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ff, With Sunday Morninr EdltiM 25 THEODORE W. NOYES. Editor. ~ WASHINGTON, D. C._ The Evening Star Newspaper Company. t. Main Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvanta Ava. New York Office: 110 Eart 42d St. Chicago Office: 435 Narth Michigan Ave. * Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Regular Edition. 4 Sundays. 3 Sunday*. Evening and Sunday. 80c per mo. 90c per mo ” The Evening 8tar_ 60c per month The Sundtv Star 10c per copy Night Final Edition. 4 Sundays. 5 Sunday*. !l Nitht Final and Sunday 90c mo Sl.no mo. ’•5 Night Final 8tur_ 65c per month £ Outside of Metropolitan Area, i Delivered hr Carrier, tv The Evening and Sunday Star.. $1 00 per month to The Evening Star_ 60c per month r* The Sunday 8tar_ 10c oer cony Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere In United States. 1 month. 6 months, l year. Senlng and Sunday..$1.00 $6.00 $17.00 e Evening Star_ .75 4.00 8.00 a Sunday Star_ .50 2.50 5.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Pott Office. Washington. D. C.. as second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use lor repuhlicatlon ol all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited in this paper and alto the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved A—8 ** TUESDAY. March 1471944 Small Blow for Freedom The Commissioners’ revocation of special parking spaces for some citizens and some officials is being hailed as a blow for freedom, a sort of declaration of Independence for John Q. Public who must park his car when and where he can. But it does not go as far as that. In fact, the Commissioners’ order is as interesting for what it does not accomplish as for what it does. What it does is to eliminate a total of perhaps fifty spaces reserved for a few officers of the Navy De partment who use their cars on official errands and for citizens who call at a Red Cross center to donate their blood. It also ends the “No Parking” ban on curb space in front of some of the police precincts—re served for sad citizens on serious business—and eliminates reserved space near the District Building for a few municipal and Government officials. It does not affect the privilege of members of Congress, derived from an act of Congress, to park wherever they please, so long as they stay away from fire hydrants or between the curb and loading platforms. It does not affect some 2,000 holders of “official permits,” who may park in spaces reserved for them while making official calls at Government departments. It does not eliminate the reserved parking spaces for members of Congress on Capitol Hill. The Commissioners are correct in saying there is no basis in law for reserving certain parking spaces on the public streets which have been reserved in the past. But there is adequate legal basis for the parking privileges enjoyed by members of Congress and other Government officials and the Commissioners could not touch them with a ten-foot pole. Equality and fraternity, in this respect, are still somewhere around the corner. Toward a Climax 80 swift and powerful has been its advance in the Ukraine that the Red Army—in a political sense at least—now threatens to bring about a supreme crisis for Hitler in the Balkans at what may prove to be a surprisingly early date. As of yesterday, at any rate, the Russians were within 45 miles of the Bessara bian frontier, so that their entry Into Rumania by the end of this week seems even more probable than possible. In the circumstances, a good deal of significance can be attached to the report that the Rumanian gov ernment has already begun to sound out Moscow for peace terms. Equally plausible is the report that Hungary and Bulgaria have done the same thing, the latter making its ap proach to London and Washington, since it is not at war with the Soviets. The Red Army’s hammer blows are not merely driving the Nazi from the last miles of occupied Russian soil; they are grimly educating Hitler’s satellites as well, demonstrating beyond reasonable doubt that the “New Order” in the Balkans is nearing its finish and that its junior adherents had better part company with it while there is still a chance to do so on a negoti able basis. It is true, of course,’ that if Rumania, Bulgaria and Hungary do this, they are likely to have the same experience as Italy, for Hitler wdll not withdraw from any position until he is forced to. Yet, just as in the case of the Italians, they may find that surrender is the best choice to be made from among the hard alternatives confronting them and that it will redound much more to their advantage, in the long run, than a decision to continue their present status as belligerents fight ing hopelessly on the Nazi side. Although such a choice would probably not result in a dramati cally sudden collapse of Hitler’s military situation in the Balkans, it would have far-reaching political and psychological effects and would unquestionably place a tremendous new strain on his armed forces, greatly Impairing their ability to carry on an effective defensive fight. For the Rumanians. Bulgarians and Hungarians, if they surrendered, would become an immense liability and threat to the Nazis, and Hitler, his supply lines menaced almost everywhere, would face a policing problem of such magnitude as to be virtually insoluble. Further, the significance of this Balkan prospect is enhanced by the fact that in that part of the world, the Nazis already have their hands full trying to hold back Tito’s Yugoslav Partisans. And soon, now that the Czech government in Lon don has openly called for it, they may find themselves burdened with similar organized guerrilla opera tions in Czechoslovakia, deep in Central Europe. All things con sidered. with the advance of the Red Army, the mighty British American air offensive, the wasting struggle in Italy and the coming Allied invasion moves, events seem to be rushing tow’ard a mighty and disastrous climax for the man who once dreamed of dominating the world. Strategist Stalin The announcement from Italy that Premier Stalin is prepared to recognize the Badoglio government and exchange representatives “en joying the usual diplomatic status’’ amounts almost to the imposition of a cruel and unusual punishment on those of our domestic left-wingers who have been outdoing themselves in denunciation of our own Gov ernment and the British for their willingness, as a military measure, to do business with a man the critics regard as a front for Fascism and the Italian crowm. But the dis comfiture of the American leftists is of little importance. What should really concern us is the effect on our own postwar position of this latest move by Premier Stalin, who seems to be as much of a political as a military strategist. As the European picture shapes up today, it seems evident that the Soviets will dictate the peace in Eastern Europe. In the main the settlement there will be a unilateral one, with Marshal Stalin calling the tune, and Prime Minister Churchill has publicly indicated that he rec ognizes a practical necessity for this. There has been a rather general as sumption, however, that in Western Europe, at least, the postwar struc ture w?ould be designed on a multi lateral basis, but as matters stand there is no assurance that this will be the case. The Russians last year recognized General de Gaulle and his commit tee as the representatives of the “state interests of the French re public.” That is farther than either the United States or Britain was willing to go, their political accept ance of De Gaulle being confined to a limited recognition of his com mittee as an administrative agency in French overseas territory. But if this committee finally emerges as the governing body of France, Gen eral de Gaulle is not apt to forget that it was Marshal Stalin who came to his rescue at a critical time: This is strikingly similar to the situation now prevailing in Italy. The Anglo-American governments have accepted Italy as a “co-bellig erent” and as a matter of military expediency have been doing busi ness with the Badoglio regime. It has been made rather plain, how ever, that this is a temporary ar rangement; that as soon as the Germans have been driven out the Italian people would be permitted to choose a government of their own, presumably democratic in form. And now Premier Stalin, apparently without consulting Britain or the United States, steps up with an offer of full and possibly permanent recognition of the Badoglio govern ment. What this may imply for the future is any one’s guess, but it is only reasonable to suppose that if King Victor Emmanuel and Gen eral Badoglio remain in the saddle in Italy they will feel themselves heavily indebted to Marshal Stalin. It may be that this European pic ture is unfolding in harmony with the plans and purposes of our Gov ernment. But if that is so, the fact is not evident from any of the pub lic statements of our own officials. It seems fully as probable that Premier Stalin is outmaneuvering his Anglo-American" allies in the political field, just as he is out maneuvering the Germans on the Russian battle fronts. Nazi Heroes Day On the occasion of Germany’s first Heroes Memorial Day—March 12, 1940—Adolf Hitler had every ap parent reason to promise the “most glorious victory of our history.-’ Poland had been smashed, and the Luftwaffe and the Nazi armies were turning westward. In just a few more months Norway, Holland, Belgium and France were to be brought to their knees with a degree of speed, power and precision that shocked and dismayed the onlook ing civilized world. Assuredly, as Der Fuehrer took stock of his pros pects on that March day four years ago, he was not lacking in founda tion for the fanfare and the party oratory which set the stage for the inauguration of Heroes Day in the ancient Zeughaus on Unter den Linden. A year later, despite the failure of the London blitz, he did not seem unduly optimistic when, again pre dicting final victory, he declared: “Today German armed forces in a world-wide area stand ready, colos sally strengthened in personnel and equipment, joyfully determined to complete that which was begun in the historic year of 1940.” On the third Heroes Day the magnitude of his Russian blunder was beginning to take form, and the number of dead German heroes was beginning to assume discon certing proportions. Still, while conceding that a great struggle lay ahead, Hitler did not hesitate to promise a crushing victory in tne coming summer. Last March he had less to offer. His appearance at the Zeughaus squelched rumors that he was dead, but his speech was not much more than an asser tion that the crisis on the eastern front had been overcome and an admission that growing Anglo American air strength had made a war zone of German soil. This year's observance of the an niversary brought no word from Adolf Hitler. Wherever he might have been, he preferred not to come to Unter den Linden, where black ened and smoking ruins mocked the hopes and false promises of earlier years. In March of 1944, with noth ing but defeat in the offing, a mili tary man—hard-bitten Grand Ad miral Karl Doenitz—was chosen to do the honors on Heroes Day. ‘ A pitiless struggle is being waged.” he said, “for the existence or annihila tion of our nation.” He was not prepared, however, to stop on that grimly truthful note. Herr Hitler, he added, “will steer the Reich safely through this struggle for survival.” One may be pardoned for won dering why the man of endless promises left the making of this pledge to another. But it is pos sible—just possible—that not even Der Fuehrer would have cared to listen to another of his own empty promises. Even he must have his breaking point. Remembering a Friend Senator Overton’s announcement that he will retire from the Senate after this term is a disappointment to the Washington community, which he served in a singularly effective and unselfish manner. He took a personal interest in Wash ington that went beyond the formal responsibilities of his office. The Overton Plan, providing a systematic measurement of the National Gov ernment’s financial obligation in Capital City financing, did not be come law. But the Senator’s fight for an equitable division of expenses left its mark in the improved relation ship—following a period of injurious deterioration—between the House and Senate committees on District appropriations, with distinct benefit to Washington. It is probable that Congress eventually will turn to some form of the Overton Plan, which establishes a ratio between the annual Federal appropriation and the excessive amount of Fed erally-owned, tax-exempt property in the District. Washington citizens will not quickly forget Senator Overton’s courteous attentiveness to their interests, his sincere sympathy over the lack of all semblance of representation in their Government and his readiness to act in their behalf in Congress. The widespread British coal strike may change an old adage. It may not be so foolish now to bring coals to Newcastle. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “First robins” are here in force now. Everybody has ’em. In front yards, side yards, back yards, in parks, robins are definitely back. This is good. Wars sometimes stop, but America's robins go on forever. They are not really robins, but belong to the thmsh family, yet robins is their name through long usage. The Baltimore oriole is not really an oriole, either. Our robin is really the first of the migrating birds to return so that he is seen by all eyes. Sharp eyesight will have seen the purple finches and the fox sparrows precede him. They have gone on farther North. * * * * A few Carolina wrens have been here all winter. A correspondent tells us that they are fond of peanut butter, also hickory nuts and suet. This column previously has suggested meal worms for this bird. Meal worms may be secured from pet stores, or may be grown in old flour. Most familiar and at home of all the birds, the robin fits neatly into every- j body’s bird consciousness. It is not at all necessary to know the names of the various birds to like robins. They are one of the two great comparison birds, that is, they are used for purposes of comparing sizes in birds. If some one sees a strange one, he immediately thinks that it is smaller or larger than a robin. The English sparrow is the other standard of comparison. An un familiar species is said to be the same size, or smaller or larger than the Eng lish spariow. Here is something good you can say for the OPA: They took raisins off the ration list just in time for the robins. Raisins are now ration free. There is no food the robin likes better. He likes the seedless kind best, we believe, with the seeded raisins a close second. Every one who likes robins should try putting out some raisins for them. No fancy feeding station is necessary. In fact, any particular effort would defeat the purpose of putting out the raisins, for robins do not like feeding stations. Just throw the raisins out into the grass. The lawn, after all. is the robin's dinner table. He will not find many worms at this time of year, but raisins are his meat. * * * * There is no bird that looks more lovely in the early spring than the robin, just after he has come back. Then a ‘'handout" of raisins helps him a great deal. He is not lonely. No species is more master of his envirnment. When he gets here, he finds berries on barberry and other bushes. When cool rains arrive, they drive out a few worms, and the robin gets these. He looks very lonely, however, and his human friends will want to do some thing for him. A slice of bread, moist ened with milk or water, will attract him. | A few scraps of cake fill the bill. Not i ! every one will want to give cake to birds, but some will, and they will find their ! largess well repaid. A robin is a handsome bird. He is so common that sometimes people forget 1 that. Our robin blends well with the ! home lawn, the trees and the shrubs of the suburbs, but he is equally at home | on the small city place, and in the I parks, and even in the tree boxes along i the streets. Robin shelves, open on three sides, may be put out for him, but in most [ cases there will be no takers. Perhaps | most persons who long to attract the robin do not put the shelves high enough. Twenty feet is better than 10 feet. The robin is an independent bird, which likes to select its own nesting site, and to build where it pleases. After a friend of birds has put up robin shelves for years without success, he is likely to permit this species to do as it pleases, sure that in the end it will be one of the joys of the spring and sum mer. There can be no question that the robin likes to return to the same neigh borhood, year after year, and will do ao if he can. Letters to The Star Quotes Letter From Soldier on Privilege of Voting. To the »dJtor of The Star: Much has been said in the Congress and over the radio and in the press on the subject of the soldier's vote. I have just received a letter from a nephew who is with the Army in North Africa and I believe that your readers will be interested in what the men at the front are thinking and I quote from his letter on the subject: "There has been much discussion here about the soldiers vote bill, both among the fellows and in our news paper. the Stars and Stripes. To answer another of your questions, I don't know just what to think of it, to tell the truth. I feel that we should be able to vote all right, and that some reason ably simple system should be instituted for handling the ballots. However, I believe the question of the constitu tionality of the legislation should be considered carefully. I would not like to see a Federal law allowing soldiers to vote under Federal supervision tossed out on unconstitutional grounds, yet it seems that it is patently an abridgment of a right or privilege heretofore re served to the States. On the other hand, if we do not have some kind of uniform legislation to handle the ballots of the overseas soldiers, most of us will not be able to get our votes and return them in time for them to count under the present laws of most States. So you see, we are right back where we started. I am afraid, too, that this question now has become one of political expediency rather than a consideration of the legislation on its merits.” MISS C. S. NAYLOR. Wants Farm Labor Exempted. To the Editor of The Star: A long time ago a certain high school civics class was .watching a case in court. A witness' for the defense was called on to testify. He haltingly began by saying, "I think.” The opposing counsel rudely shouted, "Young man, what right have you to think?” The young man quickly recovered himself and screamed at the top of his voice, “By the bill of rights.” Now, some of us people who live on farms and produce the food—the lack of which would lose the war—we, rbo, have'some vague notion that we also are included in the “Bill of Rights.” Our only son was an enlisted member In the Reserves at the time his father died. In a few short weeks he was in the Regular Army. He now has had some valuable training and does not plan to ask for an agricultural discharge even though he plans to operate this Iowa farm after the wrar is won. I am living alone trying to manage the growing of corn, wheat, oats, soybeans or what ever else these fertile acres will produce and produce to the maximum. It seems to me that I can see this picture in its entirety and I view it from no selfish angle. I sep all the problems relative to operating a farm efficiently. Other farm boys now are reaching military age. To me it is utter folly to try to replace these skilled farm workers with older men or unskilled city workers. My son will remain in the Army, but if I had any influence with draft boards I would beg, beseech and implore them to leave the skilled farm workers on the farms where they, too cduld do their bit by producing the maximum amount of food for the war effort, even though my own son will do his bit in a uniform of Uncle Sam’s MRS.'PEARL VANATTA. Randolph, Iowa. Favors President’s Position. To the Editor of The Star: I would like for some statesman, psychologist or mere student of men to explain to me the reason for the divisive force that seems at work at the heart of the Democratic party. It is not simply the individualistic tenden cies of democracy. The Republican party does not have that quality to such a great extent as our Democrats. Tommy Atkins grumbles and grumbles, but he is not so ready to go off at a tangent as the American John Doe. Some years ago a writer quoted a prominent Republican as saying, “We have to take care of our rascals.” It is different with the Democrats. I cannot say that they feel any obligation to take care of their rascals, but they cer tainly do not hesitate to go after their best men hammer and tongs. Grover Cleveland, one of the greatest of our Presidents, was so abused by his own party that he was astpnished in later years to find that Democrats had begun to realize his true greatness. It ihay be that history will hold Mr. Roosevelt's recent vote as a mark of his courage in this election year and as a symbol of his greatness In trying to stop inflation, and also in making an effort to lighten the burden which our grandchildren will be forced to carry. Back to the centrifugal force that exists in our Democratic party: It has shown Itself times without number, but one of its worst manifestations was in the election just preceding the Civil War. If the Democrats North and South had united under Stephen A. Douglas, there might never have been a War Between the States. Lincoln was so distinctly a minority candidate his election would have been impossible if the Democrats had stood together. Instead of that, they divided into fac tions and handed the presidency over to Lincoln, not on a silver platter, but in a basin filled with the blood of his countrymen. Douglas was opposed to slavery, so were many of the Southern ers. Wisdom and statesmanship should have averted the war. If we could have had a William Wilberforce instead of the fanaticism of John Brown and his kind, slavery might have been abolished without shedding of blood. Of course, we know what happened in our country. Hot-headedness in the South and hard-headedness in the North and West found no middle ground as might have happened if Douglas had been elected, and the war came on. Just here I would like to call the atten tion of sticklers for congressional dignity to the fact that Lincoln did very much as he pleased during the war. I am not bringing these things up for the sake of a quarrel, but to remind my fellow-Democrats that in times of stress strong men in the presidency have not waited for the long delibera tion of Congress. Jefferson, when he made the Louisiana Purchase, did not consider Congress or John Marshall. Theodore Roosevelt took the Canal Zone and said he left Congress to discuss it later. Is it not possible for Congress to remember that time cannot always wait on the decision of 500 men? MRS. METTA FOLGER TOWNSEND The First Crop He looked upon that rocky place And saw a field of ripening grain. Though laurel thicket, scrub and brush Were rooted deep by sun and rain. With calloused hands and aching back He worked and brought his dream about. In spite of stubborn rock and root And frost that heaved new boulders out. He saw black furrows in the sun! To clear hill land, you need, a long view. The stone boat groans with its useless load— The first crop is stones in anything new. INEZ GEORGE GRIDLEY. This Changing World Constantine Brown The British and American govern ments are worried over the political headache caused by Eire's refusal to break with the Axis. Washington is watching the devel opments closely and wonders what move it can make to bring the government of the Free Irish repub lic into line. Mili tary pressure, which some of the more impulsive diplomats have been advocat ing, has been ruled out for the time being. The British gov ernment, which is as anxious as we are to see the Axis diplomats—the modem name for spies in neutral countries—removed from their scene of activity, is not willing to put more than a moral pressure on Dublin. London might be willing to go along with Washington in applying an em bargo on all imports from Eire if America stopped all exports and clamped down on the transfer of funds from the United States. It is not likely, however, that such steps would budge the De Valera gov ernment’s attitude. Money transferred by immigrants from the United States to Ireland has dwindled in the last two years to a rate of a little less than $2,000,000 a year. Although Eire is not a rich country, a money embargo would not be apt to affect the Irish govern ments policies. * * * * On the other hand, it is true that the British are importing substantial quan tities of products into the United King dom. According to British figures ap proximately 5 per cent of the food and other raw materials of Great Britain is imported from Eire. The United States and the dominions, which are adding to the existing stores in the United Kingdom, would be called on to make up the deficiency of an import embargo. This could be done without serious effect on our war effort. But should such an embargo be es tablished, Eire would be placed in a better position to resist the Allies' de mands since the unexported food would be available for her own people. Britain and the United States could make life in Eire uncomfortable by sus pending all shipments of oil and coal. But here again international law might plav a trick on the Allies. There are important oil and coal reserves in Swe den to which the Irish could have ac cess. Irish and Swedish shipping is neutral and in theory, at least, there could be an interchange of goods be tween the two states. Of course, the British government would have to issue "navicerts," per mitting neutral cargo vessels to ply between Irish and Swedish ports. Whether London would be willing to refuse these navicerts to both Sweden and Eire is not known. But present indications point to a reluctance to push the situation to a definite break with Eire. * * * * Some American diplomats believe in the saying that it is easier to catch flies with molasses than vinegar. They regret that the situation has come to a head publicly and believe that it might have been straightened out by offering the Irish government tangible induce ments instead of threats. According to some reports. Premier de Valera was suspicious that the Amer ican demand for expulsion of the Axis diplomats was only a preliminary to a request for air and naval bases. It is recalled that earlier in the war friendly attempts were made to induce Dublin to permit the Allies to use some bases. These requests were made at the height of the Nazi U-boat campaign and availability of Irish bases was then regarded as important to the Allies as the expulsion of the Nazi diplomats is today. Then, as now, neither the American nor British governments had any thought of infringing on Eire's sov ereignty, but approached Dublin with propositions dictated exclusively by mil itary considerations. The Dublin gov ernment turned us down flat. * * * * It is not clear whether Premier de Valera actually believed that if he yielded on the question of the Axis diplomats he would pave the way for another request from London and Washington for military bases. Some of Britain's spokesmen have indicated in the last few weeks that the U-boat menace must not be considered as defi nitely overcome, and there is a possi bility that the German submarines will start another campaign soon after the Allies begin operations across the Chan nel. The threat to communications between the United States and our bases in the United Kingdom is not, of course, ignored by the Allied high command. It is possible Premier de Valera be lieved that by ousting the Axis diplo mats his country no longer could be considered strictly neutral and that he could not plead neutrality in rebuttal to renewed Allied appeals for bases. The Political Mill Gould Lincoln President Roosevelt succeeded in hav ing the Democratic National Convention nominate a 100 per cent New Deal ticket in 1940. Vice President Henry A. Wal lace, than whom there is no more ardent supporter of the New Deal, was named as his run ning mate. Will the President be equally insistent, when the Democrats meet again next July, upon the same or a similar ticket? Thereby hangs po tential dynamite. Signs are now pointing to a des perate effort on the part of the more conserva fourth term Democrats to make a last ditch fight over the vice presidential nomination. They will make their showing against a fourth-term nomina tion for the President. But most of them privately or even publicly admit they see no chance of halting a re nomination of Mr. Roosevelt, if he is willing to run. * * * * Their principal strategy is reported to day, however, to concern Itself with the second place on the ticket to be nomi nated in Chicago. If they can succeed in forcing the nomination of a vice presidential candidate to their liking, then they believe they will have chalked up a real victory—a victory over the President. It is a foregone conclusion they will not accept a renomination of Mr. Wallace if they can help it. Nor would they .be any more amenable to the nomination of another equally strong New Dealer. A fight between the White House and the conservative Democrats could be avoided if the President decided to keep hands off the vice presidential nomi nation. This seems entirely unlikely. If the President is to seek re-election, he will want as a vice presidential candidate a man who is ready to carry on his foreign and domestic policies in any event. The President, however, could, if he desired, elect to back for the vice presidential nomination a candi date more acceptable to the conservative element in his party and in the country. * * * * The power of the President in the selection of his running mate was fully demonstrated four years ago. A large percentage of the delegates in the na tional convention either did not want Mr. Wallace or wanted some one else. The President, through Harry Hopkins and his other aides at the convention, cracked down. Mr. Wallace was nomi nated. His chief opponent when the showdown came and other outstanding possibilities, including Paul V. McNutt of Indiana, had announced from Ihe platform their withdrawal from the race, was Speaker Bankhead of Alabama. Mr. Wallace's vote was 627 when a vote of 527 was necessary to nominate by a bare majority. Opponents of the New Deal argue today that if such strength could be developed in the 1940 conven tion against Mr. Wallace, it will be easier to develop much greater strength in the 1944 convention. The possibility of a defeat of President Roosevelt for renomination seems no more than a forlorn hope on the part of the anti-fourth termers, despite the present activities of former Secretary of War Harry Woodring, former Na tional Chairman James A. Parley, former Vice President Garner and others. In the 1940 convention the count on the only ballot for the presi dential nomination stood 944 for Roose velt and 149 for Parley, Gamer and others. The showing of the anti Roosevelt Democrats in that convention might have been greater had it not been for the unit rule, under which a majority of a State delegation dictates the cast of the entire delegation’s vote. It may be that the anti-fourth termers in the coming convention will be able to roll up a bigger vote for other candi dates—though that is by no means cer tain. At any rate, the antis believe that will be the case. It does not seem remotely probable, however, they can prevent Mr. Roosevelt’s nomination. The field of Democrats available for the vice presidential nomination is con siderable. In addition to Mr. Wallace, there are Speaker Rayburn of the House, Senator Barkley of Kentucky, leader of the Senate; Senator Truman of Mis souri, who has gained prominence as chairman of the Senate committee which bears his name; Undersecretary of State Stettitlnius, War Mobilization Director Byrnes and Mr. McNutt, head of the War Manpower Commission. It is anybody's guess whom the President will finally support for the nomination. Mr. Wallace looks like a good bet, as of today. I’d Rather Be Right Samuel Grafton I am not opposed to States’ rights. But the only justification for States’ rights is that they add to the sum total of American freedom and happiness. When they turn out to have the contrary effect, they will be doomed. ( A great huge hole was punched through States' rights with the fail ure to stop fore closures and to feed the unem ployed. States'rights promptly went into an eclipse, from which they have not yet recovered. And now, if States’ rights fall to give the vote to the soldier it is not. in the end, the soldier who will suffer. States’ rights will suffer. Some of our conservative politicians are much too gleeful over their discovery that States’ rights may be used to pre vent widespread balloting by soldiers in the next presidential election. They are shuoting: “Look what we found!” It is obvious, from their admiration for their discovery, that they regard States’ right as at least as high as the Rocky Moun tains, and quite as solid. But States’ rights exist to serve men, men do not exist to serve States’ rights. States’ rights may, in this year, be used to kill off a sound Federal soldier vote bill; States’ rights may defeat the de sires of 10,000,000 servicemen for the vote. But it is doubtful whether States’ rights can afford such a victory, or long survive it. States’ rights will be judged by the work they do, and the company they keep. And it is a curious character that has been given to States’ rights in recent American controversy. There is nothing in the law that says States' rights have to be either liberal or conservative. But it is the ultraconservative side which has taken States’ rights over, adopted States’ rights, put States’ rights on its payroll, tnade States' rights a member of its family. States’ rights are what will stop Fed eral unemployment relief; States’ rights are what will stop Federal protection for collective bargaining; States’ rights are what will stop Federal water power projects; States’ rights are what will stop a universal soldier vote. * * * * I put it to true supporters of States’ rights that States’ rights are going to be judged by the friends they make, and by the laps on which they sit. It is only recently that States’ rights became a member of the Republican party. Only a few decades have passed since the same Republican party, which now declares that States’ rights forbid Federal assistance in soldier voting, was passing notorious "force acts” to sta tion troops at polling places throughout many American States, in effective Fed eral control of national elections. So it is not the mere statishness of States’ rights which has so charmed the Republican leadership. It is not because it loves the States more, but because it loves the Federal Government less that it has burst out in its recent eloquent localisms and in its new parochiality. * * * * I don’t know whether States’ rights can survive this crushing embrace. Those who really believe that State gov ernment has something to contribute to American life ought to be concerned over the increasingly narrow and one sided character that States’ rights have assumed. States’ rights cannot endure as an ex clusively ultraconservative property. They must occasionally give somebody a drink of water or a crust of bread, or a vote, if only for the look of things. Air Mastery Maj. George Fielding Eliot There are certain general principles, developing from the experience of this war, which may now be recognized as applying to the use factor in warfare. The air power mission, from the viewpoint of the side which holds the ini tiative and is there fore on the offensive, may be analyzed as follows: 1. Defensive: a. Protection of home bases. b. Protection of lines of supply and communications. 3. Offensive: a. Strategical: Long-range strategic bombing to re duce enemies’ potential. b. Tactical: Isolation of the battlefield. Air mastery of the battlefield. Direct Intervention in the battlefield. * * * * Applying this analysis to the situa tion in Western Europe, it is clear that the Anglo-American air forces are now engaged in the defensive and the strategical phases of the general air force mission. They are also engaged in the tactical phase within certain limitations. There is as yet no battle field in the sense that no land forces aje actually operating; but there are various ‘‘potential battlefields" along the coast opposite the British Isles, or per haps it would be better to say, areas in which land operations may take place, or from which enemy forces and instal lations may be brought into action against our own forces. Against these areas, tactical missions are being con stantly carried out. The strategical offensive is our prin cipal effort in the air at present. It consists of the co-ordinated attacks of the RAP by night and the U. S. AAP by day on German production centers, railways and home-front targets, with the purpose of reducing the enemy's war potential—i.e.. his ability to fight any where. on any front, with any weapon. The night bombers concentrate on particular industrial centers and oper ate by applying continuous, repeated i blows to a given location within the limits set by weather and Ihe numbers of aircraft available. All German w?ar production comes within the scope of night bombing missions; targets are selected with a view to doing organ ized damage to the greatest possible ex tent, so as to produce not only im mediate results, but progressively dis ruptive effects on the whole German industrial structure. * * * * The particular target of the day bombers is the German fighter force, the chief German defensive weapon. It is being attacked at every stage of its progress, from engine and airframe plants right along the line to aircraft in flight. There are three stages to this part of the air force offensive mission; (1) Shallow penetration of enemy territory, hitting, for the most part, air fields, air depots and outlying plants i as in France) and shooting down air craft in flight. No effect on actual enemy front-line strength, since replace ments can be had from home plants. (2) Deeper penetration with larger forces, able to stand heavier losses. Targets are increasingly industrial in nature; destruction of aircraft in flight increase. Little effect on enemy front line strength, since production is well ahead of requirements. i3) Finally, heavy, concentrated day light raids against key points of enemy aircraft production system, to produce fully destructive effects. By this time, the results begin to be felt in the front line, and the enemy's defenses begin to fall away. Even when an enemy concentration secures a temporary local superiority, this effort cannot be re peated the next day. * * * * It is only when stage (3) is reached that we begin so to reduce the enemy's fighter power as to gain that air mastery over the prospective battlefield which is an essential element in land opera tions. Remember that air mastery means fighter superiority. The Ger mans need a minimum operating force of 2,000 fighters to defend Western Europe. They managed to approximate this figure during the winter. Now it is being reduced. Don't just deduct German losses from 2,000; what counts is not the number of German aircraft destroyed in any particular fight, but the ability—or the lack of it—of the Luftwaffe to keep 2,000 fighters ready for battle on the western front at all times. It is obvious, reverting to the analysts of the daylight bombing mission above, that we are now passing from stage (3) to stage (3) of this mission. We are beginning to gain true air mastery in Western Europe. Meanwhile, the night bombers continue to reduce the ene my’s war potential as a whole. We must view these various efforts in their true proportions, and their relation ships to each other and to operations yet to come, in order to understand just what is being done, and what we may expect of the future. (Copyright, 1944.) Brevity Desired From the Coo» County (N. H.) Democret, If experience amounts to anything, we have been in this business so long that we ought to understand everything that concerns it. Yet we do not. We are amazed that so many that ought to know better seem to think the more words it takes to tell a story th? better. It seems to us that publicity agents for various Federal bureaus as well as for organizations and groups spiel on re gardless of the space they are asking of newspapers. We have no time to re write such articles and hence the waste basket gets article after article that we would be pleased to print If the appeal was made as concise and brief as pos sible. These publicity agents must know the demands being made on news papers at this time, but if they do it has no influence upon them. Every inch of space has a value and every line of type that is set costs money. We are not concerned about the advertising agency with its camouflaged mats and copy seeking free insertions, for the waste basket ts always convenient for such material. It's publicity to aid some cause to which we must be indifferent because the story is drawn out that concerns us. Anybody writing for the newspaper should tell all of the etory, but in the fewest possible words—espe cially at this time. In the Know From the Sudbury Daily Star. Although forbidden to give away mili tary secrets. I’ll tell you this much— strictly off the record, you understand: The Invasion, if there Is going to be any. Is closer today than it was yesterday.