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Member of the Associated Press. „ The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republlcatton of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—6 MONDAY, February 7, 1944 A Post of Responsibility Not only his good record of ac complishment in local legislation, but the subjects for future legisla tion which have claimed his major interest have made Senator Mc Carran’s service as chairman of the Senate District Committee of dis tinct benefit to this community. It is gratifying to learn from him that his resignation of the chair manship will not affect his partici pation in the continued search for the best solution of such problems as the grant of effective franchise to citizens of Washington; improve ment and expansion of hospital and public health facilities; reorganiza tion of the water supply and distri bution systems, in which the people of Washington are the heaviest in vestors and the National Govern ment the exclusively controlling chief beneficiary; the assignment of proper jursidictional control over the “no man’s land” which has been created by expansion of the Federal establishment into adjacent Mary land and Virginia, and a more equit able and dependable system of di viding National Capital expenses between the Nation and the local taxpayer. Senator Bilbo’s succession to the chairmanship gives him the oppor tunity and incentive to carry on the work of developing the Capital in accordance with the pattern out lined by a long and for the most part distinguished list of Senators who have filled this post. Those who have worked for the best inter ests of Washington have contributed something to the best interests of the Nation and have enjoyed the satisfaction of having taken part in permanent and constructive accom plishment. To refer to the chair man of the Senate or House legisla tive committee as “Mayor” of Wash ington is to belittle an office which in reality is the post of liaison be tween the National Government and the Nation’s city, one which is worthy of the highest efforts of those whom the accidents of seniority, in House and Senate, place in control. Senator Bilbo will find his tasks as chairman lightened and made pleasant in proportion to his own work in behalf of sound, progressive government of Washington. French Policy Evolves Recent developments indicate the growth of a better understanding between the American and British governments, on the one hand, and the patriotic elements represented by the French Committee of Na tional Liberation, on the other. This improved trend is due both to the general military situation and to the political evolution which has taken place inside the committee itself. The time has long passed when military exigencies compelled the Allies to deal with whatever French authorities happened to be in power in North Africa, regardless of their previous political records. Those deals have been justified in practice, but they could not appeal to stanch French patriots who had never compromised their principles by “collaborating” with the Ger mans. This was pre-eminently true of the original “Free French,” a group of exiles gathered abound their uncompromising leader, Gen eral Charles de Gaulle. To these men who had kept the faith in the darkest days at the cost of every sacrifice, reconciliation with even moderate Vichyites seemed unthink able. On the other hand, the Free French, like all exiles, had increas ingly lost touch with the homeland, which was to a large extent an enigma, especially in the early days, when the organized French “under ground” had not been well estab lished. The first result of this unsatisfac tory situation was the clash between the factions behind Generals de Gaulle and Giraud in the newly established provisional regime set up at Algiers after the Allied inva sion of North Africa. But, as time passed, conditions broadened and ceased to be a mere conflict of per sonalities or restricted groups. An increasing number of leaders, escaped from France itself, entered the regime at the same time that other personalities too deeply stained with the Vichy taint were dropped. Coincidentally, the end of the Tunisian campaign and the total expulsion of the Axis from North Africa removed the factor of mili tary necessity. The Committee of National Liberation, supplemented &y a consultative assembly, now fairly represents all shades of patri otic opinion, in metropolitan France as well as in North Africa and other sections of the French colonial em pire. In short, there is evolving a true provisional government with Whi^h the Allies can deal and which ia_ L can play & constructive part in the restoration of France itself when the hour of liberation-from German domination arrives. Not all the difficulties have yet been ironed out. It may be some time before full diplomatic recog nition of the committee will be accorded by Washington and Lon don. But the trend toward an effective understanding is clearly evident, and time may do the rest. Disgraceful Uniqueness In his valedictory as chairman of the Senate District Committee, Senator McCarran referred again to his belief that the District of Co lumbia was not intended by the founders to be a State. But, he said, “There comes a question why eligi ble citizens of the United States re siding in the National Capital should not have the right to cast their vote for President and Vice President.” The Senator is right. The Dis trict should not become a State. The District should remain under the legislative control of Congress. The people of the District should vote, not only for President and Vice President, but for their own representatives in the exclusively controlling Congress. Can the peo ple of the District thus vote without making the District a State? They could, with proper amendment of the Constitution to give Congress the power to extend to the people of the District these rights, limited as Congress chooses to limit them. A District, represented in Con gress and the electoral college but not possessing the powers or status of a sovereign State, would be unique. It would be something new under the sun. Is that any reason to believe that it would be improp er? The District is now unique— unique in a manner that makes it a living contradiction of the very fundamentals of democratic govern ment. Its uniqueness is a disgrace, which makes a sham of fine phrases as to our moral obligation in respect to self-determination for other peo ples in other lands. The District may always remain unique, as far as the established pattern of statehood goes. But there is no reason why that uniqueness should continue to carry with it an implication W'hich shames every principle of Ameri canism. An Army dog, thought by most ; soldiers to be insane. Ls said to prefer ; K-rations to steak. Evidently this somewhat dubious delicacy has at least a limited application as a K-9 ration. The shortage of golf balls has had at least one good effect on the mo ; rale of addicts to the game. Any ! shot Ls a good one now if the ball i can be found afterward. i Oil and Foreign Policy Conditioned .upon obtaining the approval of the Kingdom, ol Saudi Arabia and the sheikdom of Kuwait, the United States Government will soon make a highly significant debut in the international oil busi ness, the primary objective being to implement American foreign policy and to make long-term provision for the petroleum needs of our armed forces in the event of future emer gencies and “in view of the obliga tions this country must assume for the maintenance of collective secur ity in the postwar world.” This is the chief meaning of the agreement just reached between Secretary Ickes' Petroleum Reserves Corporation and three private Amer ican companies holding concessions in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Under the agreement, the Government pro poses to build, own and operate a 1,200-mile pipe line from the Per sian Gulf to “a point on the Eastern Mediterranean” at a cost of between 130 and 165 million dollars, all of which—plus interest and a per centage of profit yet to be decided upon—is to be returned to the Gov ernment within a period of 25 years. For their part, the companies undertake to maintain from their immensly productive concessions a reserve “for the account of the United States” of about one billion barrels of crude oil petroleum. Fur ther. although the Government is not obligated to purchase all or even a part of this reserve, it will have the right to do so at any time for a period of 50 years, and, in addition, in the event of war or some emer gency, it will have an option to buy the entire output of the companies— over and above the reserve. The companies undertake also to do the following: (1) To make the reserve available for sale at any time to our armed forces at 25 per cent below the regular market price; (2) to give notice to the State Department and the Petroleum Reserves Corpo ration before negotiating with for eign governments for the sale of any of their Saudi Arabia and Kuwait production, and (3) not to sell “to any government or the nationals of any government when, in the opinion of the Department of State, such sales would be unwise in the light of United States foreign policy and the requirements of col lective security.” Wholly apart from the size of the reserve established (a billion barrels represent enough to supply our armed forces for several years, even at their present record rate of con sumption), the agreement is a spec tacularly meaningful step. Never before has our Government been in such a partnership in the interna tional oil business and never before has it thus linked itself with private enterprise to promote and fortify foreign policy. To that extent, the development is experimental in the extreme and needs to be studied with the greatest care. It bears the complete indorsement of the Presi dent and the State, War and Navy Departments, but how other nations are likely to react to it, or whether k their policies can be readily fitted in with it, remains to be seen. More over, private industry in general will have reason to inspect it most closely, even though Secretary Ickes makes a special point of being re assuring on that score. Japan's Dilemma With the maifi Marshall Islands now safely in our hands, it is to be expected that the enormous forces assembled for that operation will lose no time in launching new blows against Japan’s defenses in the Central Pacific. And this assuredly will create the most difficult prob lems for the Japanese, whose hope of fighting a “holding war” is being rudely shattered. Except for the efforts of garrison troops, and they were surprisingly ineffective, Japan elected not to fight for the Marshalls. Her fleet avoided the battle area, and it seems too late now for any naval challenge of the American occupa tion. Nor did the Japanese air force enter the combat in any appreciable numbers. Perhaps the hammering j of its bases by our own planes ; made this impossible, but a more probable assumption is that Tokio strategists, faced with a hard deci sion, concluded that the risks of attempting to fight for the Mar shalls were too great. It is difficult, however, to see how they can con tinue to avoid a decisive battle. Japan’s principal chain of island defenses extends from the homeland through the Bonins, the Marianas and on to the Carolines. Our con quest of the Gilberts and the Mar shalls leaves the eastern side of this chain open to attack, except for Wake and Marcus, both of which have been virtually neutralized. Thus, with the initiative in our hands, Japan must soon choose between deploying her naval forces for defense along the entire length of this chain, which would spread her strength dangerously thin, or of assembling every available warship and plane for a final showdown. Undoubtedly, it was the realiza tion that this decision is being forced upon him which prompted Premier Togo’s latest warning that the increasing ferocity of the Amer ican assaults has created a situation in which the fate of Imperial Japan will be decided. Whether our next major move is into the Carolines or against some vital point along the chain to Japan, it is quite likely to force the Japanese main fleet to give battle. And, as Togo well knows, the loss of that battle would spell the end of the ocean empire that has cost so much in blood and treasure. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. "BETHESDA, Md. "Dear Sir; "I am a newcomer to the suburban scene, but have had much pleasure watching the birds. I- have up- a feed ing station, and try to keep it ftall, al though sometimes I fail rather dis mally at this. "What I want to ask you about is a new bird, at least a new bird for me. It is much like an ordinary sparrow, except that it has black and white stripes on its head. It seems to me slightly larger than an English sparrow. It has a pretty brown back and a plain gray breast and stomach. There is a very pale gray patch on the throat. "I see it mostly in the evening, just before dark, with the cardinals. "Sincerely, M. S.” * * * * This bird is the white-throated spar row. It is a common winter resident, and abundant migrant. It does not stay here in summer, but usually comes in early October and re mains until late May. It is one of the last of the wintering birds to migrate. Many observers, unfortunately, mis take it for a common sparrow, but it is far from common in any sense. The entire continent is its home. It is called peabody bird in New England, and cherrybird in the Adiron dacks. People in Manitoba call it the nightingale. In other places it is called the Canada bird, the white throat, the white throated crown sparrow, the Canada sparrow and the Peverly bird. * * * * In this vicinity it is familiarly called the white throat by all persons who really know it at close range. This “white" throat needs some clari fication, perhaps. It is not really white, but a pale gray, as our correspondent correctly names it. This bird is slightly larger than the English sparrow, being about IVt inches long from end of bill to end of tail, stretched out. The upper parts are a rusty brown, streaked with black; the under parts, white and gray. Tire crown is black, divided centrally by a narrow white stripe. There is a broad yellow stripe over the eye, which becomes whitish at the rear. The yel low extends from the bill to the eye. * * * * The white throat’s nest is bulky, of coarse grasses, moss and strips of bark. It is usually placed on the ground, although the mother may build it in a low shrub. The eggs are four in number and are pale green, heavily sprinkled with dark brown. Tire names of Peverly bird, and Pea body bird require explanation. The first comes from a New England farmer who did not know when to sow spring wheat. As he was debating, he is said to have heard this bird sing, and to him, in his dubious state of mind, it seemed to say: “Sow wheat, Peverly, Peverly, Pev erly.” Others imagined he said, “Old Sam Peabody, Peabody, Peabody.” Just who this Samuel Peabody was we have never been able to discover. Perhaps some New Englander in Washington for the duration will be able to explain. * * * * The song, however, is a fine one, per haps the best of all sparrow song. It is a friendly bird, not disdaining the society of either the common spar row or the song sparrow. The song of the latter, to our mind and ear, is the | better of the two. We know of no finer ; bird song th!tn that of the song spar- ! row, especially since it comes in the , winter cold, when most other songsters are silent. Several days of 70-degree temperature recently brought out many bird songs, including the genuine “spring song" of the cardinal. The white-throated sparrow helps man by destroying great quantities of weed seed and Insects. Ragweed Is one of its favorite foods. Letters to The Star Fear of Communism Prompts Doubt Concerning Russia. To th* Editor of The SUi: In the last war we were fighting to make the world safe for democracy and now it seems that we are fighting to make the world safe for communism. Russia is winning this war and will dictate the peace. The United States and Britain are doing but very little of the fighting in Europe, and they cer tainly will not receive much considera tion at the time that the conditions for peace come up for discussion. This is evident by the refusal of Russia to sur render her claims to Poland. Much as we rejoice over Russian victories, we must not forget that Hitler and Stalin were partners in the crime of aggression in 1939. When the armies of Russia overrun Western Europe, it will mean the end of political freedom there. Anthony Eden had the courage to state recently that Britain will not recognize any changes made by aggres sion. Ou" Government, due to the fear of offending Russia, has not backed this up. On the contrary, we have done everything possible to appease the world's worst dictatorship. Let us go back 20 years when the communist reign of terror was going on in Italy. The rabble had confiscated the factories of Brescia and Milan, tied up the railways and no doubt would have butchered the royal family as was done in Russia. I was conducting a party of tourists in Italy at that time, and I well remember how grateful the Americans were to see law and order restored by the conservative element, who were actually obliged to join the Fascist party in self-defense. I do not condone the crimes of that party after j thev joined with Hitler, but we must I admit that they savpd Italy from some thing worse in 1922. We should also 1 remember that King Victor Emmanuel ! was our faithful ally in the last war and was forced against his will into the Hit ler combination. Americans certainly do not want com munism in this country and if we free Europe from Nazi dictatorship only to let it fall into the hands of another type of dictatorship, we shall have fought in vain. DORE WALTEN, Member of the Royal Association of Architects of Belgium. Colored Aviators Praised. To the Editor of The 8tar: The photograph of the heroic mem bers of the United States Army Air Forces’ 99th Fighter Squadron in The Star for February 2 is of interest to thousands of regular readers of your newspaper. This photo-feature also brings to mind the valiant fight com- I petent colored American aviators and interested civilian citizens have had to put up for the recognition of good pilot material—with merit and fitness as the sole determining factors. The good records of colored American aviators who joined the Royal Canadian Air Force during World War I are generally known. But little has been gotten over to the public about the achievements of a brilliant succession of colored aviators who have been mak ing significant contributions to the whole science of air navigation, from Bessie Coleman, some 25 years ago, to James L. H. Peck. John O. Hopkins, jr.; Willa Brown. Lt. John Pinkett, Charles Malcolm Ashe and others today. In fact, these contributions in aviation be came so significant that the 927 li censed colored aviators in this country at the time of .Pearl Harbor became a “threat” to the idea of making the 1 Army Air Corps an exclusive gentle- i men's club, and did much to upset the j low USAAF “Negro quota’’ which lim- ! ited air-combat colored trainees to 33 ! men a year. In protest against the by-passing of colored manpower in the field of com bat aviation. Judge William H. Hastie resigned his position as civilian aide to the Secretary of War. This hap pened last January. Today “Negro quotas” continue to exist in USAAF training. While these “quotas’’ have been revised to include colored trainees in fighter, group and medium bomber squadrons, no colored American eligibles have been assigned to heavy bomber groups—although Eng land’s Royal Air Force Integrates its qualified colored colonials and has found them measuring up to the Ger many-smashing tasks, night after night. DUTTON FERGUSON. Objects to Political Campaign To the Editor of Til* Star: After reading the daily papers, listen ing to the radio and, above all, using our heads, how can any sane person countenance the political campaign we have in prospect? Think of the number of men concen trating on political affairs, and lavishly spending money that should be used for the war only, it is stupid to say that to omit an election Is breaking the law, tampering with the Constitution, etc. Circumstances alter cases more strongly in war than at any other time, and some ! laws must be suspended for the dura- I tion to meet unforeseen conditions. The President has done a good job so far as the war itself is concerned, and it is no time for new-broom experiments. Haven't we. the people, ills enough to bear without inviting others we know not of? Certainly the country can't afford the waste of money involved in a campaign that is practically a foregone conclusion anyway. E. L. S. Asks Why Japan Was Favored To the Editor of The Stsr: President Roosevelt. Secretary Hull and members of Congress express them selves, and rightly so, as being greatly incensed because of Japan’s cruelty to American and Philippine prisoners of war. But why did the administration and Congress, several years ago, turn a deaf ear to the petitions of protest made to them by many citizens of the United States against the sale of scrap iron, gasoline and oil to Japan? WILLIAM H. HARGROVE. California, Mo. Editorial Commended To the Editor of The Star: Your editorial, “A Man to Remember,” is a masterpiece. CLAUDE WETMORE. Written in Snow Although you never see them run Beneath the brilliance of the sun, The timid beasts who love the night Record their deeds on crystal white. The dainty feet and dragging tail Of deer mice lace the drifted trail. In the swamp a man may trace A rabbit to its secret place Beneath the sprawling lavender Of a bristly juniper. From its den, upon a hill, A fox trail winds, as fox trails will, Single-footed through a wood, And boding anything but good. Where pointed hoofprints of a deer Run unmistakably and clear Follow . ,. follow . . . follow after .,, Not with malice but with laughter . . . For they who walk through new-laid snow Walk with wonder as they go. HARRY ELMORE HURD. This Changing World \ Constantine Brown Unless the forces of Lt. Gen. Mark W. Clark can break through the German defense lines at Cassino, some military' observers here have serious misgivings regarding the ability of the divisions landed at Nettuno to hold their present positions; they may have to move west ward to the beaches where they landed originally. Because of the protection of the shellfire from battleships and cruisers, it is likely that the Allies could keep the Germans from following them. Under the circum stances Gen. Clark is expected to renew his effort to break the stubborn re sistance of the German Gustav line even if it were to prove to be costlier than anticipated. When the Nettuno operation was undertaken it had been assumed that the 5th Army would be in a position to overcome the Nazi resistance at Cassino. Then Oen. Clark’s divisions could have moved northward and make a Junction with the forces landed at Nettuno. The entire strategy of this otherwise risky maneuver was predicat ed on the ability of overpowering the Nazis facing the 5th Army. To reach our strategic objective, Rome, it was necessary to have troops converging from two sides. For this reason picked American and British units were delegated to land in the Nettuno area. The operation was accomplished with slight loss. The Germans are in desperate need of a military success. Marshal Erwin Rommel, who is said to have returned to Italy, saw his chance when the Gustav line, instead of being broken, was only dented. He issued orders that Cassino be held at any cost and at the same time he ordered the with drawal of forces from the British anchor on the Adriatic front. He rushed them to the Cassino front. Rommel even decided to use, for the first time in many months, planes in large numbers to hold Gen. Clark’s advance until the reserves from the east arrived. Meanwhile, the 10th Ger man Army, composed of veterans from Russia and men who fought in Sicily, was sent to meet the Allied forces ad vancing from Nettuno. Weather con ditions favored the Nazis. Fog, rain and mist prevented the Allied commander from making full use of our air superior ity and permitted the concentration of the Nazi divisions of the 10th Army. By taking advantage of the inability of the Allied aviation to interfere with the Nazi lines of communications and by moving in trucks and other motor vehicles during the night, Rommel man aged to bring in at least three and prob ably four divisions to meet the advancing Allies. Although the situation on the Net tuno front had improved slightly Sat urday, it continues to be extremely un comfortable not so much because of the powerful German attacks but be cause the 5th Army has made little or no progress. Unless Gen. Clark’s rein forced army succeeds in breaking the deadlock on the Cassino front the dar ing and successful landing operation at Nettuno may have been in vain. On the Record Dorothy Thompson I have called these columns on the Molotov announcement “The Soviet Commonwealth,” because this is really the transformation proposed. Having dismissed the childish idea that it is a maneu ver for more votes at a peace confer ence, I want to add that this enormous change should not be regarded as oc curring for any spe cific purpose, except the ever-present one of security through power. It must be seen and assessed inside the frame work of the world situation. Early in Decem ber, a speech of Field Marshal Smuts was published in which he proposed that smaller Western Europe democra cies, should enter the British Common wealth. The British Commonwealth is an attractive proposition. It combines mutual protection with economic ad vantages and national sovereignty. Its constituent members maintain their na tional armies and offices of foreign af fairs, and even have the right of seces sion. Field Marshal Smut's speech was an open bid for the extension of perma nent British influence upon the con tinent of Europe and, throughout the European empires upon the Far East. And I think it wise to face the fact that the transformation announced in Russia is a competition for the same thing. As far as outer form is con cerned, the lines of the new Soviet Commonwealth closely follow the Brit ish. But the content of the one is cap italist, and of the other socialist. Mr. Molotov, in his speech, reiterated the unswerving fidelity of the Soviet Union to the socialist idea. The advantage of the British Empire has been its elasticity. For instance, Canada, may make treaties with the Uniteti States without committing Britain. Australia and New Zealand may come to agreements between them selves and neighbors. Tire Common wealth, furthermore, does not consist of contiguous areas. This is just why the various governments of the domin ions, unions and commonwealths in creasingly demanded autonomy. By this development the British Empire became the one world-wide power, with all shades and degrees of contacts and con nections. The new structure of the Soviet Union makes it possible for it to play a similar role. The deepest reason behind it is that the Soviet Union foresees all shades of socialist experimentation in various areas of the world after the war. New economic developments are unlikely to reproduce the pattern of Russian Com munism—the recognition of this is im plied in the dissolution of the Comin tern. But developments in numbers of states may be such as to make collabo ration with a socialist state more at tractive than with capitalist neighbors. We may assume, for instance, that few modem and self-conscious states ■will wish to turn over their national resources to development by foreign cap ital. Yet there are states—and after this war there will be many such in Europe—where private national capital has all but been destroyed by the Nazis or, the nationals who have maintained it, have done so through collaboration with the Nazis. Such states may be led toward some form of state capitalism by national ism plus necessity. If they are opposed in this by the Anglo-American powers and supported in it by Russia, they would only be restrained in drifting to ward the power-protection of the Soviet Union by considerations of sovereignty. No Frenchman, for instance, wants to be ruled by Moscow. (Nor by Lon don nor Washington.) But given the impossibility of standing alone, he will choose between alteratives. Many fac tors will enter into that choice, such as forms of economic organization, geog raphy and protection against this or that possible enemy. The new structure of the Soviet Union presents no claims whatsoever. But it provides the mechanism and structure through which petitions for membership could be considered. There are countries much nearer than France, where such alternatives are cer tain to be considered. There is, for instance, China. There 1s, for instance, Yugoslavia—a country of great un developed economic resources; there is, for instance, Finland, that once, under the Tsars, had something of that autonomy now offered every state of the Soviet Union. There are, for instance, the new countries of the Middle East, just awakening into national conscious ness. And there is, for instance—and in the long run—Germany. As a student of the Soviet Union's foreign policy, I have always been im pressed with the way in which it re serves to itself unlimited possibilities within a clear plan, without committing itself to any fixed program. There is no question that this new step has im mensely widened the possibilities. The extent to which they can be exploited, however, depends not alone upon the Soviet Union, but upon the policies of Britain and America. The Soviet Union has entered into open competition, by open diplomacy, for a focal position as the magnet of Europe and Asia. If the western powers should think to answer this by force, they would be misled. Force has ab solute limits in this world. Or if they think to answer it by letting nature take its course, I fear they will find that a planless world is at great disadvantage with one which has a clear concept. The only passible answer is a western plan more attractive to the peoples. (Released by the Bel! Syndicate, Inc ) The Great Game of Politics Frank R. Kent Those who pointed out some time ago that Mr. Willkie is not a man who can be counted out in a fight until it is all over had their judgment rather strikingly confirmed by the events of the last few days. As a result, quite a_few of the politicians and observers w'ho had i become convinced ( that the question of ' - the Republican pres- ^ idential nomination was no longer open and that Gov. Dewey would be “drafted” have had to revise their opin ion—at least to the point of agreeing that the fight isn't over. The first of the things that happened was that Mr. Willkie made a speech assailing both the administration and Congress for the utter inadequacy of their tax programs and urging taxes to raise $16,000,000,000, twice as much as the Treasury and eight times as much as Congress has proposed. It was not to be expected that in either congres sional or administration circles there would be a favorable response to Mr. Willkie s proposals, but the response in the country generally as reflected by the press was extraordinarily favorable. For this there were three strong rea sons. First, what he said wras true: second, it was courageous; third, it was realistic. There is no denying these things. At the same time that Mr. Willkie swept aside the nonsense talked by New Deal ers like Mr. Henry Wallace about the size of our debt being something not to worry about, he swept aside the administration and congressional fear of levying adequate taxes prior to an election. No other presidential candi date. in or out of the White House, has talked this kind of straight stuff to the people. On the contrary, all of them, including Mr. Roosevelt, have evaded and avoided, obviously feeling that any candidate who favored really drastic taxation would suffer at the polls. Apparently Mr. Willkie has a higher opinion of the American pteople than the rest of them. Whether this will prove justified time will tell, but at any rate he reaped an immediate re ward in a journalistic praise such as has not been given any aspirant for office in a long time. The powerful New York Times came out so strongly for his nomination as to leave little doubt of its support should he be nomi nated. The New York Herald Tribune found additional reason for his success. Various other important papers, both Democratic and Republican, congratu lated and commended. Altogether it was an almost unprece dented and unusually spontaneous tribute, and started Mr. Willkie off on his three weeks’ tour of the West with his spirits buoyant and his prospects brighter. This Western trip also called attention to the singularly interesting situation in Wisconsin, in which State presidential primaries will be held early in April. Mr. Willkie announced some time ago that he would enter these primaries, though his friends pointed out that he is weaker in the Middle West than on either the East or West Coast, and that, particularly in Wis consin, where the La Follette isolation tradition has been so deeply ingrained, the Willkie international co-op)eration views are not popular. In Wisconsin the consent of the man is not required to enter him in the pri maries—and, because of this, friends of Gen. MacArthur. Gov. Stassen and Gov. Dewey have taken steps to enter their favorites. Thus, the Republican voters in that State will have four names from which to choose, but only one—Mr. Willkie—will be an open and avowed candidate for the presidency. The other three are what has been called “shadow candidates.” Gov. Dewey, for example, has declared himself not a candidate. And it can only be conjectured—though not many have doubts on this score— that he will accept if nominated. The same is true of Gen. MacArthur and Gov. Stassen. One in the Army, the other in the Navy, both are barred from Candida torial activity or passivity. Yet, with Mr. Willkie, they will all be voted on in the Wisconsin primaries. The outcome will be interesting and perhaps sig nificant. This, however, is true—even though Mr. Willkie should be beaten— and by Gov. Dewey, who was born in Wisconsin—it will not mean the elimi nation of Mr. Willkie. He will still be “in there pitching”; the fight will be by no means over. • Last week Mr. W'illkie’s candidacy certainly seemed in a soggy and sagging condition. Today, and as a result of his own utterances, it is in a firmer, more vibrant state. In the next five months it easily may go up and down several times. 'What its condition will be when the convention convenes it is impossible to forecast. But this seems sure—de spite the number, ferocity and strength of his party enemies, the idea that he is a licked man and there is nothing now in the way of the Dewey draft is not well founded. It may turn out that way —and the odds still favor it—but it should be clear by now that Mr. Willkie is an uphill fighter who never stops go ing until here isn’t any place to go. He seems an especially hard man for a shadow candidate to beat. Pacific Offensive Maj. George Fielding Eliot It may be considered that Kwajalein Atoll, central base of the Japanese de fense system in the Marshall Islands, is now firmly in American hands. No doubt there are some Japanese left on a few of the is lands of the atolls; possibly some resist ance may be en countered on Eba don Island, at the extreme western tip, which has not yet been seriously a t tacked. But this is a secondary affair. We have the air base on Roi, the sea plane base on Ebeye, the air and naval installations on Kwajalein Island. What results are to be expected from this bold advance into the heart of the enemy’s territory? First of all, the by-passed positions— Jaluit, Milli, Wotje. Maloelap—will im mediately feel the pinch. We are astride their line of supply. For the Japanese to attempt to send planes or ships to these islands now becomes an opera tion of great hazard, almost impossible of accomplishment. It may be pre sumed that the garrisons have con siderable stores, but these cannot last forever. It may be worth while to clean out these islands at once, or it may be thought better to let them alone for the time being. Our real direction of advance is westward ftot eastward. So considered, the positions which are of immediate interest are (1) Eniwetok Atoll, about 350 miles west of Kwajalein and one of the principal staging points for air traffic between Japan and the Marshall Islands. (2) Wake Island, about 600 miles north-northwest of -Kwajalein, also a staging point for air traffic and a vrty valuable outpost posi tion. (3) Kusaie Atoll, perhaps 375 miles southwest of Kwajalein, and forming the connecting link between the Marshall and Caroline gro""s. (4) Nauru Island, an Isolated position due south of Kwajalein and west of Tarawa, which can hardly be left in Japanese hands any longer because it commands the sea lanes between the Gilberts and the Solomons and forms a valuable outpost for the Japanese in the Carolines. It may be said that the capture by our forces of Eniwetok and Wake would definitely put an end to any possibility of Japanese air or naval interference with our activities in the Marshalls, except of course by the ever present, and never to be forgotten, possibility of the Japanese deciding to bring about a major fleet action. The capture of Kusaie and Nauru would cut off all possible communication between the Japanese positions in the New Britain area and those still remaining in their hands in Jaluit, etc. Now look at those four positions on the map from north to south—Wake, Eniwetok, Kusaie, Nauru—and you will see that they form a slightly convex line, bulging westward, facing the Jap anese outposts at Marcus Island, in the Marianas and Carolines and in New Britain. This line becomes thus an outpost position, covering our pos sible concentrations of force in the Central Pacific and facilitating the de velopment of our further offensive operations to the westward. What course these operations may take, is naturally something we shail all have to wait to find out. But one or two general remarks may be of value. At Eniwetok, we should be only 300 miles and at Kusaie only about 360 miles from Ponape, the principal island of the Eastern Carolines. Ponape, in turn, is only 375 miles from the great Japanese naval base at Truk. This would seem to be the “easy stages” approach to Truk in this direction. We must remember this in connection with the operations against Truk from the southward, where its outpost Rabaul is under very heavy attack. But also, at Eniwetok we are only about 1.000 miles from Guam, wht-h Is by far the most important Island of all this region, containing more square miles of solid land than all the islands around it within 1,000 miles put together. It would form an in valuable air base and general point of support for air and naval operations, and we have a particular interest in recovering it, as we have in Wake, too. because it is United States territory. A direct assault »n Guam, if success ful. would by-pass and isolate Truk just as the successful assault on Kwajalein has by-passed and isolated Jaluit and the other Eastern Marshalls. In fact, at Guam, we would stand squarely between Truk and Tokio. Of course, we are a long way as yet from any such accomplishment; but it is clear that we are developing a technique of attack and a concentra tion of amphibious power in the Pacific which permits us to think in far more ambitious terms than has hitherto been the case. Under the command of Ad miral Nlmitz. our Navy, Marine Corps and Army commanders and staffs are working out a system of making war which permits the full development of American ingenuity, mechanical re sources and initiative. It will be strange, indeed, if the progress we shall make in the future will not be at a more rapid pace than during the past years of preparation and anxiety. (Copyright, 1044. New York Tribune, Inc.) Postwar Rehabilitation Prom the Montregl La Pre«se: The studies and enquiries systemati cally followed by the committees of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association have convinced it that “it is, above ail, the intelligence, the initiative and the work of the people, acting as individuals or as members of private companies and groups bound together by common in terests, that may be counted on for the elaboration and execution for plans of postwar rehabilitation.