air is humid. They get little exercise and too much carbohydrate food. Research workers claim to find here a parallel with bad housing conditions among human beings. If you do not want to be like a physo gastric beetle, see that you get plenty of fresh air and sunshine and plenty pf exercise. And do not eat too much carbohydrate food. Letters to The Star Readers Discuss Strikes And Politics in Wartime. To the Editor ol The Star: One wonders about the reason for all the hullabaloo over the report that a high official believes strikes and threats of strikes aid the enemy. Has any one with any common sense doubt ed it at any time? Furthermore, does it not seem highly probable that the whole viciouiyiness is political and involves a trade of'higher wages for votes in which the labor leaders are equally culpable with ad ministration leaders even though they both must know they are but taking advantage of the war needs of the coun try, prolonging the war and thereby sacrificing additional lives. It is difficult to write about this situ ation in temperate language, but the voters of the Nation understand and. though powerless to act now, they will be heard from at the next election. T. WARREN ALLEN. To the Editor of The Star: Mothers with sons overseas, in com bat duty, as prisoners of war, or where ever they may be, I'm sure are longing and praying, as I am, that we soon shall hear our dear boys say to us, "It's over, mother, I'm here!” And since they are giving up so much —in many, many cases, all—for their homeland and loved ones, I feel confi dent you will agree with me that we, the mothers, should demand the home front at least be kept peaceful during this murderous conflict. With the boys thousands of miles from us fighting, suffering and dying to protect their country, with perfect faith and trust in us back here doing everything possible to expedite and shorten the war, how disheartening and what a crying shame it is that political maneuvering and strikes should exist in a time such as this! Are not lives worth more than a dime a dozen? However, we, the mothers, will con tinue to trust and pray that, all the world will awaken soon from its sense less dream and, in the meantime, we will keep our faith. Our boys found the answer—so simple, so easy. They needed only one Commander in Chief after all and over all—God, who made the perfect laws for all of His children that must be obeyed. MRS. WILLIAM LAIRD DUNLOP, Jr. To the Editor of The 8t»r: I cannot but wonder how we here at home, safe from bombings, can fall to realize what others are doing for us— many others, but I am now thinking especially of our own precious boys, every one of them. The question of whether strikes are ammunition for the enemy is not even debatable, for there is not even one of us who does not know that they are. Now let's stop it. This is no time even to discuss the merits or demerits of any controversy. We should be so grateful that our boys have such able, courageous leader ship that we each one should endeavor to do nothing less than our very best. BIRDIE R. JOHNSON. -* To fhe Editor of The Star: Anent your cartoon on “The Thinker,” and some more of his thought: If the farmers have beef, pork and other foodstuffs and refuse to sell be cause of ceiling prices, that is just good business. If the big Industries, having staged a flve-month “sit-down strike" by refusing to bid on war materials until the Gov ernment agreed on the "cost plus” plan, can demand and with the help of certain Congressmen probably get *17. 000,000,000 that does not belong to them, that is just shrewd business. If the little men, who have nothing to sell but their labor, ask only for enough in return to meet prices de manded by industry and farmers, that is unpatriotic. My three sons, serving their country in the armed forces, expect us to do what we can to keep wages and working conditions up and war millionaires down. Don’t let these editorials and cartoons mislead you. A THREE STAR MOTHER. To the Editoi of The Star: Your editorial on the statement that recent labor disputes had prolonged the war and cost American lives is a clear presentation of the facts of this serious charge. There is one thing certain! Strikes and threats of strikes in vital industries certainly do not help to win the war or shorten the duration of it. That much at least is beyond dispute by anv one. T. B. HARRISON. Wants “Popular” Music At Marine Band Concerts. To the Editor of The Star: Residents of Washington are for tunate in having so many entertain ments arranged for their enjoyment, particularly the concerts that are given by the service bands and orchestras. But it would seem that these concerts could be made much more enjoyable if the programs were arranged with the idea of pleasing the great majority of us who attend. I have been an enthusiastic follower of the United States Marine Band for years, and it was my privilege to at tend the concert at the barracks Wednesday evening, December 29. Much to my disappointment, however, in one hour and 40 minutes, not one note sym bolical of the Christmas season was rendered. The program was composed of highly classical selections, and only one encore was given, and that conformed to the same trend of music—which, I imagine, only those with college degrees in music could understand and enjoy. In years gone by, under the able lead ership of Capt. Taylor Branson, and still further back when the late Capt. William H. Santelmann wielded the baton, concerts at the barracks included some popular or semiclassical selections. Why do we not hear the stirring marches of the ever-popular John Philip Sousa, who. during the days of his leadership of the Marine Band, helped to place it upon the pinnacle of musical fame that it so justly deserves? WILLIAM J. BOYD. (Editor’s Note —The Christmas concert of the Marine Band, consist ing exclusively of Christmas music, was played at the White House and broadcast on a national network Christmas eve.) Out of the Frost All about us on these winter days Are things we love: ice-coated elmS On which the sun shines and the silver Shimmers when a light wind moves The heavy limbs, quaking nervously; The beauty of the snow-covered fields; The ice whirls turning slowly around In the pool that holds them, the current Teasing them time after time To the open channel, then pulling them Back again; the volcanic cones of foam, Frozen and laced, at the foot Of the waterfalls; the soft snow blown Like jelly rolls down the long steep slopes. These intimate parts of winter Are lovely things, woven beautifully Out of the frost and snow, carved from ice. Sewn into lace out of the foam. Winter’s hands may be rough from wind And cold—yet they gown the days In robes of silvered lace. LANSING CHRISTMAN. This Changing World Constantine Brown As the Russian troops move across old Poland the first of what may be a succession of troublesome political step children is being placed on the lap of the American and British governments. The trip of polish Premier Stanislaw Mi.kolajczyk to Washing ton has been postponed. Two reasons are given— that he was urged by British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden to remain in London until the re turn of Prime Min ister Churchill, and that the Russians already are across the border of old Poland and the Polish cabinet in exile must await fur ther developments. The question of how much Polish territory will be returned to Russia ap pears less important today than the ultimate fate of Poland as a sovereign state. The Poles fear that the Rus sians are entering their country as con querors. The government-in-exile is not recognized by the Soviets and it is assumed that the Red armies will bring with them some sort of an AMG com posed of members of the Polish or ganizations In Moscow to govern the territories from which the Nazis are being expelled. * * * * The American Government is said to be making a sincere attempt to bring about a reconciliation between Russia and the present Polish govern ment-in-exile. It is believed that the endeavor is being backed by the British Foreign Office. There is only slight hope, however, of such a reconciliation. Prom the bits of information which have leaked out since the Teheran con ference it appears that such political matters were not discussed in detail by the "Big Three.” Mr. Churchill is reported to have made a few attempts to bring up the more immediate political matters but they were met by a stony silence from Stalin, who declared he was interested in only one subject—when, how and with what force will the Western Euro pean front be opened. * * * * The Polish govemment-in-exlle has no illusions as to what will happen to the country it left behind. While for political purposes it pretends that the Polish question still is open for dis cussion it realizes that the army which will free Poland will establish the ad ministration it desires. And since there is a “ready-made” Polish government in Moscow cut in the Soviet pattern, the leaders in exile believe that even a plebiscite held under the eyes of the Soviet armies of occupation will elect only those who already have been chosen by the USSR. London can afford a more detached point of view than Washington in this matter. The British government is in a position to adopt an attitude of "let's not quarrel over such trifles” because there are not 5,500,000 Britishers of Polish descent in the United Kingdom. But the American Government faces a dilemma not only because the At lantic Charter has been indorsed by the American people but also because the American Poles can speaK out loudly. The question of reconciling the ideologies presented in the Atlantic Charter and Russian realism is far more important to the State Department than the question of the Polish under ground's position regarding Russia. From the military viewpoint the Polish underground presents a minor problem for the Russian armies. They handled it efficiently in the past when they Invaded Poland in 1939 and can do so again. * * * * Had the various underground organi zations decided to co-operate with the Nazis several months ago it might have been possible for the Germans to provide them with sufficient war ma terial to make things difficult for the Red armies. But the Nazis evidently are in full retreat now and even if t';e Polish underground were to decide lo co-operate with the Reich—which is de nied in official Polish quarters in Lcn don and Washington—thpre is nothing much it can do. The Americans of Polish stock to gether with those of Lithuanian. L' - vian, Estonian and Finnish origin cm, however, become very vociferous ?rl the American Government is mind'ul of what they have to say. The administration is placed in n unenviable position. It is advisin'; C'3 representatives of the Polish govc: 1 ment-in-exile to keep quiet and relrt.i from exciting people of Polish dcscc t in the hope that the worse situations eventually can be ironed out. On tire other hand, Secretary Hull, who real ized even more than President Roo:c velt that the Russians will be adamant on the question of the border states, knows that any representations in Mos cow will not bring results. In the past, Poland has had the mis fortune of being a “test case” in the European political laboratory. She may serve as a "test case” again. The Political Mill Gould Lincoln New Mexico Republicans have decided to name their delegates to the GOP National Convention on February 12, Lincoln's birthday. This is starting the political campaign early. Republicans in New Mexico, however, are reek ing with confidence. They believe they can carry the State in the November election—and some of the Democrats from New Mexico take a similar view. Here in Washing ton there was spec ulation today whether the New Mexico delegates would be instructed ticular candidate for the presidential nomination) or uninstructed. They are to be named by a Republican State con vention, and the convention will de cide. The Willkie managers, the Bricker managers and those supporting other candidates are not likely to over look this bet. * * * * The New York hotel men's bid for the Republican National Convention predicted in yesterday's New York Herald-Tribune—is regarded in some quarters as an effort on the part of the Willkieites to turn the conven tion away from Chicago—a convention city distasteful to Wendell L. Willkie. It has been regarded as a hotbed of isolationism and it is the home of the Chicago Tribune and its publisher. Col. Robert McCormick, a strong foe of the Willkie nomination. According to re ports filtering into Washington, the suggestion that New York City be chosen first came from Mr. Willkie. and later %as backed up by John W. Hanes, former Undersecretary of the Treasury, one of the Willkie campaign managers. Mr. Hanes is the reputed campaign fund raiser for Mr. Willkie. Chicago has been the only real con tender in the field for the Republican convention to date. It is also seeking the Democratic National Convention, and is prepared to put up $75,000 for each of the conventions. It is now proposed that New York come forward with a $150,000 bid for the Republican convention. Mr. Hanes, it is reported, is prepared to see that the money is raised. At one time the Willkie forces favored holding the convention in Cleveland, and there was talk of a $150,000 pledge to the Republicans from that city. Ap- < parently, that invitation is not coming through. Incidentally, supporters of Gov. Bricker of Ohio for the presidential nomination are not interested in having the convention go to Cleveland. * * * * The New York invitation, if it comes, will run counter to Republican thought that the convention this year should be held in the Middle West, which has led in the swing back to the Republican standard. Chicago, Cleveland. St. Louis, Kansas City and Detroit have all been suggested as the site. Under present crowded war conditions in these cities, Chicago alone appears to offer the fa cilities needed. And up to date the other cities have side stepped the con vention idea. Chicago has been sug gested for both the conventions by the Office of Defense Transportation. The ODT argues that, by holding the con ventions there, the least interference in the war transportation needs would be met. This has been a potent argument with many of the national committee members. Supporters of Chicago for the na tional convention pooh-pooh the idea that it should be avoided because the -Chicago Tribune is published there. They point out that Chicago has a number of other newspapers, among them the Chicago Daily News, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox's paper, and the Chicago Sun, which is published by Marshall Field and is anything but isolationist in its views. The stir over a convention city for the Republicans would not have roused much interest had not Willkie sup porters undertaken a drive to keep the gathering away from the Windy City. In some measure, the expected contest is expected to develop a test of Willkie strength. ♦ * * * What the supporters of the nomina tion of Gov. Dewey will think about the proposal that New York be the convention city is still to be developed. Gov. Dewey is not a candidate for the nomination, although many Republi cans are talking about his availability. No national convention of a major political party has been held in New York since 1924, when the ill-fated Democratic convention was held there in old Madison Square Garden. It ran on for weeks and it required 103 ballots in the convention to nominate a com promise candidate, John W. Davis, when it finally appeared that neither the late William Gibbs McAdoo nor the then Gov. A1 Smith could obtain the neces sary two-thirds vote. * * * * The Republican National Committee meets in Chicago the first of next week to settle on a place and a time for the convention. The committee also will announce the apportionment of delegate strength for each State, the Territories and the District of Columbia. What's to be done about the Philippine Islands is still a question. It is ob . viously impossible for the Republicans of the islands to elect delegates to the national convention. Furthermore, Congress has passed a law authorizing the President to declare the Philippines independent. If the President should take such action within the next few months, there would be no P. I. dele gations to the Republican and Demo cratic conventions this year. Philippine National Committeeman John W. Hausserman, however, is in this coun try and is expected to attend the meet ing of the national committee. He is understood to have the proxy of the national committee woman, reported to be in a concentration camp in the islands. I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton Well, fellows, we have reached the point where the American isolationist press has gone all-out for idealism. The same isolationist editors who used to throw themselves on the ground and kick and scream be cause we were send ing food to our Al lies, under lease lend. now have de cided that it is very uncouth of us to deny food to lands under Hitler's con trol. They used to em ploy the word “glo baloney” to describe Vice President Wal lJfce's proposals to feed our friends, but they have decided it is the height of practical common sense to ship food into lands controlled by our enemies. They like that. That appeals to them. Funny. When Mr. Wallace once sug gested that we ought to help raise liv ing standards among the Chinese, etc., these men used to laugh fit to bust. Between splutters and gurgles, they would describe his proposals as "a world wide WPA” or else as a scheme “to de liver a quart of milk a day to every Hottentot.” These same hard-headed wights see nothing visionary about a plan for organizing a milk delivery serv ice to cities completely under the con trol of the enemy. * * * * We had better face the fact that idealism is spreading among our isola tionist friends like a raging fever. The food thing is only part of it. On another sector of the idealism front, we hear the argument, now crop ping up repeatedly, that Russia had better not retake any of Poland because that might hurt her prestige with Americans. This tender concern for Russia's prestige on the part of those whose arms are tired with heaving dead cats at her for 20 years, is perhaps the most unconvincing bleat in recorded history. One also hears, all of a sudden, a great deal about the rights of small na tions. This comes especially from those who thought England was quite sillv, four years ago, for going to war for the sake of Poland. They certainly never thought we ought to go to any special bother for the sake of Poland. It is odd. but they are willing to take more trouble to save a part of Poland, and a part that isn’t very Polish, than thev were ever willing to take to save the whole country. * * * * So, therefore, in all this atmosphere of brand-new concern for small na tions. Atlantic Charter, etc., I seem to see a lot of winking going on. What's the matter with those fellows, dust in their eye, or something? I will match my idealism against any man's, but I also prefer to take mv idealism straight. On the score of sav ing small nations, I will kick along with Messrs. Churchill and Roosevelt, who heard Poland's cry for help the first time. These other forms of ideal ism depress me; for some obscure rea son they remind me of the current idealistic campaign to save the Consti tution by denying soldiers the right to vote. Allied Council Urged Maj, George Fielding Eliot The advance of the Soviet armies across the old Polish frontier offers us once again a sharp reminder of the fact that the military offensive must march hand in hand with the political offensive. The prob lems raised by the entry of_ Russian troops intb territory which any of the United Nations gov ernments regard as non-Russian must be dealt with. They cannot simply be ignored, nor is it possible for Messrs. Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill to run back to Teheran every two weeks to discuss anew the ever-changing pattern of events. We have one more evidence, in fact, of the need of a permanent and con tinuing organization for handling these thorny problems, for carrying out in detail the general and basic agreements reached at Moscow and Teheran, for perpetuating and continuing the good work there Accomplished. As an edi torial in the Detroit News sums it up, we need "assurance that the solid basis of understanding achieved at? Moscow and Teheran will not again degenerate into misunderstanding.” We need, in fact, a United Nations council. * * * * The immediate situation in the Russo Polish frontier region is full of un pleasant possibilities. What will happen if Polish guerrillas take a few shots at Russian troops? We’d rather not think about it—but we ought to be thinking about it. The ill-tempered attack of the Russian newspaper Pravda on Wen dell Willkie’s well-meant article about our relations with Russia is only a minor example of the explosive qualities of the existing situation, and a com 1 mentary on the impermanence of Inter national "understandings" which depend on occasional personal conferences and are not supported and carried along by organized co-operative agencies. The lessons of experience warn us that the "occasional conference” method does not produce true unity of purpose and effort. Just prior to the establish ment of the Allied Supreme War Council In 1917, Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson wrote to Mr. Lloyd George: "We have tried many expedi ents, but always with the most dis appointing, sometimes even with dis astrous results. We have had frequent meetings of ministers, constant conver sations between chiefs of staff, delibera tions of commanders in chief, mass meetings of all these high officials in London, in Paris, in Rome * * * and all these endeavors have failed to attain any real concerted effort In diplomacy, in strategy, in fighting or in the pro duction of war material. * * • The net result seems to me to be that we take short views instead of long views, we look for decisions today instead of lay ing out plans for tomorrow, and as a sequence we have constant change of plans, with growing and increasing irritation and inefficiency,” * * * * After the formation of the Supreme War Council, it was attacked in Par liament by Mr. Asquith, “who was very insistent that in his day the inter Allled conferences supplemented by liaison officers secured the necessary co-ordination of strategy and policy among the Allies,” as Lloyd George tells us in his memoirs. To this claim he replied: "The present system is a sporadic one, where you have meetings perhaps every three or four months, barely that, for the purpose of settling the strategy of the Allies over the whole of the thousands and thousands of miles of front, with millions of men in embattled array upon those fronts. * * * It is an essential part of this scheme, but the new body should be permanent, that they should sit together day by day.” Must we learn this lesson all over again in the costly and painful school of experience? * * * * What is happening on the Russo Polish frontier today is only a single example of what the future may hold. The Bulgarian government is reported fallen, or at least tottering; shall we be better prepared to take advantage of that fact than we were when Mussolini fell? The German left flank may be pushed back beyond Estonia—are we prepared to deal with the clamor that will be made by those who are ever trying to disturb our relations with Russia over the consequent Russian occupation of Estonia? The world awaits with bated breath an Allied in vasion of Western Europe—we have, of course, made politico-military plans for what will happen when Anglo American armies find themselves in possession of French territory, blit sup pose—as is almost inevitable — those plans do not fit the facts as they de velop, do we have the machinery for changing the plans smoothly and effi ciently so that they will be a help and not a hindrance to our further progress? We need a United Nations council, and we need it now. (Copyright, 1944, N. Y. Tribune, Inc.) A National Inventory Prom the Hamilton (Ontario) Spectator. After the war government and private enterprise might jointly turn the ener gies of men now in the armed forces, who have acquired a taste for adven turous living, toward a systematic in ventory of Canada’s natural wealth. It will be a reproach to us if our pride of country and hopes for a new era of prosperity cannot be expressed in more practical forms than in the perorations of after-dinner speeches.