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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, January 06, 1944, Image 8

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w Inning ptaf
With Sunday Morning Edition.
THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor.
WASHINGTON, P, C.
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paper and also the local news published herein.
All rights of publication of special dispatches
herein also are reserved.
A—8 *** THURSDAY. January 6,1944
From Victory to Disaster
How must the average German
feel today when he gives thought
to the simple but profoundly mean
ingful fact that the Red Army is
back on the soil of old Poland? It
is back where it stood in August,
1939, advancing beyond its prewar
western frontier, beyond the line it
held before Hitler, with the vaulting
ambitions of a megalomaniac, shat
tered the status quo and set forth
to establish his "New Order” for the
next 1,000 years.
August, 1939, was the beginning
of new “glory” for the Reich, the
beginning of what the Fuehrer
called "the greatest victories of all
times,” the beginning of an era in
which the herrenvolk seemed clearly
destined to become the earth’s
owners and rulers. It was to be a
short war. The German people were
assured of that. And for a time it
looked as though it would be, with
the “invincible” Luftwaffe and
Wehrmacht smashing everything
before it with lightning speed—Po
land, Norway, Denmark, Belgium,
Holland, France, Greece, Yugoslavia.
Only Britain remained standing,
and Britain could be finished off at
leisure. It was possible now to take
on Russia, and so Russia was taken
on, and in October, 1941, scarcely ,
three months after he had struck
at them. Hitler felt cocksure enough
to declare that the Russians were al
ready broken and would never rise
again.
Bftt now the Red Army Is back in
old Poland, and to the average Ger- j
man that must make it seem j
frighteningly plain that events have
swung almost full circle. True, there
still are large Nazi forces in the
Leningrad area and in Southern
Russia. True, too, “Fortress Europe’’
has yet to be cracked by Allied in
vading armies in the west. But the
Reich home front can find small
solace in that. It knows that the
Wehrmacht, if it does not move fast
in the east, may suffer a disaster
worse than that of Stalingrad. It
knows that Britain and America
are gathering overwhelming strength
for knockout blows to be delivered
in the near future on fronts other
than in Italy. It knows, above all,
that the mounting fury of our air
power will reach a crescendo in the
weeks and months immediately
ahead, scarring and blackening Ger
many from one end to the other
until the day of surrender.
The fact that the Red Army is in
Poland must come as terrible news !
to every German who once looked
forward to owning the world. For 1
it not only underscores the complete i
failure of Hitler in Russia but also
symbolizes the desperate character
of the Nazi position in general.
After more than four years of war,
Germany today finds all its early
triumphs turned to ashes, sees its
cities being reduced to rubble, counts
the casualties of its armed forces
at a figure perhaps as high as 6,000,
000, and hears its Fuehrer speak
bleakly of even harder times to
come.
In 1942. when the Nazi hierarchy
was still boasting of its conquests,
a Russian official wryly declared
that Hitler was leading his country
from victory to victory to the final
catastrophe. In the light of today’s
events, the observation seems presci
ent. The adventure begun in Au
gust, 1939, is approaching its end,
and no German can find any glory
in it now; no German can find any
promise in it, except the promise of
black disaster.
War Within War
The furious debate that has fol
lowed the denunciation of strikes
and threats of strikes by an anony
mous high official — now widely
identified as General George C.
Marshall—is rapidly assuming the
proportions of a full-fledged war
within a war. And this battle of
words is developing as many strange
quirks as would be encountered in
the most unpredictable of actual
combats.
There was, for instance, the as
sertion by William Green, president
of the American Federation of
Labor, that “there never was the
faintest possibility of an actual
walkout on the Nation’s railroads.”
The smoke from this verbal broad
side had hardly drifted away before
the heads of two of the railroad
unions involved in the strike threat
had leaped into the breach to take
issue with Mr. Green. All that
averted a strike, according to these
rail chieftains, was the taking over
of the railroads. They want it under
stood, and emphatically, that re
gardless of what Mr. Green says,
they were not “bluffing.”
Next came an announcement from
the American Federationist, AFL
magazine, that the forthcoming
issue would quote General Douglas
MacArthur as saying: “Labor never
has failed the Army or the Nation.
May God bless you all for your
splendid patriotism.” A search of
newspaper flies has revealed that he
used those precise words on April 1,
1942, in response to warm assurances
of support from labor spokesmen.
That was twenty-one months prior
to the beginning of Washington’s
current outburst of verbal warfare.
There is no way of telling how
many more of these surprise at
tacks will be launched before this
war within war ends. But if these
verbal shots are going to be as wild
in the future as they have been
in the past, the sooner we get back
to fighting the real war the better
it will be for all concerned.
Taxes and Politics
The proposal by Representative
Knutson to divorce the Bureau of
Internal Revenue from the Treasury
Department seems designed more to
slip the wings of Secretary Morgen
thau than to bring about any ap
preciable tax reform.
The Minnesota Congressman,
ranking Republican member of the
Ways and Means Committee, ac
cuses the Treasury of “playing poli
tics” with tax policy. He might have
added, and with as much justifica
tion, that Congress has not been
indifferent to political considera
tions in shaping its own tax policy,
but the real question here is not
whether the Treasury, or Congress,
or both, have been playing politics
with tax legislation. So far as the
Knutson proposal is concerned, the
important thing is whether the
separation of the Treasury and the
bureau, with the latter acquiring
the status of an independent agency,
would have any really beneficial
effect in shaping future tax policy.
On the face of the matter, this does
not seem probable.
Mr. Knutson says that Secretary
Morgenthau would rather “lose his
teeth than the Bureau of Internal
Revenue.” Perhaps so, but it does
not necessarily follow that the ex
traction of the Secretary’s teeth,
or the removal from his control of
a bureau that he cherishes more
highly than his teeth, would result
in a better and less political tax
program. As Mr. Knutson himself
points out, the activities of the
bureau relate strictly to the collec
tion of taxes. It has nothing to do
with the formulating of tax policies.
If the bureau were made an inde
pendent agency, better tax collec
tion might result, but this would not
eliminate politics from tax policy
at either end of Pennsylvania ave
nue.
If Secretary Morgenthau and his
staff are trying to employ taxes to
bring about changes in our economic
system that are contrary to Amer
ican principles, ,as Mr. Knutson
charges, the best place to curb that
is in Congress. For, as Mr. Knutson
points out, the Constitution dele
gates the power to originate reve
nue legislation to the House of Rep
resentatives, not to the executive
branch, and under the law the
Treasury “has no right even to sub
mit proposals for raising revenue
except at the invitation of Con
gress.”
So long as the House retains this
power, there is little to be gained
from a proposal to punish Mr. Mor
genthau by taking the Bureau of
Internal Revenue away from him.
His tax proposals may be politically
inspired and thoroughly undesir
able. But Congress, if it desires to
exercise its power, can cope with this
by writing tax legislation of its
own which is free from political in
spiration. The difficulty grows out
of the fact that it has not seen
fit to do so.
A word of warning to those
tempted to “write off” the German
fleet because of the sinking of the
Scharnhorst and the claimed dam
age to the Tirpitz and the Gneise
nau: Dont sell that German Navy
short till the bubbles rise above the
very last of her capital ships.
Churchill, out of danger, an
nounces that he will convalesce by
the sunshine cure. ■> It can be no
military secret, then, that he will
not be in Britain for a while.
Picture by Homer
The presentation of a fine ex
ample of the genius of Winslow
Homer to the National Gallery
deserves comment because of the
picture itself, the painter and the
source of the gift.
Homer, born at Boston in 1836,
was an authentic American charac
ter. As Miss Leila Mechlin said in
The Star last Sunday, he was “per
haps least influenced by tradition or
-his contemporaries here or abroad.”
He “painted what he saw and as
correctly as he could,” and his inter
pretations of nature and of people
“will always have a place all their
own—a high place at that—both
because of his ability and his
sincerity.”
The work by which the artist is
to be remembered in the National
Gallery is his “Breezing Up,” which
was painted between 1873 and 1876.
It illustrates the period of Homer’s
life when he first was doing what
he wished to do with the assurance
born of experience with his mate
rials. The drawing is confident, the
coloring forthright. In comparison
with canvases executed as late as
1902—“Early Morning After Storm
at Sea,” for example—it spells youth,
but not immaturity. Homer had
“arrived” when he made it. One
proof of his power is the fact that
he needs no explanation. William
Howe Downes sums up his personali
ty and his achievement in the Dic
tionary of American Biography in
these words:
Without much academic training,
by dint of indomitable will power and
remarkable single-mindedness, he
triumphed over all difficulties, win
nine laurels which with peculiar
unanimity have been conferred upon
him by his fellow artists, the critics
and the man in the street.
Homer’s picture comes to the
. National Gallery from the W. L. and
May T. Mellon Foundation of Pitts
burgh. It signifies the continuing
philanthropy of the family toe which
Andrew W. Mellon belonged.
The Straight News
When Palmer Hoyt, publisher of
the Portland Oregonian, reached
Washington last June to assume
directorship of the domestic opera
tions branch of the Office of War
Information, the House had just
voted to discontinue further appro
priations for that papt of OWI. But
he took the job, “convinced that its
operations are absolutely vital to the
conduct of the war and to the inter
ests of the entire country.” He was
anxious to give the people the news,
“without propagandizing” and with
out pamphleteering, and, largely
because of its confidence in him,
Congress appropriated enough
money to keep the office going.
Mr. Hoyt is leaving Washington
today with the satisfaction of having
given to the domestic branch a
prestige which it never enjoyed be
fore. It still serves at times as a
convenient whipping boy for a press
that always will be restive under
wartime restrictions on publication
of news. But under Palmer Hoyt it
has made itself increasingly helpful
in working for the dissemination of
straight news. And if the advan
tages of giving the people the news,
without propaganda coating, are
becoming apparent to others in the
Government, the domestic branch
of OWI will have served its purpose.
Mr. Hoyt is leaving his office in
the capable hands of another good
newspaperman, George W. Healy, jr.,
managing editor of the New Orleans
Times Picayune, who also believes
that the straight facts are what the
American people want to know
about the war and whose fine repu
tation in his craft is adequate as
surance that he will stick to that
policy.
me unicago stocKyaras are con
gested with the greatest herds of
swine in its existence, more than
enough to make up for the alarming
shortage of road hogs, caused by gas
rationing.
It is proposed herewith that in
future food ration book tickets for
canned soup be designated as
soupons.
Never before in his career has Hit
ler had such a wide military choice—
of scores of places to defend.
lhis and lhat
By Charles E. Tracewell.
If you ask the average person what a
termite is, he will say "white ant,” and
he will be wrong, for the termite is dis
tantly related to the cockroaches.
The termite is not related to the ants, !
and is often not very white.
He belongs to one of the most ancient
insect families, one which has evolved
a complex type of living, no matter
what its habits do to mankind’s dwell
ings.
These amazing and costly insects even
keep pets!
That's a fact, as strange as it may
sound. They keep a certain sort of
small beetle, which they feed and actu
ally “pet.”
In doing so, they ruin the beetle's
health. As a result, it becomes fat and
diseased, and finally exudes a fragrance.
It is this fragrance which the ter
mites like.
* * * *
Termites live in nests, or termitaries.
These consist of galleries and tunnels
in wood.
And that, as we all know, is where the
trouble comes in for mankind.
Termite colonies range from a few
thousand individuals to sever&l mil
lions.
They have kings and queens, and
workers and soldiers.
Some colonies have true castes, with
various divisions in them.
* * * *
White ants and true ants, it may be
realized, show a remarkable parallelism,
as the scientists say.
The “white ants” are the more primi
tive, of a much more remote origin.
They are also much less aggressive, a
fact which householders who have la
bored and spent their money to get rid
of them will find difficult to believe.
True ants belong to the wasp and bee
order of Hymenoptera, while the “white
ants” have been placed in a special
scientific order all their own, Isoptera.
Most ants have poisonous stings,
whereas only the soldier termites pos
sess them.
True ants go through a complete life
cycle of grup, pupa and adult, but the
white ants do not. Workers in the true
ant ranks are arrested females, but both
workers and soldiers of the termites are
arrested individuals of both sexes.
* * * *
It is believed that termites make
sounds by rubbing one part of the body
against another.
They also secrete a corrosive fluid,
the use of which has not been deter
mined.
There seems to be a terrible parallel
between the termite colonies and the
National Socialism of the Nazi party
in Germany.
All nations, perhaps, should take a
warning from these insects, with their
relative small brains and yet their very
developed-social status.
A typical colony has at the head a
completely developed male and female,
the, king and queen.
Next come what are called comple
mental males and females, which do
not fully develop.
Still more arrested forms are still
fertile.
Next in this odd state come the nor
mally sterile workers and after them
the sterile soldiers.
There are two sizes of workers and
three forms of soldiers.
* * * *
Pet beetles of the termites suffer from
a disease called physogastry.
That word represents what happens
to a “pet." It is too fat, its wings fall
off and it becomes blind, all so that its
owner, the termite, may enjoy the
fragrance given off by its diseased
condition.
The air is bad in the tunnels in which
the pet beetles are kept, there is a lack
of oxygen and often the air is humid.
They get little exercise and too much
carbohydrate food.
Research workers claim to find here
a parallel with bad housing conditions
among human beings.
If you do not want to be like a physo
gastric beetle, see that you get plenty
of fresh air and sunshine and plenty
pf exercise. And do not eat too much
carbohydrate food.
Letters to The Star
Readers Discuss Strikes
And Politics in Wartime.
To the Editor ol The Star:
One wonders about the reason for
all the hullabaloo over the report that
a high official believes strikes and
threats of strikes aid the enemy. Has
any one with any common sense doubt
ed it at any time?
Furthermore, does it not seem highly
probable that the whole viciouiyiness is
political and involves a trade of'higher
wages for votes in which the labor
leaders are equally culpable with ad
ministration leaders even though they
both must know they are but taking
advantage of the war needs of the coun
try, prolonging the war and thereby
sacrificing additional lives.
It is difficult to write about this situ
ation in temperate language, but the
voters of the Nation understand and.
though powerless to act now, they will
be heard from at the next election.
T. WARREN ALLEN.
To the Editor of The Star:
Mothers with sons overseas, in com
bat duty, as prisoners of war, or where
ever they may be, I'm sure are longing
and praying, as I am, that we soon
shall hear our dear boys say to us, "It's
over, mother, I'm here!”
And since they are giving up so much
—in many, many cases, all—for their
homeland and loved ones, I feel confi
dent you will agree with me that we,
the mothers, should demand the home
front at least be kept peaceful during
this murderous conflict.
With the boys thousands of miles
from us fighting, suffering and dying
to protect their country, with perfect
faith and trust in us back here doing
everything possible to expedite and
shorten the war, how disheartening and
what a crying shame it is that political
maneuvering and strikes should exist
in a time such as this!
Are not lives worth more than a dime
a dozen?
However, we, the mothers, will con
tinue to trust and pray that, all the
world will awaken soon from its sense
less dream and, in the meantime, we
will keep our faith. Our boys found
the answer—so simple, so easy. They
needed only one Commander in Chief
after all and over all—God, who made
the perfect laws for all of His children
that must be obeyed.
MRS. WILLIAM LAIRD DUNLOP, Jr.
To the Editor of The 8t»r:
I cannot but wonder how we here at
home, safe from bombings, can fall to
realize what others are doing for us—
many others, but I am now thinking
especially of our own precious boys,
every one of them.
The question of whether strikes are
ammunition for the enemy is not even
debatable, for there is not even one of
us who does not know that they are.
Now let's stop it. This is no time
even to discuss the merits or demerits
of any controversy.
We should be so grateful that our
boys have such able, courageous leader
ship that we each one should endeavor
to do nothing less than our very best.
BIRDIE R. JOHNSON.
-*
To fhe Editor of The Star:
Anent your cartoon on “The Thinker,”
and some more of his thought:
If the farmers have beef, pork and
other foodstuffs and refuse to sell be
cause of ceiling prices, that is just good
business.
If the big Industries, having staged a
flve-month “sit-down strike" by refusing
to bid on war materials until the Gov
ernment agreed on the "cost plus”
plan, can demand and with the help of
certain Congressmen probably get *17.
000,000,000 that does not belong to them,
that is just shrewd business.
If the little men, who have nothing
to sell but their labor, ask only for
enough in return to meet prices de
manded by industry and farmers, that
is unpatriotic.
My three sons, serving their country
in the armed forces, expect us to do
what we can to keep wages and working
conditions up and war millionaires
down. Don’t let these editorials and
cartoons mislead you.
A THREE STAR MOTHER.
To the Editoi of The Star:
Your editorial on the statement that
recent labor disputes had prolonged the
war and cost American lives is a clear
presentation of the facts of this serious
charge.
There is one thing certain! Strikes
and threats of strikes in vital industries
certainly do not help to win the war or
shorten the duration of it. That much
at least is beyond dispute by anv one.
T. B. HARRISON.
Wants “Popular” Music
At Marine Band Concerts.
To the Editor of The Star:
Residents of Washington are for
tunate in having so many entertain
ments arranged for their enjoyment,
particularly the concerts that are given
by the service bands and orchestras.
But it would seem that these concerts
could be made much more enjoyable
if the programs were arranged with
the idea of pleasing the great majority
of us who attend.
I have been an enthusiastic follower
of the United States Marine Band for
years, and it was my privilege to at
tend the concert at the barracks
Wednesday evening, December 29. Much
to my disappointment, however, in one
hour and 40 minutes, not one note sym
bolical of the Christmas season was
rendered.
The program was composed of highly
classical selections, and only one encore
was given, and that conformed to the
same trend of music—which, I imagine,
only those with college degrees in music
could understand and enjoy.
In years gone by, under the able lead
ership of Capt. Taylor Branson, and
still further back when the late Capt.
William H. Santelmann wielded the
baton, concerts at the barracks included
some popular or semiclassical selections.
Why do we not hear the stirring
marches of the ever-popular John Philip
Sousa, who. during the days of his
leadership of the Marine Band, helped
to place it upon the pinnacle of musical
fame that it so justly deserves?
WILLIAM J. BOYD.
(Editor’s Note —The Christmas
concert of the Marine Band, consist
ing exclusively of Christmas music,
was played at the White House and
broadcast on a national network
Christmas eve.)
Out of the Frost
All about us on these winter days
Are things we love: ice-coated elmS
On which the sun shines and the silver
Shimmers when a light wind moves
The heavy limbs, quaking nervously;
The beauty of the snow-covered fields;
The ice whirls turning slowly around
In the pool that holds them, the current
Teasing them time after time
To the open channel, then pulling them
Back again; the volcanic cones of foam,
Frozen and laced, at the foot
Of the waterfalls; the soft snow blown
Like jelly rolls down the long steep
slopes.
These intimate parts of winter
Are lovely things, woven beautifully
Out of the frost and snow, carved from
ice.
Sewn into lace out of the foam.
Winter’s hands may be rough from
wind
And cold—yet they gown the days
In robes of silvered lace.
LANSING CHRISTMAN.
This Changing World
Constantine Brown
As the Russian troops move across
old Poland the first of what may be a
succession of troublesome political step
children is being placed on the lap of the
American and British governments.
The trip of polish
Premier Stanislaw
Mi.kolajczyk to
Washing ton has
been postponed. Two
reasons are given—
that he was urged
by British Foreign
Secretary Anthony
Eden to remain in
London until the re
turn of Prime Min
ister Churchill, and
that the Russians
already are across
the border of old
Poland and the
Polish cabinet in exile must await fur
ther developments.
The question of how much Polish
territory will be returned to Russia ap
pears less important today than the
ultimate fate of Poland as a sovereign
state. The Poles fear that the Rus
sians are entering their country as con
querors. The government-in-exile is
not recognized by the Soviets and it is
assumed that the Red armies will bring
with them some sort of an AMG com
posed of members of the Polish or
ganizations In Moscow to govern the
territories from which the Nazis are
being expelled.
* * * *
The American Government is said
to be making a sincere attempt to
bring about a reconciliation between
Russia and the present Polish govern
ment-in-exile. It is believed that the
endeavor is being backed by the British
Foreign Office. There is only slight
hope, however, of such a reconciliation.
Prom the bits of information which
have leaked out since the Teheran con
ference it appears that such political
matters were not discussed in detail by
the "Big Three.”
Mr. Churchill is reported to have
made a few attempts to bring up the
more immediate political matters but
they were met by a stony silence from
Stalin, who declared he was interested
in only one subject—when, how and
with what force will the Western Euro
pean front be opened.
* * * *
The Polish govemment-in-exlle has
no illusions as to what will happen to
the country it left behind. While for
political purposes it pretends that the
Polish question still is open for dis
cussion it realizes that the army which
will free Poland will establish the ad
ministration it desires. And since there
is a “ready-made” Polish government
in Moscow cut in the Soviet pattern,
the leaders in exile believe that even
a plebiscite held under the eyes of the
Soviet armies of occupation will elect
only those who already have been
chosen by the USSR.
London can afford a more detached
point of view than Washington in this
matter. The British government is in
a position to adopt an attitude of "let's
not quarrel over such trifles” because
there are not 5,500,000 Britishers of
Polish descent in the United Kingdom.
But the American Government faces
a dilemma not only because the At
lantic Charter has been indorsed by the
American people but also because the
American Poles can speaK out loudly.
The question of reconciling the
ideologies presented in the Atlantic
Charter and Russian realism is far more
important to the State Department
than the question of the Polish under
ground's position regarding Russia.
From the military viewpoint the Polish
underground presents a minor problem
for the Russian armies. They handled
it efficiently in the past when they
Invaded Poland in 1939 and can do so
again.
* * * *
Had the various underground organi
zations decided to co-operate with the
Nazis several months ago it might
have been possible for the Germans to
provide them with sufficient war ma
terial to make things difficult for the
Red armies. But the Nazis evidently
are in full retreat now and even if t';e
Polish underground were to decide lo
co-operate with the Reich—which is de
nied in official Polish quarters in Lcn
don and Washington—thpre is nothing
much it can do.
The Americans of Polish stock to
gether with those of Lithuanian. L' -
vian, Estonian and Finnish origin cm,
however, become very vociferous ?rl
the American Government is mind'ul
of what they have to say.
The administration is placed in n
unenviable position. It is advisin'; C'3
representatives of the Polish govc: 1
ment-in-exile to keep quiet and relrt.i
from exciting people of Polish dcscc t
in the hope that the worse situations
eventually can be ironed out. On tire
other hand, Secretary Hull, who real
ized even more than President Roo:c
velt that the Russians will be adamant
on the question of the border states,
knows that any representations in Mos
cow will not bring results.
In the past, Poland has had the mis
fortune of being a “test case” in the
European political laboratory. She may
serve as a "test case” again.
The Political Mill
Gould Lincoln
New Mexico Republicans have decided
to name their delegates to the GOP
National Convention on February 12,
Lincoln's birthday. This is starting the
political campaign
early. Republicans
in New Mexico,
however, are reek
ing with confidence.
They believe they
can carry the State
in the November
election—and some
of the Democrats
from New Mexico
take a similar view.
Here in Washing
ton there was spec
ulation today
whether the New
Mexico delegates
would be instructed
ticular candidate for the presidential
nomination) or uninstructed. They are
to be named by a Republican State con
vention, and the convention will de
cide. The Willkie managers, the
Bricker managers and those supporting
other candidates are not likely to over
look this bet.
* * * *
The New York hotel men's bid for
the Republican National Convention
predicted in yesterday's New York
Herald-Tribune—is regarded in some
quarters as an effort on the part
of the Willkieites to turn the conven
tion away from Chicago—a convention
city distasteful to Wendell L. Willkie.
It has been regarded as a hotbed of
isolationism and it is the home of the
Chicago Tribune and its publisher. Col.
Robert McCormick, a strong foe of the
Willkie nomination. According to re
ports filtering into Washington, the
suggestion that New York City be
chosen first came from Mr. Willkie. and
later %as backed up by John W. Hanes,
former Undersecretary of the Treasury,
one of the Willkie campaign managers.
Mr. Hanes is the reputed campaign
fund raiser for Mr. Willkie.
Chicago has been the only real con
tender in the field for the Republican
convention to date. It is also seeking
the Democratic National Convention,
and is prepared to put up $75,000 for
each of the conventions. It is now
proposed that New York come forward
with a $150,000 bid for the Republican
convention. Mr. Hanes, it is reported,
is prepared to see that the money is
raised.
At one time the Willkie forces favored
holding the convention in Cleveland,
and there was talk of a $150,000 pledge
to the Republicans from that city. Ap- <
parently, that invitation is not coming
through. Incidentally, supporters of
Gov. Bricker of Ohio for the presidential
nomination are not interested in having
the convention go to Cleveland.
* * * *
The New York invitation, if it comes,
will run counter to Republican thought
that the convention this year should
be held in the Middle West, which has
led in the swing back to the Republican
standard. Chicago, Cleveland. St. Louis,
Kansas City and Detroit have all been
suggested as the site. Under present
crowded war conditions in these cities,
Chicago alone appears to offer the fa
cilities needed. And up to date the
other cities have side stepped the con
vention idea. Chicago has been sug
gested for both the conventions by the
Office of Defense Transportation. The
ODT argues that, by holding the con
ventions there, the least interference in
the war transportation needs would be
met. This has been a potent argument
with many of the national committee
members.
Supporters of Chicago for the na
tional convention pooh-pooh the idea
that it should be avoided because the
-Chicago Tribune is published there.
They point out that Chicago has a
number of other newspapers, among
them the Chicago Daily News, Secretary
of the Navy Frank Knox's paper, and
the Chicago Sun, which is published
by Marshall Field and is anything but
isolationist in its views.
The stir over a convention city for
the Republicans would not have roused
much interest had not Willkie sup
porters undertaken a drive to keep the
gathering away from the Windy City.
In some measure, the expected contest
is expected to develop a test of Willkie
strength.
♦ * * *
What the supporters of the nomina
tion of Gov. Dewey will think about
the proposal that New York be the
convention city is still to be developed.
Gov. Dewey is not a candidate for the
nomination, although many Republi
cans are talking about his availability.
No national convention of a major
political party has been held in New
York since 1924, when the ill-fated
Democratic convention was held there
in old Madison Square Garden. It ran
on for weeks and it required 103 ballots
in the convention to nominate a com
promise candidate, John W. Davis, when
it finally appeared that neither the late
William Gibbs McAdoo nor the then
Gov. A1 Smith could obtain the neces
sary two-thirds vote.
* * * *
The Republican National Committee
meets in Chicago the first of next week
to settle on a place and a time for
the convention. The committee also
will announce the apportionment of
delegate strength for each State, the
Territories and the District of Columbia.
What's to be done about the Philippine
Islands is still a question. It is ob
. viously impossible for the Republicans
of the islands to elect delegates to
the national convention. Furthermore,
Congress has passed a law authorizing
the President to declare the Philippines
independent. If the President should
take such action within the next few
months, there would be no P. I. dele
gations to the Republican and Demo
cratic conventions this year. Philippine
National Committeeman John W.
Hausserman, however, is in this coun
try and is expected to attend the meet
ing of the national committee. He is
understood to have the proxy of the
national committee woman, reported to
be in a concentration camp in the
islands.
I’d Rather Be Right
Samuel Grafton
Well, fellows, we have reached the
point where the American isolationist
press has gone all-out for idealism.
The same isolationist editors who used
to throw themselves
on the ground and
kick and scream be
cause we were send
ing food to our Al
lies, under lease
lend. now have de
cided that it is very
uncouth of us to
deny food to lands
under Hitler's con
trol.
They used to em
ploy the word “glo
baloney” to describe
Vice President Wal
lJfce's proposals to
feed our friends, but they have decided
it is the height of practical common
sense to ship food into lands controlled
by our enemies.
They like that. That appeals to them.
Funny. When Mr. Wallace once sug
gested that we ought to help raise liv
ing standards among the Chinese, etc.,
these men used to laugh fit to bust.
Between splutters and gurgles, they
would describe his proposals as "a world
wide WPA” or else as a scheme “to de
liver a quart of milk a day to every
Hottentot.” These same hard-headed
wights see nothing visionary about a
plan for organizing a milk delivery serv
ice to cities completely under the con
trol of the enemy.
* * * *
We had better face the fact that
idealism is spreading among our isola
tionist friends like a raging fever. The
food thing is only part of it.
On another sector of the idealism
front, we hear the argument, now crop
ping up repeatedly, that Russia had
better not retake any of Poland because
that might hurt her prestige with
Americans. This tender concern for
Russia's prestige on the part of those
whose arms are tired with heaving dead
cats at her for 20 years, is perhaps the
most unconvincing bleat in recorded
history.
One also hears, all of a sudden, a
great deal about the rights of small na
tions. This comes especially from those
who thought England was quite sillv,
four years ago, for going to war for the
sake of Poland. They certainly never
thought we ought to go to any special
bother for the sake of Poland. It is
odd. but they are willing to take more
trouble to save a part of Poland, and
a part that isn’t very Polish, than thev
were ever willing to take to save the
whole country.
* * * *
So, therefore, in all this atmosphere
of brand-new concern for small na
tions. Atlantic Charter, etc., I seem to
see a lot of winking going on. What's
the matter with those fellows, dust in
their eye, or something?
I will match my idealism against any
man's, but I also prefer to take mv
idealism straight. On the score of sav
ing small nations, I will kick along
with Messrs. Churchill and Roosevelt,
who heard Poland's cry for help the
first time. These other forms of ideal
ism depress me; for some obscure rea
son they remind me of the current
idealistic campaign to save the Consti
tution by denying soldiers the right to
vote.
Allied Council Urged
Maj, George Fielding Eliot
The advance of the Soviet armies
across the old Polish frontier offers us
once again a sharp reminder of the
fact that the military offensive must
march hand in hand
with the political
offensive. The prob
lems raised by the
entry of_ Russian
troops intb territory
which any of the
United Nations gov
ernments regard as
non-Russian must
be dealt with. They
cannot simply be
ignored, nor is it
possible for Messrs.
Roosevelt, Stalin
and Churchill to
run back to Teheran
every two weeks to discuss anew the
ever-changing pattern of events.
We have one more evidence, in fact,
of the need of a permanent and con
tinuing organization for handling these
thorny problems, for carrying out in
detail the general and basic agreements
reached at Moscow and Teheran, for
perpetuating and continuing the good
work there Accomplished. As an edi
torial in the Detroit News sums it up,
we need "assurance that the solid basis
of understanding achieved at? Moscow
and Teheran will not again degenerate
into misunderstanding.” We need, in
fact, a United Nations council.
* * * *
The immediate situation in the Russo
Polish frontier region is full of un
pleasant possibilities. What will happen
if Polish guerrillas take a few shots at
Russian troops? We’d rather not think
about it—but we ought to be thinking
about it. The ill-tempered attack of
the Russian newspaper Pravda on Wen
dell Willkie’s well-meant article about
our relations with Russia is only a
minor example of the explosive qualities
of the existing situation, and a com
1 mentary on the impermanence of Inter
national "understandings" which depend
on occasional personal conferences and
are not supported and carried along by
organized co-operative agencies.
The lessons of experience warn us
that the "occasional conference” method
does not produce true unity of purpose
and effort. Just prior to the establish
ment of the Allied Supreme War
Council In 1917, Field Marshal Sir
Henry Wilson wrote to Mr. Lloyd
George: "We have tried many expedi
ents, but always with the most dis
appointing, sometimes even with dis
astrous results. We have had frequent
meetings of ministers, constant conver
sations between chiefs of staff, delibera
tions of commanders in chief, mass
meetings of all these high officials in
London, in Paris, in Rome * * * and all
these endeavors have failed to attain
any real concerted effort In diplomacy,
in strategy, in fighting or in the pro
duction of war material. * * • The net
result seems to me to be that we take
short views instead of long views, we
look for decisions today instead of lay
ing out plans for tomorrow, and as a
sequence we have constant change of
plans, with growing and increasing
irritation and inefficiency,”
* * * *
After the formation of the Supreme
War Council, it was attacked in Par
liament by Mr. Asquith, “who was very
insistent that in his day the inter
Allled conferences supplemented by
liaison officers secured the necessary
co-ordination of strategy and policy
among the Allies,” as Lloyd George tells
us in his memoirs. To this claim he
replied: "The present system is a
sporadic one, where you have meetings
perhaps every three or four months,
barely that, for the purpose of settling
the strategy of the Allies over the whole
of the thousands and thousands of
miles of front, with millions of men in
embattled array upon those fronts. * * *
It is an essential part of this scheme,
but the new body should be permanent,
that they should sit together day by
day.”
Must we learn this lesson all over
again in the costly and painful school
of experience?
* * * *
What is happening on the Russo
Polish frontier today is only a single
example of what the future may hold.
The Bulgarian government is reported
fallen, or at least tottering; shall we
be better prepared to take advantage of
that fact than we were when Mussolini
fell? The German left flank may be
pushed back beyond Estonia—are we
prepared to deal with the clamor that
will be made by those who are ever
trying to disturb our relations with
Russia over the consequent Russian
occupation of Estonia? The world
awaits with bated breath an Allied in
vasion of Western Europe—we have,
of course, made politico-military plans
for what will happen when Anglo
American armies find themselves in
possession of French territory, blit sup
pose—as is almost inevitable — those
plans do not fit the facts as they de
velop, do we have the machinery for
changing the plans smoothly and effi
ciently so that they will be a help and
not a hindrance to our further progress?
We need a United Nations council,
and we need it now.
(Copyright, 1944, N. Y. Tribune, Inc.)
A National Inventory
Prom the Hamilton (Ontario) Spectator.
After the war government and private
enterprise might jointly turn the ener
gies of men now in the armed forces,
who have acquired a taste for adven
turous living, toward a systematic in
ventory of Canada’s natural wealth. It
will be a reproach to us if our pride of
country and hopes for a new era of
prosperity cannot be expressed in more
practical forms than in the perorations
of after-dinner speeches.

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