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With Sudsy Moraine Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, P, O. ¥h« Evening 8t»r Newspaper Company. Main Offlee: 11th St. and Pennaylvanla Art. Kew York Offlee: 110 Eatt 42nd St. Chlcato Offlee: 435 North Mlchlsan Avt. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. * Eoafflar Edition. 4 Sondara. « Bnndaya. Irenlna and Sunday 80c per mo. POc per mo. 3?r 5v,n‘n' SJ*r- 50c per month Thu Sunday stir . 10c per copy Nlyht Pinal Edltlen. 4 Sunday.. 8 Sondaya. Woht Pinal and Sunday POc mo. $1.00 mo. gltht Pinal Star- 85c per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. ' _ Delivered by Carrier. The fyenlnt and Sunday Star .$] .00 per month Tn* Even ini Star- 80c per month Tnt Sunday Star- 10e per copy Rates by Mail—Payable In Advance. Anywhare Is United State.. a_ . . . 1 month. 6 months. 1 year. Jvenlni and Sunday $1.00 $«.00 $12.00 fee Svenlni Star.. .76 4.00 fioo gha Sunday Star.. .50 2.50 6.00 Telephone National 6000 Bntered at the Poet Offlee. Wathington. D c.. aa tecond-clasa mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. -.The A“<*l»ted Presa la exclualvely entitled to .r*PubUc»t'°n ot all new. diapatchea .-m0.1!1 or.vnof “therwlaa credited In thl* ii“‘Sf, loS“ Published herein. fe,b.Uo0»gUrbe“e^‘edn °f ‘PeCl>l di,P,tch” ^^j____MONDAY!_January 17. 1944 A Healthier City The members of Congress in charge of local legislation and ap propriations, the Commissioners, the Health Department, the medi eal profession and the citizens who have supported their efforts have •very reason to be gratified at the fine statistical showing of con tinued mortality rate reductions in the District in 1943, reflecting the results of a developing public health program. We still have a long way to go in Washington in the elimination of factors which contribute to a high death rate. But with a continuation of the teamwork over the past few years which is responsible for the excel lent progress made so far, the Na tional Capital can become a model In this field for other American municipalities. The increased public awareness of the desirability of a well-rounded public health program is as impor tant as the statistical record which has established new lows in mor tality rates for the District. There is no inclination now to offer the excuse of a large Negro population In condoning some still abnormally high disease rates. The new objec tive is to eliminate the causes -of these abnormal rates by correcting the condtions with which they are identified. Where great numbers of people are unwillingly crowded into congested “slum” dwellings, lacking the means to live decently, disease will flourish. A well-rounded public health program contemplates not merely the availability of clinics and hospitals, but of good housing, thor ough inspection to enforce mainte nance of sanitary standards and adequate administrative personnel to make the regulations effective. The progress being made in the Improvement of public health in Washington is merely an initial demonstration of what can be done and what will be done with as sured support from an intelligent public opinion. A Bible is credited with saving the life of a soldier by stopping a piece of shrapnel. In time, the Bible will save the lives of millions even more •ffectively, by preventing the shrap nel from ever starting. Argentinian Earthquakes The series of earthquakes which has devastated San Juan province In the Argentine Republic might have been and undoubtedly were foretold. Numbers of warning trem ors are felt at periodic intervals In that section of the great Andes chain of mountains. The movement of the earth is expected. Only the exact time and the specific area of disaster are unpredictable. In the seismic map of the world San Juan is related to Valparaiso in Chile and San Francisco in the United States, both wrecked by earthquakes in 1906. Also, incred ible as it may seem, scientists, fol lowing Robert Mallet, are able to trace a connection between the Argentinian zone and Italy and Ja pan, in which latter countries trem ors have been chronicled with sys tematic accuracy since 1783. The surface of the globe is under stress which varies in different places. Peru, for example, is known to be “moving” under the impact of weights and strains. The same ob servation applies to Mexico. Towns and cities built in the path of rising or falling adjustments are in danger. To illustrate the principle, it may be mentioned that 594 shocks were re corded in California between 1915 and 1923 while only one shock was reported in the District of Columbia during the identical period. Probably it is the weights the Pacific Ocean which causes earth quakes in the Andes. Prof. Reg inald A. Daly of Harvard University In "Our Mobile Earth” says with regard to Chilian tremors of 1822, 1835, 1837 and later: “All these dis astrous shocks emanated from faults which were long, submarine and parallel to the coast.” Geologic forces pressing upon the elastic crust of the planet finally overcome the surface resistance. Then, with the speed of sound In rock—over three miles a second—a fracture develops. Something of the sort has happened at San Juan, and thousands of in nocent people have perished or been injured in the accident. Aside from sympathy, the word that should be said on every such pitiful occasion is a warning about reconstruction. Some buildings are more durable than others. “Modem methods, especially the use of rein forced concrete and of proper fram ing, bracing and bonding, greatly diminish the damage” resulting from earthquakes. The new San Juan Which shall emerge from the ruins & of the old should be a model .city In the sense of being as nearly tremor proof as It is possible for a city to be in the “chronic seismicity" of the Cordillera. Mr. Hull Modernizes The State Department’s reorgan ization—effective today—appears to be designed solely in the interests of efficiency. As explained by Un dersecretary Edward R. Stettlnius, its purpose is threefold: First, to “readjust the responsibilities of the top officers’’ so as to permit them to devote more of their time to policy matters; second, to establish “clearer lines of responsibility and authority inside the department”; and third, to co-ordinate more closely the work of the assistant secretaries and other chief officials. To this end, through a plan mapped out under Mr. Stettinius’ direction, Secretary' Hull has created a special committee on policy, a special com mittee on postwar programs and twelve departmental offices with numerous subsidiary divisions. In addition, wholly outside the organi zational chart, he has set up an Advisory Council on Postwar For eign Policy. From the standpoint of personnel, the reorganization in volves no changes whatever, so that it plainly represents nothing more significant or far-reaching than a functional overhauling of the State Department. This, however, is a development important enough in itself—and historic to the extent that it stream lines many of the department’s traditional mechanisms and rou tines. As a result, there seems good reason to believe that through the more firmly established line of di rection and the more clearly defined responsibilities of each depart mental office and division, overlap ping of effort or working at cross purposes will be kept to a minimum, with the net effect of much greater efficiency all around. The new set up, of course, still leaves in question how the operations of such inde pendent agencies as Mr. Crowley’s FEA and Mr. Lehman’s UNNRA can best be meshed with those carried out under Mr. Hull, and he himself recognizes that it is not the final answer to all his administrative problems. Yet it is obviously a notable step forward, for at the very least, it represents a sound, busi ness-like adjustment to the vast changes taking place in the world. With Mr. Stettinius, in short, Mr. Hull has brought the machinery of the State Department up to date, modernizing it to meet the needs of the times. An Interdependent Nation In his recent statement opposing the President’s proposal for a na tional service act, Philip Murray, head of the. Congress of Industrial Organizations, took what might be called a compartmental view of the home front and handed out a bou quet addressed exclusively to the Nation’s workers. “American labor,’* he said—meaning organized labor— “in the face of all the miserable absence of planning on the part of the executive agencies, has con tinued to establish new records of war production unsurpassed in his tory. At Teheran a toast was made to the production of American work ers. Every day production records are broken through the sweat and toil of American workers.-’ Now no one will deny that labor, with its many skills and enormous energy, has done a superb job in this country, but Mr. Murray is guilty of a great oversimplification when he makes it seem that vir tually nobody else has been respon sible for the miracle. The same oversimplification has been voiced from time to time by many others in and out of the union field, includ ing Government officials and mili tary leaders. Yet the credit does not belong to organized workers or to that vast army grouped under the general name of “labor.” When Stalin made his toast at Teheran, he made it to our productive machine as a whole, and not to any single element in it; and this is as it should be, because the home-front effort is a common effort in which every citizen of the Nation plays a part. By talking about the “miserable absence of planning,” Mr. Murray gives the impression that labor just went ahead and did the job anyhow. But the fact is that, whatever the shortcomings of some Government agencies may have been, or still are, Federal officials and private indus trial mahagers have contributed quite as much “sweat and toil” to production as even the most ener getic and most unflagging worker on the busiest of assembly lines. It is silly to suggest that there have been no plans, for without plans, with out blueprints drawn up by a great corps of designers, engineers, per sonnel experts and hard-driving, far-sighted top executives, labor could not have achieved anything like what has been achieved. No one group deserves to be cred ited exclusively. The honors and responsibilities are shared. They are shared by thousands and thou sands of nonunion white-collar workers as well as by the rank and file of organized labor. They are shared by the directing heads of all the big and little industries that have been meshed into the over-all production machine. They are shared by prominent men in high places and obscure men at drafting boards and by the millions of indi viduals who have given freely of their private treasure to finance what has been done. They are shared, in short, by our whole peo ple, by the Nation as a unit, be cause, although we have individual independence u Americans, our home-front effort is a closely inter dependent - undertaking—a mech anism in which no part can func tion well without the help of all the other parts. This is something that applies to peace as well as war, for, Just as in the case of producing weapons for victory, we cannot work out our destiny with, either wisdom or effi ciency if we think and act in terms of a compartmentalized citizenry or mutually exclusive special blocs. “E pluribus unum,” after all, is an American motto that has lost none of its original meaning. The P-51 -B Since last Tuesday’s gigantic air assault on Germany enough infor mation has been let out to make it appear that our American built Mustangs—the P-51-Bs—are the world’s best single-engine fighter planes. An improved version of the P-51s, which had Allison power plants and were used for low-level operations, the P-51-Bs have four bladed propellers and Rolls-Royce Merlin engines. , Their maximum speed is well over 400 miles an hour and they perform excellently at very high altitudes. Though newcomers, they have already passed the severest combat tests with extraordinary suc cess, being credited with destroying thirty-two enemy craft in their two most recent missions without a loss to tnemseives. cut pernaps tneir most impressive feature is their range. In the multiple attack on Germany last Tuesday, they made a round trip of 800 miles as part of the huge escort protecting our Fly ing Fortresses and Liberators—a fact strongly suggesting that they will not only help to promote deeper and deeper bombing penetrations in the Reich but will also play a sig nificant role when the time comes for British and American armies to open new fronts on the European continent. In every respect, in short, they have made an extremely prom ising debut, and they constitute fresh evidence that we are keeping at least one step ahead of the en emy in the grim business of aerial warfare—which is in turn a tribute to our Air Force commanders, to the designers and engineers who blue print such developments, and to our great aircraft industry which takes, the blueprints and converts them Into mighty weapons of the sky. It is becoming more and more apparent even to the most ardent Nazi that Adolf Hitler’s “New Order for the Next One Thousand Years’’ is subject to slight alterations both in character and in time schedule. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “MOUNT RAINIER, Md. “Dear Sir: “We were walking on Thirty-eighth avenue, close to Magruder Park, when we saw what looked like a bluebird flutter among the branches of a tree by the roadside. On coming closer we were thrilled to see seven bluebirds fly one by one out of the nearby trees and wing their way toward the park. "These bluebirds seemed so much darker or deeper blue than they do in spring. I would be interested to know whether the bluebirds’ plumage ac tually takes on a deeper shade in win ter, or whether it may just have seemed darker due to the overcast winter sky. t "We have lived in Mount Rainier for about 10 years and only once before have we seen a bluebird. That was in the springtime when a single one shyly flew across our way and disappeared in the woods. “We saw another bird recently which is not a regular winter resident here. This particular cold morning I ob served a blue jay so fiercely but futilelv in an attempt to break the crust of ice on the shallow bird bath. When I re moved the cake of ice and filled the basin. I thought I heard the call of a flicker. As soon as I went in the house a big flicker flew down to drink. “Sincerely, V. I. S.” The Dlumage of most birds is brighter in the spring. Few colors in bird feathers are purer than those of the bluebird. No doubt in winter, when the entire landscape is gray looking, a flight of bluebirds would make a beautiful pic ture, and the individual birds seem darker. The flicker jis a common permanent resident in this vicinity, but is much less abundant in winter. Many of them, of course, migrate. It would be hard to say whether the few we see here in winter are permanent, or migrators which have made the vicinity of Wash ington their most southerly point. Bluebirds commonly have deeper I tones in autumn than at any other time | of the year. Their true blue, however, | comes in spring. * * * * We were surprised the other day to see a very large bird beneath the feed ing station. I He seemed especially large among a flock of sparrows. He was a flicker, the first one we had seen since summer. This bird has a black crescent on the throat and a red patch on the back of the head. He is the one who spends much of his time spring and summer eating ants, and therefore may be regarded as the gardener’s friend. Often he will spend a long time on a tree, collecting the ants from the bark, or will walk along a crack in the cement sidewalk, lopping up ants as he goes. He is given in the books as being be tween 12 and 13 inches long. * * * * His tongue is long and barbed like an ! arrow, and it with this flexible instru i ment that he gathers in the ants. The body of the tongue is covered with sticky saliva, which entangles the ants much in the manner of the old-fash ioned sticky fly paper. He really might have been called an “ant eater,” which he really is. In some sections of the country he is named commonly the golden winged woodpecker, to which family he be longs. Few species have as many com mon names, including clape, yellow hammer, high-hole, heigh-ho, wick-up, hairy wicket, yawker and walk-up. Some of these refer to his habit of hollowing out a nest high in a tree. Tliere are cases on record, however, of the flicker nesting on the ground when no trees were available. Few birds are so re sourceful. The flicker seen in our own yard re mained only a minute, no longer, and was gone. It is no. wonder that our correspondent did not think the flicker a regular winter resident. 9‘ T'-. Letters to The Star Contend* That Negro Citizen* Are Entitled to Freedom From Fear. To th* Sdltor of Tho Star: Recently I have noticed with pleasure several articles in The Star with em phasis on the problems of the Negro people. Most timely of these is your article which appeared January 11, titled “No Jurisdiction.” I am reasonably sure when I make the following statement that it repre sents the concensus of the Negro people. We are not interested in social equality. By that I mean the type which poll taxers and reactionaries would have the people believe we are interested in. We do not want to suggest, nor do we believe we have the right to suggest, that we be admitted to private affairs, clubs and other places where social events take place, but we do suggest, to say the least, that we be extended the four freedoms we “hear” so much about. The mqst fundamental of these is “free dom from fear,” fear of being the first discharged from a position, fear of be ing witch hunted every time we raise our voices in protest over second-class citizenship, fear of being molested on the public streets in our Southern States. Next in importance *is "freedom from want.” As you know, self-preservation is an inherent law of nature. A black man, and a black man only, can know what it means to want for food amidst plenty (as in India today) and be denied such, or even a chance to earn it. We do Insist, however, that all places of public accommodation be open to “the public,” and that we not be denied the privileges which are attendant with the duties which we assume. * CHARLES E. SIMS. Discusses Germans as Criminals Who Must Be Restrained. To the Editor of The SUr: It seems to me that the obvious drive tor a "Just” or a "negotiated” peace with Germany is cause for alarm, at least to all American citizens who have suffered from the results of an unruly German aggression. Obviously, the supporters of this concerted movement are seeking not a "just” peace for Germany but what would be an unjust peace for all the people she had murdered and pilfered twice within a generation. Certainly no one in his right mind could argue that Germany did not, three times within 75 years, deliberately seek war with one motive in mind—the subjuga tion first of Europe and then of the rest of the world. To prevent Germans from ever again attacking any other people seems to me to be one of the primary purposes of the war for which good peace-loving Ameri cans today are sacrificing their lives. The problem reduced to simplicity seems to me to be simply one of order and justice. If a gangster twice en tered my home within a generation, murdered members of my family and looted my house, I should be justified in exterminating him by any means possi ble, and I know that I should be ac quitted by any court in the world. Na tions, made up of individuals, are not essentially different from individuals, and the German nation, not merely the Nazis or the Prussians, have been guilty twice within a generation of rape, mur der and looting. If civilization is to endure there must be justice not only among individuals but among nations. Pew people, I think, ask the extermi nation of the German people, but all reasonable people certainly advocate measures which will prevent Germany from ever again desolating the world in the peculiarly savage Teutonic fashion. That this be assured is the right of every other nation in the world. The impetus of this "drive for a Just peace” comes from three elements—the psychopathic kind of pacifist, the cartel people who “want to do business with Germany” and a downright treasonable group who in their hearts prefer the triumph of Nazi Germany to our own victory. In the evil effect of their ac tivities there is not much to choose among the three. It seems to me that every mother and soldier should exert all of his or her strength in behalf of a peace which makes it impossible for the Germans ever again to launch a war. No one denies that Germans have rights, if only those belonging to peo ple cast in the mold of humans; but how much greater rights have those peoples who have been murdered and desolated by them! It would be absurd if the "rights” of Germans should be placed before those of their victims. Without justice civilization can but wither and die. LOUIS BROMFIELD. Lucas, Ohio. Expresses Skepticism About "Underground” Movement. To the Editor of The Star: It seems to me we are being fed a lot of hooey about the underground move ments in the conquered countries and how the governments in exile love these unconquerables. The truth is that the great majority of those composing the underground movements are those of Communistic leanings who always have been hated and persecuted by those in power. It is about time the news is presented to us in its true perspective or we shall surely lose the coming peace as we lost the last one, and for much the same reason—the people never were told the truth. MRS. JAMES McLAUGHLIN. Commends Editorial On National Duty. To the Editor of The Star: May I thank you for your editorial, "A Call to Duty,” in last night’s paper? You have voiced sentiments which it is inconceivable that our thinking citizens can refuse to accept. We have three sons (all our sons) in the Army. Our daughter holds a posi tion essential in the furtherance of the war effort. Though I am past the age to be drafted, the care of an 89-year-old aunt is what prevents me serving in some capacity. That this state of mind is true of our great majority we know from results at tained in the past two years. But the minority swinging into action would bring earlier victory and fewer heart breaks for us all. I felt I must write this to thank you personally for your truly patriotic Amer ican stand. MRS. H. M. DE MAINE. The Maker of Ax Handles Like a sculptor modeling plastic wax He fashioned a hickory handle for an ax, Shaping-stubborn wood to fit his norv} Of perfectness, adapting jibered form To fit the need of steel, its sinuous length Like a rapier blade in pliant strength And full of grace. Suddenly his eyes Grew dark with Questioning. To my surprise He broke the handle, tossing it aside As though it were an insult to his pride. Failing to perceive why anyone Would break the thing he made when it was done, I said, “You could have sold the helve." ° l knew, Before he spoke, that words were gone askew Without intention. “That handle has a knot," He cried. “Some things are not for sale, or b6ught!’, HARRY KLMOR| HURD. This Changing World Constantine Brown Within the next few days the Euro pean Advisory Commission is likely to be confronted with one of the most critical diplomatic problems the Allies have yet had to face —the Russian-Po llsh controversy. The commission, which is an offshoot of the Moscow con ference, held its first meeting last Friday in London under the chairmanship of John G. Winant, United States Am bassador to Britain. The other two mem bers of the commis sion are William Strang, British spe cialist on Russian affairs, and Fedor Gusev, Soviet Ambassador to Britain. The Polish Ambassador in Washing ton, Jan Clechanowski, called on Secre tary of State Hull Saturday and pre sented to him the request of the gov emment-in-exile to mediate the dispute between the U. S. S. R. and Poland. Mediation is believed to center on two main points—one concerning the terri torial dispute and the other the situation which has arisen from Russia’s refusal to renew diplomatic relations with the Polish government-in-exile. * * * * Washington observers regard the lat ter point as of greater importance than the actual establishment of the new Soviet-Polish frontier. The Polish gov ernment in London has placed a similar mediation request before the British Foreign Office. An exchange of views between Secretary Hull and Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden is likely to fol low, although they already have been in communication with each other regularly ever since the Polish situation took a drastic turn with the penetra tlon of old Poland by the Red armies. The State Department Is fully aware of the reluctance of the Moscow govern ment to have any third power intervene in what the Russian government re gards as internal problems of Russia. The U S. S. R. is fully confident of the good judgment of its high officials and never has been anxious to have a thi- d party inject Itself into its international affairs. Henry L. Stimson, when he was Secre tary of State in the Hoover administra tion, attempted to offer his good offices in a Chinese-Soviet dispute in 1929, but his offer was rejected by the Moscow government. It is felt in re sponsible quarters that in spite of the close relations now existing among the United States, Britain and Russia, at tempt by Washington and London to intervene directly in the Polish-Russlan row would be received unfavorably in Moscow. * * * * The severe castigation of Wendell Willkie bv Pravda two weeks ago is considered in official quarters as a defi nite sign that Moscow does not want any Intervention or interference from outside and desires to handle the Polish problem in its own way. But that, it is felt, refers principally to territorial questions Resumption of diplomatic relations comes under a different heading and it is believed that under certain circum stances Moscow might be willing to lis ten to friendly suggestions from Wash ington and London, particularly if these suggestions would offer a desired vehicle to compel the Polish govemment-in exile to make changes in its personnel. Secretary Hull and the British Foreign Office are inclined now to avoid putting pressure on the Polish government in exile. It is the only recognized Polish authority and if the President of Poland finds that his cabinet is sufficiently rep resentative of the nation which still la under foreign domination there is little that we or the British can say. Under these circumstances it is be lieved that the American and British governments might decide to refer the entire matter to the European Advisory Commission, which was created with full indorsement of the Russian govern ment at the Moscow conference for this purpose. Secretary Eden in particular is anxious to submit all troublesome problems to that commission. * * * * Mr. Eden is an old League of Nations man and a firm believer in the proce dure of the League which, while unable to solve major problems, has succeeded frequently in delaying blowouts. Im portant matters were subjected to sub committees which in turn referred them to other subcommittees for detailed study. Some time was required before the various subcommittees delved into the questions thoroughly and by the -time a report was completed such a long time had elapsed that the parties in volved had either cooled off or the League was faced with accomplished facts which could no longer be changed. The newly created Advisory Commit tee has not yet functioned except in a preliminary session. No one knows how it will function and what it will do when the first serious problem which threat ens to disturb the harmony of the United Nations is placed before it. But it is certain that it will take no hasty decisions and while it is occu pied with the study of the Russian Polish problem military factors may in tervene to such an extent that its judg ment might be made easier. The matter might be kept under consideration and advisement until the war is over. It is uncertain, however, whether Moscow will be willing to submit the matter to a third party, even under such considerations. On the Record Dorothy Thompson The President's request for a national service act seemed made with less than 100 pier cent conviction. He suggested four other measures as prerequisites. He emphasized that the Government al ready has power to draft capital and property for war purposes as an offset to the request for a law to make labor draftable, and quoted the War and Navy Departments and Joint Marine Commission as re questing the law. He also did not in dicate how such a law should be framed. So, considering the fact that Con gress is recalcitrant on taxes and has proved unable effectively to grapple with stabilization and food prices, I think we are not going to get a national service act. * * * * * N,or am I impressed with most of the arguments advanced for such an act. Military men, who want it, conceive of wartime society in which everybody is a soldier. But when one thinks the matter through, one wonders just how this can be justly achieved without going completely socialist and authori tarian. All armies are socialist and authori tarian. No one in them works for pwofit; every one ia fed, housed and clothed at the expense of the state; all pay rates are fixed in rigid heirarchy, and every one is under command of the officer above him. Genuine army standards cannot be applied to any part of a free social system without destroying it. Some people would like to regiment one part of the system, and leave the other (to which they themselves belong) free, because there seems to be a natural cussed desire to push some one else around. But if you make a nation s workers into an army you creat that "Prussian socialism" which we are fight ing. Military men are convinced, it seems, that a national service act will prevent strikes. But the truth is that you can lead a man to a work bench, but you cannot make him work, unless he has an officer immediately over him to compel him, under continuing penalties. The man hours lost by strikes have been, for the past 12 months, far less than the man hours lost through the common cold, and man hours can be lost by dis gruntled workers gracing the factories by their presente, as well as by workers absenting themselves. What would a national service act cost? We have already registered every man between the ages of 18 and 65, an expensive process, and Congress never voted a sufficient appropriation to do a thorough occupational analysis. An ad ditional registration of all women, and a constant checkup on everybody mov ing, dying, coming of age and changing occupation would mean a gigantic bu reaucracy. By the time a thousand workers for an industry in special need had been sorted out of hundreds of thousands, employment offices would probably find many of them already en gaged in essential work, or sick, dead or •loved. * * * * What can be done in the "tight little island” of Britain is no measure of what is practical on our continent, and even in Britain, where the war is much more closely felt in every home, national serv ice has given its administrator, Mr. Bevin, many headaches, and has really come down, except in coal mining, for which Britons have been drafted out of all classes, to calling for volunteers. American women have been most ar ticulate in demanding National Service Act. Their motives are admirable, but if it comes to a showdown I doubt whether the enthusiasm of a well-to-do lady would survive being drafted for work in a commercial laundry. Yet the Nation does need laundry workers. There are many vacancies in WAVES and WACS, but hardly enough to justify the registration of every American female. The blunt truth is that most Ameri can women not in war work can best serve by better doing just what they are doing now', writing cheerful letters to the boys abroad and not telling them continually about how people are slack ing at home, and taking care of their children, for whom, after all, the war is being fought. * * * * If labor were really slacking we would not have achieved the “miracle of pro duction” recognized by everybody from our regimented enemies to Mr. Stalin. Behind all the antistrike legislation, direct or indirect, lies the curious idea that American workers are somehow less patriotic and sacrificial than other classes. I see not the slightest evidence that this is true. We are all members of the same people, and all pretty much alike. The parable of the moat and the beam needs re-reading. (Released by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.) I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton We are going through a kind of polit ical comedy of manners in the big na tional service act debate. First, we have Messrs. Murray and Green, labor's lead ers. opposing nation al service. Well, they almost have to. They are not exactly free men. There is great support for the war and for Mr. Roose velt in the ranks of labor, but there is also great bitterness against wage ceil ings Labor's leaders are therefore compelled to dance a kind of stately minuet! in which they alternately approach Mr. Roosevelt with a tender smile, and then back away from him in horror. To support Mr. Roosevelt on the pros ecution of the war is good stuff in labor politics; to seem to yield to him on nec essary controls is bad stuff. Our labor movement is sufficiently democratic so that its leaders are not free to do what ever they please; they vibrate as a result of these pressures from below. Hence they are forced Into seeming contradic tions. of which a characteristic pair is labor's issuance of its no-strike pledge, and yet also its firm refusal to counte nance national service. Contrariwise, we have certain Con gressmen and certain isolationist pub lishers, who are enthusiastic supporters of labor control measures, though they don’t seem to care so much for certain other aspects of the war. These dance the same dance as do the labor leaders, in reverse. When Mr. Roosevelt claps a little steel formula on wages, they def initely warm up to the President; the suspicion of a grateful smile may some times even be seen on their lips. They come a little closer, tentatively. * * * * Then, of course, he wants lower food prices, or higher taxes, or he goes to Teheran, or plans a big offensive, and they run away again, shrieking in horror. Our labor leaders suspect that a na tional service act will merely make it easier for reactionaries to kill all labor freedom. Our worst reactionaries land sometimes one has the feeling that the name is almost interchangeable with isolationist) are afraid that a national service act will make it easier to control jobs, Incomes, nonessential businesses, etc., and in other ways to subject Ameri can life to the necessities of war. At this point the dance stops; both sides, labor and its opponents, come to a cataleptic pause: they stand, frozen in their own wrestling match, as one in their opposition to national service. It is as if they had been stricken by a paralysis of fear: they are unable to move: they are chilled by the eye of the cockatrice. President Roosevelt has mentioned na tional service, and life has stopped in both camps. You can hear a pin drop. Both sides are for national unity, but they don’t want it put in writing. And in their opposition to the kind of na tional unity which can only be expressed through national service, they have found another kind of unity; see. they are together, in blocking the President's plan for national togetherness. But it is, perhaps, the motionless kind of unity than can be observed in any graveyard. Their fears of each other have made them one. But it has perhaps never been more clearly demonstrated that a Nation which is divided will march, if it marches at all, with slow and unsteady step. Look at them, blocking each other, and blocking the street. New French Army Maj. George Fielding Eliot It is heartening to See French troops— apparently at least a full division of them—serving with such success and gallantry as a part of the 5th Army on the Italian front. Nothing could be of greater encourage ment for the French people in their pres ent hours of trial, or of finer promise for the future. The troops of Gen. I Juin appear to be ! partly French and partly North African in composition. This must necessarily ap ply to the whole French military ef fort at present, which (excluding, of course, the under ground movements in France itself) is entirely based on the French colonies., Reports from French sources put the total numbers available as 450,000—of which 175,000 are said to be Frenchmen. In the prewar organization of French colonial and North African forces, the artillery, engineers, technical services, air force and armored troops were almost entirely composed of Frenchmen, save perhaps for a few native drivers and cooks. , The*e were a few exceptions to this rule, but not many. In addi tion, almost all the officers and a con siderable proportion of the noncommis sioned officers of the native infantry and cavalry units were Frenchmen. There were a few native officers, usually not more than one to a company or squadron, and these could not rise above the rank of captain. * * * * If these general principles are applied to the new French army of 450,000 it may fairly be assumed that when the demands of the various mechanized and technical arms have been met, out of the reported 175,000 Frenchmen, plus the air service, there will be very little French infantry—just a few battalions, probably, for use as shock troops. The real reservoir of French man power is in France, and that reservoir cannot yet be tapped save by a trickle of refugees, and from the population of Corsica. It is, however, of great Importance that a French Army, of as truly French character as can be managed, should be available to spearhead Allied land ings in France. Even if French troops cwinot be femployed in great numbers on the Channel front, there could hardly be a more useful diversion than the landing of the French North African Army on the coast of the Riviera, based on Corsica, at the same time that the Channel landing begins. The amount of actual French manpower available is therefore of great military impor tance to the Allied cause. Hitherto the attitude of the Spanish government has not been helpful in the matter of refugees crossing the border into Spain. If that attitude were now to be altered, it might be possible for a great many young Frenchmen to escape from France across the Pyrenees and join the French Army of National Liberation. In order to prevent this, the Germans would have to keep a great many more men patrolling this frontier than they do at present, so that at the worst we would get a considerable fur ther diversion of German fighting strength at a time when they can ill afford any diversion. * * * * It would certainly seem that the least that the Spanish government can do to show its repentance for past actions and its desire to earn the goodwill of the victors in this war, would be to give reasonable facilities for Frenchmen to leave France through Spanish territory en route to North Africa. We are now supplying Spain with oil and various other commodities of which Spain is grievously in need. A little co-opera tion, at least a gesture of goodwill from Madrid, could hardly seem too much to ask, or even to expect. The Spaniards can no longer use the excuse that to do this would be to bring upon themselves a German invasion. The Germans are in no position to undertake any such distant military adventure. The Portuguese have dem onstrated that, when they wrecked the German submarine hopes by handing over the Azores for use as an /"lied air base. If the Germans hari been capable of any military retaliations in the Iberian Peninsula, they would have reacted with violence to this grievous injury. They were compelled to con fine their violence to the hard words of Dr. Goebbels and his crew. * * * * Therefore, there would seem to be little reason why pressure should not be brought to bear on Madrid to permit the free passage through Spanish terri tory of French civilians leaving France in order to journey to French North Africa. Allied assistance could be given to these men through the consulates of the Allied powers in Spain, and in this manner a considerable additional force of French troops might be made avail able for the day of decision, when it will be so important to France and to the future of Europe that as manv Frenchmen as possible should take part in the great campaign of liberation on French soil. (Copyrliht, 1944, by New York Tribune. Int ) German Gloom From the London Daily express. The Germans have worked hard to create the impression that they are on the point of collapse. They have been talking gloom over the radio and in official articles, saying out loud things which, If whispered in private a year ago, would have cost any German his head. They have been making lame excuses for failures in Russia, talking mumbo-jumbo about “offensive-defen sive.” Take another look at the enemy as he goes about his plans for defense. He moves fast in face of new situations. He was swift in taking over Vichy France in answer to the African invasion, swift in seizing Italy after the fall of Musso lini. And just as swift in changing his propaganda when the trend of the Moscow conference became clear. The German people are suddenly given a quite different diet—of British suffer ings. “No one," they are told over the radio, “suffers more in the fifth winter of the war than the British."