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With Sunday Mornlnr Edition THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON. P. C. The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office- 1 lth 8t. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: 110 East 42d St Chicago Office: 436 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Regular Edition. 4 Sundays. 5 Sundays. Evening and Sunday 80c per mo. 90e per mo The Evening Star 50c per month The Sunday Star 10c per copy NiHl Final Edition. 4 Sundays. 5 Sundays. Night Final and 8unday 80c mo f 1.00 mo. Night Final Star 06c Per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. __ _ Delivered bv Carrier. Tne Evening and Sunday Star SI 00 per month The Evening Star._ _ Hoc per month The Sunday Star __ loc per copy Rates by Mail—Payable In Advance. Anywhere In t’nlted States. _ 1 month. 0 months. 1 year. Evening and Sunday SI.00 *0.00 512 00 The Evenina Star 76 4.00 8.00 The Sunday Star_ 60 2.50 6.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at the Post Office. Washington. D. C.. a* second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. Tht Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republicatlon of all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited in this *’RDer, *i50 4!? loCRl news published herein. Ail rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved A—10_^THURSDAyT March 9, 1944 'Carnival of Death' The protest by American clergy men and other leaders against the “obliteration bombing” of enemy cities springs from a deep and sin cere aversion to the destruction of human life. Even though we are thousands of miles away, there can be but few among us to rejoice at the death of a great city, and all of us must shudder inwardly when in our mind’s eye we visualize the suffering and the terror which this crucial year of the war is visiting upon millions of men and women and children. And yet, as we search our hearts and our .consciences for the answer, there emerges the grim, inescapable fact that this is war— the ruthless total war which all right-thinking men sought to avoid, but w’hich nevertheless was forced upon them. This war was brought upon the world by Adolf Hitler. With the support of the German people, he designed it as an all-inclusive war, a war in which there would be no military distinction between the soldier and the civilian, but in which all would fight and suffer alike. And then—still with the support of his people—he proceeded to put that design into execution. Nor will the world soon forget the destruction that he brought to Rotterdam, Cov entry, London, Belgrade, Lidice and scores and hundreds of other towns and cities that tasted the wanton fury of the Reichswehr and the Luftwaffe. It will be said, however, and rightly so, that retaliation of itself Is not a sufficient justification for the Allied bombings of German cities. If the remorseless pounding of Berlin, Hamburg, Regensburg and the others cannot be justified as an act of military necessity, it cannot be justified at all. What is the fact as to this? Miss Vera Brittain, and those who indorse her protest, look at the bombings and fail to see the war. If their protest is anything, it is an appeal for discontinuance of the systematic bombing of enemy cities and the military targets that lie within them. If their point of view should prevail, the Germans would be able to keep on making weapons to be used to kill young Americans and young Britons who must carry the war to the enemy if we are ever to win it. They would not be losing the hundreds of planes that are being shot out of the skies this winter by our own bombers and fighters. Instead, they would be able to conserve them for invasion day, to be used then in sending thousands upon thousands of our own boys to their deaths. How much longer would the wTar last if we were to put aside the bombers, our most effective weapons? Months, certainly; perhaps years. And what of the soldiers who would be sacri ficed needlessly in that longer con flict, and of the civilians who would die of starvation and disease? At this critical stage of the war we must steel ourselves to face the fact that it is war. We must look beyond the well-intentioned but shortsighted appeals of those wrho can see the suffering of the enemy but who cannot foresee the greater suffering that their proposal would bring upon us. The bombing of the German cities may be a “carnival of death.” as the protesting group eays, but that is also true of the war In its entirety. It is all a desperate, bloody nightmare, in which our bombing strategy finds its single Justification in the fact that it will shorten the duration and insure victory. GOP Victory On the voting record since 1940, the Republicans undoubtedly have substantial basis for the significance which they read into the returns : from Tuesday’s special congressional election in Colorado. In that district, strongly Demo cratic since 1932, the GOP elected an anti-New Deal businessman, Dean M. Gillespie, by a margin of approxi- j mately three thousand votes. His opponent was an Air Corps major, retired from active service because of wounds received in fighting the Japanese. The successful Republi can candidate based his campaign squarely on his opposition to the New’ Deal, and a majority of the j voters of the district, who registered a sixty-thousand-vote Democratic majority in 1936, apparently saw eye to eye with him. This makes three House seals that the Republicans have taken from the . Democrats in ten special elections since 1942. At the same time, they have lost only one seat to the Demo crats, and in that contest, in a Cali fornia district, two Republican can didates polled a greater total vote than their Democratic opponent, but lost the seat because of the split vote. Taking these results together, with the OOP gubernatorial suc cesses in Kentucky and New Jersey and the impressive victory of their candidate for lieutenant governor in New York, there seems to be more than a little justification for the optimism of the spokesmen for the Republican party. There is one factor, however, which should not be overlooked. In none of these contests has President Roosevelt been a competitor. In the past he has demonstrated an ability to run ahead of his party ticket, and if he is a candidate for a fourth term, the jubilant Republican fore casters may find that the political road to the White House is not quite so smooth as it looks today . Two Key Problems Postwar oil arrangements and postwar competition in the air are merely two of the many problems that loom large internationally, but short of building the peace struc ture as a whole, they seem in a class by themselves for complexity and importance. The reason for this is that they are unique in the sense that perhaps more than any other question—certainly more than the question of the Russo-Polish border, for example—they cut across the interests of virtually every country In the world. Thus all nations of any industrial consequence, since they need fuel and lubricants to keep themselves going, have a stake in the way in which petroleum resources are to be controlled, produced and made available in the future. Similarly— and even to a greater degree in some respects—they have a stake in the development of an international air system, since the sovereignty of each country extends as high as the sky above it, and since tomorrow’s aviation, wholly apart from the commercial factors involved, raises security issues for virtually every one of the world’s peoples, all of whom will have reason to be inter ested in the understandings estab lishing control over the network of globe-encircling airfields and in agreements governing zones of flight. Viewed against this background, the importance of the forthcoming Allied meetings on both subjects, as announced by the State Department, cannot be exaggerated. Joseph C. Grew, former Ambassador to Tokio, will be the chief American repre sentative at the aviation conference, in which all of the United Nations are apparently scheduled to take part. The oil parley, on the other hand, with Secretary Hull heading our delegation, will be limited at first to talks between the British and ourselves, but the door will be left wide open to multilateral dis cussions with other countries_ notably Russia—having special in terests in the petroleum field. Since both subjects are so com plex and so open to differences of opinion on the part of all parties concerned, it is only natural that the initial conferences on them will be more exploratory than definitive in character. Presumably the con ferees will succeed at least in estab lishing minimum areas of agree ment, and on the basis of these will be better able to tackle the areas of dispute at later meetings. In any event, there can be no doubt that the time has come for the United Nations to start trying to work out reasonable solutions to these two problems, for they are central to the peace problem as a whole, and upon the way we handle them now depends much of the world’s hope for a new era of international co operation and collective security. According to derivation, the word “sergeant” means “servant.” If sergeants only knew this, think how it would help the servant problem in the Army. Americans in Burma News that American ground forces are fighting for the first time in Northern Burma—for the first time anywhere on the Asiatic con tinent—seems at the moment to be more significant for what it fore shadows than for i ts immediate meaning. The numbers involved, including veterans of Guadalcanal, apparently are not large and the reports indicate that their mission is limited to helping the Chinese in a localized drive to gain an area needed for the construction of a new overland supply link with India. Both as a symbol and a sign of coming events, however, the develop ment serves as an impressive ex pression of our close ties with China and an earnest of American inten tions to search out and punish the Japanese not only in the air or on the sea or in the islands of the Pa cific but on the mainland of Asia as well, with ground forces whose size will one day be vastly greater than the unit which has just in troduced itself in the jungles of Burma. This is merely the begin ning; it is merely notice served on the enemy that he is likely to meet our forces wherever he is, no mat ter how remote the place. In addition, the news suggests that from now on the Japanese will have to worry about more than one front in Burma. For it is quite possible that the new Chinese American action, having begun suc cessfully, will be expanded into operations on a larger scale to keep the enemy fully occupied while British forces increase their activ ity in the western part of the coun try. Although spectacular develop ments are not likely in the little time left between now and the monsoon season, positions can be improved in preparation for an all out Allied Burmese campaign next fall. In any event, the arrival of the American unit is a clear sign that this theater has not been forgotten. Before the war is over gr^at battles may have to be fought in it, and Its queer place names—Maingkwan, Nritu Ga, Wa Gahawang, etc.— may yet become as familiar and grimly meaningful to us as any of the names we have come to learn in reading about the other, more active theaters. 'Baby Broker' Bill The "baby broker” bill has more outspoken support and less visible opposition than any pending local legislation. It has tw’ice passed the House. Yet its passage in the Sen ate is by no means assured by the generally approving nature of the testimony before the Senate sub committee. For while the highly confidential nature of the circum stances surrounding the disposition or placement of infants by their parents has led to commercialism and all nature of abuses by un scrupulous persons, it is most nec essary that the sanctity of records of parentage, adoption, etc., be pre served. The difficulty of finding the formula for safeguarding records and at the same time making the placement of children subject to public regulation has been a major stumbling block in the past and may prove so again. But that difficulty should by all means be overcpme. It is scandalous that there should be an unregulated underground traffic in babies, subject to no standards which guarantee the re sponsibility and fitness of the indi viduals or institutions concerned. The District of Columbia, Nevada, South Carolina, Alaska and Puerto Rico are the only jurisdictions which lack regulations for the placement of children. It should be possible to obtain agreement on phraseology of legislation which will be acceptable to at least a majority of the persons who have given long study and thought to the question. If there is continued opposition, it should be discussed openly on its merits and not be permitted silently to stifle what is essentially a desirable measure. Monte Carlo is reported to have been closed tight by the Nazis, as invasion draws near. Rather a stu pid move, this, on their part; Monte Carlo wide open has always been one of the toughest places in Eu rope to take. With income tax day at hand, now is the time for all good smoke house poets to get busy rhyming “soak” with “broke” and “apparel” with “barrel.” It must be extremely difficult for a teacher of any natural history class in Germany to convince his students that bears actually go to sleep in the winter. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “CHEVY CHASE, Mdl “Dear Sir: "We have a feeding station in the garden, painted red, but the birds do not go near it. Is it because it is painted red? I have put crumbled bread crumbs out there all winter. Please advise me. "Yours truly, M. M.” Birds do not like red, either on a feed ing station or birdhouse. Probably the only species which is at tracted by this color is the humming bird. Plenty of red gladioluses in the garden will lure the hummers. Other species shy away from it. The best color for either feeding sta tion or birdhouse is dark green, the tint often called "blind green.” Next in popularity with the birds is dark brown, and then gray. Ordinary bark color is one of the best. White is acceptable to most species. Unpainted wood soon darkens to a pleasing weathered shade. Wrens like dark green houses. Ef forts to mix colors, and thus attract dif ferent species by approximating their feathers, are not particularly appre ciated by the songsters. This idea best pleases the painter, rather than the bird. * * * * We have seen many feeding stations and birdhouses painted bright red, and at no time have ever seen a bird in them. That does not mean that birds may not come to such painted structures. We say only that we have seen none in them. Red is a color so startling in nature that it is no wonder birds tend to shy away from it. It is the color of revolt and danger and perhaps the flyers have some way of knowing this. Colors which blend well in the out doors are the best for all to attract the birds. This is why soft browns and grays are prime. They are exactly the sort of thing which nature knows so well how to paint. No one can go wrong who sticks to them. Other colors may or may not keep the songsters away. White is a color, or rather lack of color, which at times seems to offend some species. We have told here how a mass of cottage cheese, placed in a well-patronized feeding sta tion, kept all the birds away until it was removed. A piece of paper, accidentally blown to within a short distance of a feeding place, will sometimes have the same ef fect.. Yet, as stated, bluebirds will come to a white birdlfouse. Whether they re main, of course, depends more upon the birds themselves than upon the white ness. This is a shy bird and difficult to handle. Ae -1/ A Bluebirds show up about March 15. so houses designed for them should be put out immediately. It is best if they have been out all winter, getting the smell of the outdoors. The diameter of the entrance of a bluebird house should be 1 inches. The floor should be 5 by 5 inches, the depth of the box 8 inches and the hole 6 inches from the floor. The bluebird box should be placed from 4 to 10 feet from the ground. Low placement, about 4 feet, is said to be favored by the bluebirds, and to help keep sparrows away. The latter do not like a low position for their nests. A man who made a great success of luring bluebirds has this to say: “The best results are obtained if the box is erected not over 3 or 4 feet above the ground and preferably nailed to a solid fence post, facing south or south east. You will be more successful with fence posts than you will if you nail the box to the side of a tree.'' We believe that persons dwelling in the solid city might well put up bluebird houses, not so much to attract those beauties as to get English sparrows. In many places these little fellows are the only birds and one might as well be kind to them. It is impossible to study them closely without recognizing their virtues. Letters to The Star Reply to Clergy men’s Protest From ‘One . , . Addressed' To the Editor of The Star: The Star for March 6 carried under an A. P. credit line a protest against ‘'obliteration” bombing of German cities. This protest was issued by “28 clergy men and others.’’ calling upon Chris tians “to examine themselves concern ing their participation in this carnival of death.” As one of those thus addressed. I emphatically protest against this doubt lesg well-intentioned, but unwarranted and unwise, attempt at interference in a matter concerning which the pro ponents are not competent to pass judgment. Fortunately for us (and them), our conduct of the war is intrusted to loyal men who know what we are fighting, howT to fight, and why. They should be free from annoyance by snipers. E. H. DE GROOT, Jr. Favors Amendments To the Editor of The Star: The Constitution of the United States (from which all governmental powers are derived and concerning which the great English publicist, Gladstone, has said, “It is the most remarkable work of modern times produced by the hu man intellect in its application to political affairs’'! has been amended 21 times. More recent of these amendments, such as change in dates of the terms of office of the President, Vice President, Senators and Representatives, and re peal of the eighteenth amendment, were induced either by practical consid eration or changed public sentiment. The war in which we and all the rest of the world now are engaged has brought to the front more serious ques tions (perhaps constitutional) than any others that have confronted the Nation since 1865. They are: What constitutes a legal soldier’s vote cast in foreign lands, and a national serv ice act. While both of these questions possibly might be settled by acts of Congress, suitable amendments to the Constitu tion, while slower, undoubtedly would be better, safer. Action by State Legis latures or conventions, in view of the urgency of the situation, might be ex pedited. In any event, who knows that this is “the war that will end all wars”; that our children, or our children’s children, may not be called upon to fight in for eign fields—perhaps while a national election is again in progress on the home front? WULBUR CLOSE. Corrects FEPC Story To the Editor of The Star: Will you do me the kindness to make correction of an understandable slip by your reporter in writing the news ac count in your issue of March 2, referring to my testimony before the Smith Com mittee regarding the Fair Employment Practice Committee. Your article quoted me as calling the President’s Fair Em ployment Practice Committee an “im pudent tribunal.” I did not use that ex pression. The word I used was “im potent.” I pointed out that FEPC admittedly has no power to issue a summons, a subpoena or any kind of legal writ or process. I said: “I.assert in passing that that is a strange posture of impotence for any court, or quasi-judicial tribunal, which claims, and attempts to assert, power to issue legally valid and effective compulsive orders, or what the bureau crats prefer to describe by the more re sounding yet euphemistic term ‘direc tives.’ ” I further said: “Such an impotent tribunal is an anomaly in American constitutional law and is unknown even to the modern development called 'ad ministrative law.’ ” SIDNEY S. ALDERMAN, Motives Hard to Discern. to the Editor ol The Star: I cannot follow the reasoning which gives rise to the opinion, expressed twice lately by correspondents of The Star, that America’s participation In the League of Nations would have prevented this war. In England and Prance, the two most powerful and vitally concerned members of the League, and both located on the very doorstep of a disarmed Germany, could not discern the motive behind Germany’s rearmament program, which all evidence indicates was the case, then on what reasoning is the opinion based that a nation elss vitally con cerned and located more than 3.000 miles away could have discerned that motive? The fact that Japan is now using our scrap iron to wage war on us is not very good evidence that our leaders are more capable of perceiving motives than the leaders of other nations. In truth, the regard that is now being paid our beloved Atlantic Charter would indicate that our leaders may have lots to learn about motives. J. j. SPERRY. Woodstock, Va. What Negroes Seek. To the Editor of The Star: Laura K. Pollock's kindness is sur passed by only her blindness. Negroes .of vision are not appeased by the illusory advantages in job opportunities that segregated institutions offer. They con tend for a freedom of society that im poses no mean restrictions In such a social order, schools would be open alike to deserving students and qualifying teachers. In short, they seek the greater, more genuine, more godly democracy for their children’s children. J. W. HAYWOOD, Jr., Agrees With Mr. Haskin’ To the Editor of The Star: In your paper of February 29 you published a letter from M. Spurgeon contradicting Frederic Haskin's transla tion of the word “Isvestia” as “The News” and asserting that it means "cer | tainty.” But the definitions given in all the large Russia n-English dictionaries I could lay my hands on—six to be exact are: “Isvestia—information, intelligence, advice, intimation, piece of news, tidings' warning, bulletin, war news.” __ I.. LEBUS. Boy and the Clock He who has told the time by song and sun. By dusk and stars appearing one by one, By morning waking him, by day’s farewell Sealed by his mother’s kiss, now learns to tell The time upon the clock’s round face. He'll know How intervals, deliberate and slow, Can change their lethargy and snail like tread In youth, to eagles flight toward sunset-red. The slender hands upon the dial will hold: His wedding hour like a band of gold. The time that marks his son’s glad natal day, ^ The graying twilight and its misty spray, When with his last and slowly ebbing breath He asks the time o'clock while waiting death. ROSE MYRA PHILLIPS. This Changing World Constantine Brown American citizens of Polish descent have decided to enter the international political picture in an attempt to save, as Americans, the sovereignty of Po land which now ap pears to be more threatened than ever since 1939. The Polish gov ernment in exile is beginning to feel that the British gov ernment is abandon ing its stand of last January when it took a strong posi tion favoring the re public's sovereignty. The private ex change of notes be tween Premier Sta lin and Prime Minister Churchill has led the Polish government in London to believe that it soon would be pre sented with a ‘‘take it or leave it” agree ment between London and Moscow. The Poles fear that this agreement in fact will put an end to Poland's independence. The Polish-Americans thus have decided to act. * * * * A convention of the old-established Polish fraternal organizations is sched uled to be held in Buffalo in the middle of May. Some 5,000 delegates repre senting Poles of the first, second and third generations will gather to discuss, as Americans, the plight of Poland. The last gathering of this type was held in Detroit in 1917 under the chairman ship of Ignace Jan Paderewski, the world famous pianist. It established a Polish Army, which was sent to the European battlefields. The principal objective of the Buf falo convention will be “to defend Amer ica’s pledges as embodied in the At lantic Charter’’ and to defend the sov ereignty of Poland, “described as the first of the United Nations" because she was the first country in the group to suffer from the greed of aggressive totalitarian states. The convention will be headed by Charles Rozmarek, an attorney from Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Poles do not want to mix na tional with international politics. Hence their slogan that they wish to defend America's pledge given in the Atlantic Charter. The fact that the convention has been called for the middle of May gives a certain political touch. * * * * It is being held a few weeks before the Republican and Democratic conventions in Chicago. The fact that there are some 5,500.000 Polish votes in this coun try is certain to be taken into considera tion by both parties. The Polish vote is large in some of the most important States such as Illinois, Michigan, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Massa chusetts and Ohio. Politically they have been divided in the past and the rela tions between the various clubs and fra ternities were not always too cordial. But since the existence of Poland as a sovereign state has become threatened these fraternities have gotten together. They intend to present a common front by reminding the administration that by the terms of the Atlantic Charter, the weak are protected from the greed of the strong. No such pressure can be exercised on Prime Minister Churchill. Whatever Poles there are in Britain and in the British Empire are citizens of Poland. They are principally soldiers and avia tors. There are at least two Polish di visions now fighting the Germans on the Italian front and more are likely to be sent. Polish aviators have done an excellent job in England and other parts of the empire. * * * * The situation is different in the United States. People In this country have taken the articles of the Atlantic Charter to mean that the defeat of the Axis would mean international justice to all concerned. This country believes that, despite its loopholes, the charter, If sincerely applied to Europe at least, might avoid another world war. The Americans of Polish descent will be supported by descendants of citizens of other European countries whose sov ereignty now is threatened. There is no question that their rising voices will have an effect on America’s foreign policy. The representatives of these groups say that there is no reason why America should remain diplomatically voiceless while Moscow and London are playing an intense diplomatic game with the eastern and southeastern countries as pawns. The Political Mill Gould Lincoln The row over the soldier vote law, which has run on for months, is headed for a final showdown. House and Senate conferees have agreed on a bill which provides for State ballot vot ing, with the so called “bobtail" Fed eral ballot to be used only when a soldier swears he has tried to get a State ballot and it has not been delivered to him. The conference report is due to come up in the Senate Mon day, and if ap proved there, soon afterwards in the House. One thing particularly stands out— and this will be true whether the con ference bill becomes law or whether the 1942 soldier vote law alone remains on the statute books. That is, a soldier to vote in the coming election must ask for a ballot. Under the administration supported Green-Lucas-Worley bill for the Federal ballot, there was no compul sion on the soldier to request a ballot. The Federal ballot, bearing no names of candidates but providing spaces in which the soldier could write the names of his choices for President, Vice President, Senator and Representative, would have been distributed to ajl soldiers indis criminately. * * * * It does not seem a great hardship on a soldier to ask for a ballot, especially when it Is made easy by placing in his hands a postal card on which he can make his request, at no expense to himself. How many soldiers will ask for ballots remains to be seen. A civilian, whether a soldier or a civilian, has a duty, as well as a right to vote, if he has the qualifications. No law has been passed in this country to compel a citizen to vote. What critics of the administration and the Federal ballot plan have charged is that the administration planned to hand the soldiers the Federal ballots and vir tually compel them all to vote—in the hope they in great majority would vote for President Roosevelt, if he be the nominee of the Democratic party. In other words, what they feared was a forced vote. Opponents of the Federal ballot plan believe they now have prevented any effort to vote the soldiers en masse. They also believe they have forestalled any possibility of a contested presi dential election—which might have grpwn out of the use of a Federal ballot which States might have been unwilling to count, or, which, if counted, might have been contested in the courts as unconstitutional. It is the claim of Representative Rankin, Democrat, of Mississippi hat Congress has “saved the Const it ^ ion" by its Insistence on giving the soldiers the State ballots. * * * * The conference bill provides for the use of the Federal ballot only in cases where a soldier swears he has asked for a State ballot by September 1 and has not received it by October 1. It also provides that Governors of States must certify that in such cases the Federal ballot is acceptable and legal in their States. The conference bill still has to be passed finally by Congress and ap proved by President Roosevelt before it becomes law. Its acceptance by Con gress is expected. Whether the Presi dent will veto It Is another matter. He has indicated he will be guided by the number of men In the armed forces who will be able to vote under the pending bill or under the 1942 law If it seems to him that the new bill will give the ballot to the greater num ber, then he may sign it. Only two members of the Conference Committee handling the bill refused to sign the conference report—Senators Green of Rhode Island and Hatch of New Mex ico, both Democrats. Senator Green maintains that more soldiers will be ®bl.e under the eating law. But that is neither the view of the majority of the conferees nor of ob servers generally. * * * * Rostcards already have been going to the soldiers under the 1942 law. Twelve million of these postcards have been printed. The law called for their dis tribution beginning February l The new bill provides for the use of these postcards and for the printing of fur ther cards if necessary, in slightly dif ferent form. Finally win come the task of dis tributing the ballots in reply to the postcard requests, and returning them to the States for counting in the elec tion. The War and Navy Departments have protested that the job of dis tributing State ballots is too heavy They will now have the job of han dling „he ballots. If they cannot do it, then many soldiers will use the Fed eral ballot. It seems incredible that State bal lots cannot be distributed and collect forces in continental Uidted States. And it does seem pos sible for the distribution of State bal lots to the great majority of men overseas. I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton Why does so much that is going on in Italy today look like twisted reflections in a distorting mirror? The present situation in Italy does not bear the appearance of any thing that could have been planned by reasonable states men. It seems more like an invention of the three witches in Macbeth, an exer cise in the grotesque, or variation on a bad dream. I give you the suf ficiently preposter ous fact that, last week, there were both strikes in Northern Italy, against the Nazis, and strike talk in Southern Italy, against ourselves. Strikes against both the Nazis and the Allies! Oh, weird, weird. But this is only one item in a cat alogue of wonders. We find ourselves, for instance, denouncing the Italians for being “sluggish” and we find our selves, also, having our hands full try ing to keep them down. We describe the Italians as “inactive” and as “uninterested" in the war for democracy, and yet we need military police almost all over the map in South ern Italy to prevent demonstrations on behalf of freedom. * * * * If we hold to our theory that the Italians are sound asleep politically, then we have to explain how it is that they are talking in their sleep, shouting in their sleep, vigorously demanding, through all these supposed slumbers, the end of their incredible monarchy. I do not believe the Italians are asleep. Sometimes I think it is we who are dreaming. Finally, when an Italian volunteer army is recruited by the liberal philos opher, Benedetto Croce, to fight for freedom alongside us, we disband <hat army on the ground that it is against the King; then turn around and crit icize the people of Italy on the ground that they are not giving enough mili tary aid to democracy. In a word, we tie the Italian people, hand and feet, and score them for being immobile. When they twitch we pull the ropes tighter and remark that they seem unwilling to move. And all these wonders and anomalies flow from the original anomaly that we. the liberators, made an alliance with an outworn monarch and his accommo dating marshal instead of making an alliance with the people. We did it to win Italy easily, with the King’s help. We didn't Win Italy and we are left helping the King. * * * * Having made this original political mistake, we now find ourselves in a kind of political sideshow, a world of two headed boys and human skeletons, in which everything is distorted and nothing makes sense. We needed the 1°.Pohcejtaly for us, we say; we Stw? de,end that policy In a day in wh^h we are policing Italy for the King. What is left of sense is drowning in the sea of contradictions and paradoxes into which we so blithely plunged of our own free will. ,yh*?l>"lP events would have been We made our aUlance with the Italian people through their leading parties. But Mr. Churchill has frankly said that in that case the Italian ^fht have resisted “as much as they dared the demands made upon them by the Italian armies.” They might not have given up their fleet, lor example. ♦ * * * WeU, we cannot expect people to light sHi dLWnd W th us' for frMdora and still not have minds of their own We feared to undertake In Italy the ad Ve!]t-fe.in freedom we shall have to undertake with the whole wide world We might have bad the help of the 2*““ “ul »nd the Italian heart; we settled cheap for the Italian ships and the Italian King. We wanted an ally who would both abjectly surrender to us and yet gayly light with us. who would help us with all possible enthusi asm and yet not disturb us by a hunger for democracy. 8 In other words, we went looking for a kind of political monster. We found it. It Is now freely spawning its chil dren, such disordered progeny as even men or strong stomach like not to looK on. Political Planning Needed Maj. George Fielding Eliot There is plenty of heartening evi dence that the military policy and pur poses of the United Nations are being very well co-ordinated, indeed. And there is plen ty of disheartening evidence that there is little, if any, co ordination of po litical purposes. Yet the two must march together, hand in hand; the more closely, because we are now on the of fensive, with posi t i v e accomplish ments just ahead of us which must be foreseen and pre pared for. We must be ready to reap the political benefits which may be gained from our mili tary victories as well as to mop up the battlefields themselves. Our political course naturally must shape itself in accordance with mili tary necessities as long as the war is in progress. That will mean, in some cases, that we shall have to play prac tical politics while dealing with armed and dangerous enemies. This has hap pened before, and it has caused a great deal of unnecessary screaming among liberals and idealists here at home, while providing political opponents of the administration with material for heavy sneering. But. the results would have been far better, and far less open to question either on moral or on prac tical grounds, if there had been greater unity of purpose and effort in the po litical field among the major Allies. * * * * Take, for example, this matter of our present arrangements with the King of Italy and Marshal Badoglio. Hardly a day passes that somebody doesn't throw a dead cat at the President or the State Department or the British government about that. We are be traying democracy, being false to our ideals, undermining the moral founda tions of our war aims, and so forth, ad infinitum. But look at the facts—the military facts, which in this case w^ere controlling. i We had two chief military purposes to serve: To get the Italian fleet and air force out of the way and to secure the surrender of the Italian garrisons in the Balkans so that the Germans either would have to replace them with German troops, or let the Yugoslav patriot forces get a real start. Nobody in Italy could have delivered these goods except Marshal Badoglio, backed by the King’s authority. Badoglio delivered them. The Italian fleet surrendered. The Italian air force ceased to trouble us. The Mediterra nean became an Allied lake. British heavy warships were released, at a time when they were badly needed, for serv ice in the Par East, to cover the naval communications of Lord Louis Mount batten’s forces and to close the Bay of Bengal against Japan. That policy is paying dividends now. The Italian garrisons in the Balkans folded up. Marshal Tito got his start. He is cashing in on it. The Germans have been busy in the Balkans ever since, increasing their forces there by 8 to 10 divisions. Those divisions are out of the war as far as the Italian or Russian fronts are concerned, or the western front either. * * * * But still the Allied governments, ours particularly, are blamed for continuing to deal with the King and Badoglio as the interim government of Italy. In other words, it is urged that now that the King and Badoglio have carried out their part of the bargain, we should give them the boot and replace them with some sort of provisional govern ment "more representative of the Ital ian people.” Aside from the impossibility of find ing out what the great majoritv of the Italian people want, because they are still German slaves, is it advisable to establish Uncle Sam in the reputation of a double-crosser? If so, who will make a deal with us next time, when perhaps we shall need it even more? The trouble, it seems to me, is that w-e do not have enough plain talk and simple language. The reason we do not have it is because we do not have real political unity among the major Allies. If we had had a United Nation* lhe time of the Italian decision, it could have spoken out bold ly and plainly on behalf of all the powers concerned. It could have said bluntly: -We are making this deal with the only men who can give us what military necessity requires us to have. Later on. Italians shall choose their ow'n government, when they are free to do so.” * * * * That, in effect, was said at Moscow afterward: but the point is that it should have been said at the time, be fore all the uproar started. The much greater point is that we must have some such agency for reaching de cisions, and some such centralized and authoritative voice to make them clear to the folks at home and to the soldiers on the battlefield. We have plenty of troublesome de cisions to make. Poland, Finland, Bul garia are right on the horizon: the future of Germany itself may well be next. We cannot put these things off, and we cannot allow military needs to ’ be hampered by political uncertainties. We have our combined chiefs of staff. We need a combined political staff— a United Nations Council. (Copyright, 1044. New York Tribune, Inc.) Bloc Against Bloc From the Baltimore Sun. Certainly we should not proceed in any spirit or with any policy of building a power bloc against a power bloc on a basis of a division or balance of power. We should try to find a basis for collab oration with Russia, as with China and all other willing powers, for the pres ervation of peace. A strong and vital democracy should strengthen the chance for success of international collabora tion with Communist Russia as with other powers. We have a stake in the strength in the world order of the polit ical ideology which is based upon the civil and property rights of the individ ual. We ought to see our common in terest with other democratically minded peoples in fortifying and strengthening the doctrine of the rights of man as we interpret them in matters material and spiritual.