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With Sunday Meriting Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINQTO N~P. C. ~ The Evening; Star Newspaper Company! MalnOffice: 11th Bt. and Pennaylvanla Ava. New York Office: 110 East 42d St. Chicago Offloe: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Regular Edition. 4 Sundays. 8 Sundays. Evening and Sunday. 80c per mo. 80c per mo. The Evening Stgr- 60c per month The Sunday Star- 10c per copy mi Sdlt*®n- 4 Sundays. 6 Sundays. Night ring) and Sunday 80e mo. *1.00 mo. Night Pinal Btar_ 66c per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. _ . DeUvered by Carrier. Tffie Evening and Sunday 8tar__*1.00 per month 5vening Star- 60c per month The Bunday Star_ 10c per copy Rates by Mall—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. _ . . _ _ 1 month. 6 months. 1 year. Evening and Sunday..*1.00 *6.00 *12.00 The Evening Btar_ .75 4.00 8.0Q Th« Sunday Star_ .50 8.60 6.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at the Post Office. Washington. D. C.. at second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to th® us®, for repuollcation of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this al*° *•. 105*1 news published herein. AU rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A^^^^^I^YjMarchS^I^ Still Short of Quota Last year at this time about 400,000 contributors had raised 96 per cent of the money sought for the Red Cross War Fund. Not counting re ports to be made today, some 300,000 contributors thus far have donated 81 per cent of the District quota. But they have contributed more than at the comparable stage of last year’s campaign, in keeping with the increased demand and the higher quota. *The fact that campaign workers are behind in their individual solici tations undoubtedly is explained in large part by the bad weather this month. The weather slowed up the campaign, making an extension into April inevitable. The risk to be avoided now is any impression that the campaign is over. The campaign should not only go forward until all the money sought is in hand; it should be extended long enough to give every potential contributor the opportunity to make a gift. The quota should be expressed in number of contributors as well as in dollars and cents. They Cancel Out Those Americans who believe, or profess to believe, that the British lead our foreign policy makers around by the nose should be in terested in the fact that Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden has found it necessary to issue a formal denial that Britain is being ‘‘dictated to” by the United States. The State Department people, in the eyes of their American critics, are amiable gentlemen and well in tentioned, but altogether too naive to cope with the wily Britishers. In fact, listening to these pessimistic commentators, one gets the impres sion that we are fortunate if we can still count forty-eight States in the Union, and that we should not be surprised to discover any day that we have lost our shirt in some dip lomatic poker game. In these gloomy circumstances, it is reassuring to learn that if some Americans are afraid of the British, there are also some Britons who are afraid of America. This was made clear in the House of Commons when a Laborite member asked for as surances that British foreign policy, so far as Europe is concerned, would not be “wholly dictated by the United States.” Mr. Eden replied, in effect, that, this was nonsense; that the two governments work in close co-opera tion, with neither being subordinate to the other. And, with the Amer ican and British mutual apprehen sion societies canceling themselves out, there can be little question that this is true. Flood Threat in Holland When Hitler struck in the Low lands in the spring of 1940. it was speculated that his advance might be considerably delayed if the Dutch dikes were opened and Holland flooded. But the test was never made and the Nazis cut through the country with the ease of a knife cutting through butter. Now, how ever, the speculation is pertinent once again, the only difference being that this time it is Hitler who is on the defensive and that he will cer tainly not hesitate to resort to des perate measures if he feels that an Allied invasion of the Netherlands is possible. Indeed, according to officials of the Dutch government in London, the Nazis have already begun to flood part of the country on a small scale and have plans in readiness for the systematic inundation of some 5,000 square miles of Western Holland’s lush cattle and farming land. If any such drastic step should be taken, assuming it to be possible, the resulting military prob lem would be a grave one for the invading forces. More than that, it would spell tragedy and disaster for an estimated 4,000,000 persons who have their homes and make their livelihood in this area. Nor would its effects be of short-term duration, easily corrected after the war. for worried Dutch authorities assert that ten years of incessant labor and the expenditure of huge sums of mohey would be required to re claim the precious land thus lost. Presumably only the likelihood of an Allied invasion of the Lowlands would lead Hitler to let loose such a vast flood, but we cannot be sure even of that, since in a blind rage —like that which brought on the leveling of Lidice—or out of a desire to destroy merely for destruction’s sake, he might order the dikes opened irrespective of the military purpose to be served. It has been remarked more than once that he has a Samson complex and he him self has said that If ever he re garded his defeat as certain, he t would do his best to drag half of the continent down with him. Against an enemy of this sort, we must be prepared for anything and everything as the war in Europe now moves inexorably toward its fateful climax. An Unsolved Problem With our wartime manpower crisis seemingly going from bad to worse, it is difficult to reconcile Paul V. McNutt’s advocacy of “voluntary” manpower controls with the rather evideht fact that these methods have failed to produce the desired results. As war manpower chairman, Mr. McNutt is close to the problem, and he has the most direct responsibility for its solution. Hence, his views are entitled to respectful considera tion, but when he says that while he might have favored a national service law eighteen months ago, he would regard enactment of such a statute as “little less than tragic” today, it is difficult to follow his reasoning. Mr. McNutt bases his statement on his own belief that the manpower situation today is “relatively good” and improving. That is a curious statement, however, in the light of the fact that the armed services have fallen 200,000 men behind in their induction quotas, and that it is now proposed to make good this deficiency by stripping war indus tries of young men at the expense of war production. If that is a rela tively good manpower situation, we can only hope that it never becomes relatively bad. Another curious aspect of Mr. Mc Nutt’s position is that most if not all of the other officials concerned with war manpower and war product are in sharp disagreement with him. In their judgment, the manpower problem under the system of volun tary controls has become so serious that It threatens both our actual military effort and our production program. Most of these officials are strongly in favor of national service legisla tion, but, realizing that Congress is not apt to adopt a measure like the Austin-Wadsworth bill at this time, they have turned to less compre hensive proposals. One of these contemplates legislation to control the 4-Fs, of whom there are about 1,000,000, with a view to making certain that they go into useful war work. This, as far as it goes, probably would be a useful measure. Yet it is not easy to see how fchis restraint could be put on the 4-Fs unless Congress at the same time was willing to grant some statutory authority for controlling the cur rently heavy turnover among war workers. , There are those who believe- that, with turnover substantially elimi nated, the war manpower shortage would be largely solved. And if Congress is seriously considering the desirability of compelling the 4-Fs to go into war work and stay there, it would also seem desirable, from the standpoint of equity and com mon sense, to place comparable re straints on those war workers who spend much of their time shopping i around for one job after another in complete disregard of the harm this does to the production effort. Tension in Parliament The overwhelming vote of confi dence won by Mr. Churchill stands for itself. But it is hard for Ameri can observers to deduce the full sig nificance of the row in Parliament which brought it about and which flared so suddenly over a seemingly minor matter of domestic politics that most certainly had not even a remote connection with either war making or foreign policy. Further more, the incident was not a “party” issue within the framework of Brit ain’s coalition government. Though a majority of those voting for the offending amendment which precip itated the issue were Laborites or Liberals, the amendment itself, giv ing equal pay to men and women schoolteachers, was proposed by a Conservative M. P., Mrs. Cazalet Keir, and was backed by thirty-four of her colleagues. The vote thus ran across party lines in a very thin House, many members deliberately leaving the chamber to avoid voting. The government thus had the chance to treat Its defeat by only one vote as a chance incident of slight importance. Yet Mr. Churchill chose to make of it a vital issue, staking his political life on a specific vote of confidence which would compel the offending mem bers to eat their own words and vote against their convictions in order to avoid a cabinet resignation and, presumably, elections for a new Par liament, which virtually no one de sires at this crucial moment in the war. Mr. Churchill refused even the face-saving compromise of a general vote of confidence unconnected with the education bill. He insisted on complete obedience and rigid disci pline if he were to continue in office. It was a foregone conclusion that he would have his way by an over whelming majority. Yet this par liamentary victory was doubtless bought at the price of increasing restiveness and a widened sense of resentment over the demonstrated fact that the government must be supported on strictly domestic mat ters, about which there are legiti mate differences of opinion, that could be disposed of without affect ing directly the conduct of the war and foreign affairs. Many members say bitterly that the Prime Minister is turning Parliament into a rubber stamp and that they might as well stay away from the House if they must always vote as they are told. Mr. Churchill is so experienced and astute a parliamentarian that 1 he must have some good reason for his unbending attitude. One expla nation may be that he anticipates times of great stress in the near future when he will need to use an iron hand, *hd that he therefore feels he must maintain strict dis cipline and require full obedience on the eve of what may be in store. A Timely Proposal It is to be hoped that objections to the resolution by Representative Howard Smith of Virginia, setting up a special House committee to in vestigate and report on a plan for slum elimination, can be removed in time for its approval before the Easter recess. There are at least two immediate considerations which favor prompt action. One is the provision of the Alley Dwelling Act arbitrarily clos ing such dwellings by July 1, 1944, which obviously cannot be enforced but which can cause needless confu sion. The other Is that the nature of the slum - elimination problem makes highly advisable some action in the House to parallel the investi gation now in progress by Senator Burton’s subcommittee on the Sen ate side. Representative Smith’s plan for a special committee, composed of rep resentatives of the House Appro | priations Committee, the House Dis ! trict Committee and the Committee on Buildings and Grounds is a good one, designed to expedite House con sideration of whatever legislation is proposed. There would be available to this committee the already ex haustive record of testimony before the Senate committee. It should not be difficult for the committee to decide on the type of slum-clearance program that could be adopted to supplant the ineffective deadline of July 1 for closing alley property. This matter has been before Con gress since 1914. Congress plainly has ’ndicated its approval of a policy to eliminate slum districts in Washington, but has not imple mented the policy with adequate funds. Private interests are offer ing a definite proposition now to take over where public housing stopped. If acceptable, it would change the whole approach to a problem, the continued existence of which is a reflection on Congress and a menace to the community. Mr. Smith’s resolution suggests an orderly method of avoiding the con fusion and futility of some last min ute action in the House which is threatened by the July 1 deadline. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. Persons wishing to secure the maxi mum of co-operation from the birds this year should invite them to help in the annual cleaning up of the yard. The best way to do this is see to it that they have the time from 4 o'clock to dusk in which to call the garden their own. While some of them will come with humans around, many more will be glad to assist in the turned-over garden if it is free from human company. Probably this is not very compli mentary, on the part of the birds, but it is the price we must pay for having trapped and shot them for centuries. * * * * Raking the leaves and lawn turns up countless forms of insect life, which the spring birds, including the mi grators, find most acceptable food. Common sparrows discover nothing more to their liking than a patch of lawn which has just freshly received the ministrations of the rake. This instrument, in addition to tak ing oft leaves and loose detritus of the garden, turns up old seeds and insects, including some of the smaller worms. Sparrows will leave a freshly-stocked feeding station, brimming with good seeds, for this natural fare, and no wonder, for it is all right out of nature's cupboard. If more home-owners would stop fuss ing and fuming about the sparrows, and seek their aid, they would find in time that these small finches were not half as black as painted. + + + * The “smear” campaign against the common sparrow came at a time when the country was disappointed in the results of the importation of this spe cies. The house sparrow, which we now mostly call the English sparrow, was brought into this country to help kill the canker worm, which was destroying the New York trees. The sparrow, it is needless to say, failed, but what bird wouldn't? The mistake in all such importations comes in the impossibility of such tasks, in the first place. By the time the aliens have gotten their bearings in a new land, the pest has increased to a point where nothing much can be done about it. Consider the Japanese beetle. The latest finding of science is that we will do well to hold our own against it. The time has gone by, according to the ex perts, to even think of exterminating it. The best we can do is keep it in check. * * * * The English sparrow will prove its worth in any garden where it is given a fair show. This applies also to the starling, an other much abused species, but also a very interesting and, we believe, a help ful bird. Where most gardeners fall down, in getting real aid from the birds, is to hog the land for themselves all during the daylight hours. Since the hours from 5 to dark are the only ones a great many persons have to work in the yard, some effort should be made by them to permit the birds to have one end of the garden at least. Work can be so managed that after one portion is raked and swept it may be left for a time to the activities of our feathered friends, which the birds really are, all playful sneering aside. Many gardeners think that because the sparrows in the hard-pavement areas of the city do not seem in the least afraid they should be similarly brave in the suburban sections. Home owners should realize that it is a ques tion of “must” in the city streets; the birds either take chances there or go hungry. In the suburbs they become more natural, and so are afraid of man, as they jolly well have a right to be, after all these centuries. Give the birds a chance to eat the practically invisible creatures which the rake turns up, and you will have a bet ter yard and especially a better Vic tory garden. Constant cultivation of the vegetable garden is a good thing which becomes all the better if the songsters are given an hour of their own to oat all that the rake turns up. l I Letters to The Star Wants Peace ‘League’ Organized By English-Speaking Nations. To the Editor of The Star: Mankind has had sufficient experience with government to organize a league of nations which should insure perpetual peace, freedom from fear and want, and freedom of religion and speech, yet guarantee to each nation its own form of government and to every nationality its own language and culture. The Welsh, the Scots and the Britons are nationalities, but for centuries they have not been nations. They have learned the wisdom of "live and let live" within the bounds of the British Em pire. They do not work at cross pur poses. They enjoy mutual economic advantages such as freedom from tariffs and other artificial barriers, mutual exploitation of all their resources and lower taxation than otherwise would be necessary to support expensive diplo matic corps and maintain huge armies. Their democracy is sure to survive. Continental Europe with the excep tion of Russia is politically organized so that every nationality is also a nation. Self-determination in practice means obstruction of trade. Tariff walls and barriers breed jealousies and hatred. Aggressive nationalities begin to think they are superior races and move to enslave minorities and suppress their cultural attainments. Wars result from their proceedings. But over 200 different nationalities live in peace and harmony in Soviet Russia. Each is permitted .to teach and maintain its own language and culture. At first, the Soviets centralized all their functions at Moscow to insure the sur vival of their economic system; now they are making practical application of the principle of "live and let live'' oy creating 16 autonomous republics. The Soviets’ new policy is to make practical application of the principles of the At lantic C liar ter together with the col lective experience of sound government, so that a framework for a continental European league of nations is forged. If the 16 autonomous republics, bound together by brotherhood and advantaged by joint exploitation of their common resources under the Soviet banner de velop economic stability and protect the political, religious and cultural rights of all minorities, the world may expect that upon the termination of the prevailing European conflict all the governments of continental Europe will seek union on an autonomous basis with the So viets. The English-speaking democracies meanwhile should take the leadership in organizing among the 28 United Na tions a league of nations based on the principles of the Atlantic Charter. This move, like Woodrow Wilson’s 14 points, might hasten the termination of the war. It would indicate to all the peoples the type of civilization we may enjoy after the end of the present struggle. RICHARD J. ZAVERTNIK, Chicago. Asks About “Fixing” Europe To the Editor of The Star: The Secretary of State says that our paramount aim at this time is to win the war as quickly as possible. Check and double-check! Also amen! What next? Well, the Secretary says there are several “nexts.” He enumer ates 17 of them—all headaches. The first four are as follows: 1. What kind of relationship, military or diplomatic, is this Government ready to extend to the French Committee of National Liberation or possibly other patriotic groups, in preparation for the liberation of France by Allied invasion armies? 2. Should the United States now break relations with Finland over Hel sinki s rejection of Russia's peace terjns, which official Washington considered lenient in view of Finland's inevitable defeat? 3. If Russia, whose armies are pene trating steadily deeper into Poland, de cides finally against dealing with the Polish government in London, will the United States (and Britain as well) recognize a new Polish government? 4. What measures is the United States prepared to support for beginning the political reconstruction of Italy after Allied armies reach Rome, at which point the Badoglio government is sup posed to relinquish control? Yes, I know reference to the “honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none” doctrine at this time is absolutely taboo. Yet, can we blame the honest anxiety of the boy who has been torn from his home and sweet heart, the husband from his family—to fight and die in foreign lands—for what? Isn’t there any way to win this war without stopping to fix up the affairs of Europe, which will never stay fixed anyway? WILBUR H. CLOSE. Suggests Revival of Protocol. To the Editor of The Star: In any contest, it is an old rule to think what you would do were you the enemy. One rule of all enemies is “di vide and conquer,’’ a rule that has been used with great success by the Nazis in Europe; and we have no reason to think it will not be used in the United States. But do not let us fall into the trap. Do not let us help any “divide and conquer’’ movements. Great Britain and the United States speak a common language. These two nations co-operating could be supple mented by the 50 or more countries of the League of Nations. This combina tion should be strengthened by the re vival of the 1924 Protocol. This Pro tocol gives teeth to the League, since it obliges the League to come forthwith to the aid of a member nation that is attacked. Co-operation has become the only key to surivival. In short, the brother hood of man has become a necessity. „ . , E. TILTON. Cambridge, Mass. Evening Chores There is something in measuring grain Into the wooden feed boxes at night, Or hearing horses champ the sound white corn, That somehow makes a man’s world seem all right. The splash of milk within a big tin pail, The new calf bedded down in clover hay, Is joy enough for any man to find At the close of a long and weary day. A lantern carried in a swinging hand That weaves its glow down through the stable's gloom Is a single man-made star that sivings alone Till welcome makes the kitchen win dow bloom. Then down the shed and through each straw-clean stall, With doors made fast and each one bolted tight, A man goes whistling through his friendly gate, His lantern swinging wide against the night. This is all I ask, when war is done, And I return to my peaceful shores, Just give me fields to plow and seed to sow, A swinging lantern and the evening chores. ALMA ROBISON HIGBBB. This Changing World Constantine Brown Again Moscow has thrown new fuel Into the flames of discussion of its atti tude toward the Badoglio government in Italy. A front-page editorial in the Soviet government newspaper Izvestia explained yesterday that the excnange of envoys did not mean full recogni tion of Premier Ba doglio's government. Izvestia further called, in effect, on Britain and the United States for a change in the gov ernment of Italy. “The Italian ques tion is one of the important problems confronting the Allies and it should be settled as soon as possible to help hasten victory over Germany,” the Moscow paper said. The question is whether this com ment represents a concession to protests by London and Washington on the recent abrupt, unilateral recognition of the Badoglio government which caused so much adverse comment in western capitals. * * * * While the State Department has publicly shown an unruffled attitude toward this sudden event and Secretary Hull has sought to assure members of Congress that the affair has no im portant significance, it is believed that behind the closed doors of the depart ment quite a different, attitude has been maintained. Indeed, some observers suggest that the State Department has made a demarche with the Soviet au thorities. bluntly protesting to Moscow. If this L correct the editorial In Izvestia would be an evidence of the success of firm methods In dealing with the Soviet government. Admiral Stand ley, when Ambassador Jn Moscow, at one juncture showed what a few “rough" words will do to alter Soviet policy. Other observers who are familiar with the political methods and policies of the Soviet government in dealing with the Internal affairs of other countries brush aside these speculations as of lesser importance. They profess to find the key to the izvestia editorial In the pas sages in which Izvestia expressed irri tation with American and British news papers which, It said, had Interpreted the exchange of envoys as meaning Soviet support for undemocratic ele ments in Italy. * * * * Izvestia added that the Soviet govern ment is willing to have Immediate changes In the Badoglio government without waiting for the occupation of Rome. (It is recalled that Prime Minis ter Churchill told Commons recently that Britain expected to consider the Italian political situation anew when the Allies reach Rome.) This passage may mean that the Soviet government is worried about pos sible loss of following in both Allied occupied and Axis-occupied Italy, If it is associated with the right-wing Ba doglio government. For the Communist leaders In Naples were not happy when they heard of the recognition of Ba doglio by Moscow, These Communist leaders, it seems, face considerable handicaps in their efforts to line up behind them the work ing classes of Southern Italy. The pro letariat in that area is badly fed, worse fed under Americans because of our lack of shipping, than under the Ger man regime of last summer. They are discontented and do not respond readily to the appeals of the Communist leaders. They know that the working classes in Northern Italy under the Germans and the “Republican Fascism’’ of what is left of Mussolini’s regime enjoy better food and working conditions. For the “Republican Fascists’’ have practiced clever demagogy, professing to lead the Northern Italian masses against the in dustrialists and the rich. This news percolates into Southern Italy. * * * * Hence Communist papers in western countries have recently pointed to a “Trotskyite" menace in Southern Italy. When Communists use the term "Trot skyite,” they really mean any elements which go farther in demagogy than themselves in stirring up the working classes, thereby threatening the hold which the Communists seek to obtain over these masses. Actually, there are few, if any, followers of the late Leon Trotsky in that area. But there are always individual labor leaders who are not Communists and who refuse to follow slavishly the line laid down by Moscow. Moscow may fear that such labor leaders would take the ball away from the local Communist leaders in Southern Italy Hull’s Efforts Praised David Lawrence For the last several months there has developed in this country a sort of heckling campaign against the State Department. Some of it originated with the .left-wing groups that didn’t like our cautious policy with respect to Gen. de Gaulle. Some of it comes from the ele ments which like to believe that the United States "has no foreign policy” and never has had any, which ’ inaccu rate, because Amer ica has had a foreign policy as far back as 1917—one that was applied specifically as recently as November, 1939, when the Congress repealed the arms embargo and took the first step toward helping the Allies. And now some of the crit icism is coming from Republicans who themselves have never made clear what they want by way of foreign policy, but who insist that whatever our policy happens to be, it is not clear enough or something. * * * * Much of the attack centers on the Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, whose patient labors over the last several decades in favor of international co operation and as against economic na tionalism ought to be clear to anybody who is fair in examining the record. One of the mistakes President Wilson made was not to consult congressional committees on foreign policy, though few people realize how many of the | suggestions made by the Republican leaders were actually accepted by Mr. Wilson in 1919 and embodied in the Cov enant of the League of Nations. Today Mr. Hull is trying to co-oper ate with Congress. He has received 22 Republican Congressmen and discussed foreign policy. He has made arrange ments to discuss the future interna tional organization for world peace with congressional committees. It is impor tant that the record be made of this effort to bring about nonpartisan con sideration of foreign policy, though it may turn out that present-day Repub licans are as partisan as were their brethren of yesteryears. * * * * Some of the criticism which emanated from the conference the other day with the Republican Congressmen shows the difficulties- If Mr. Hull talks off the record about delicate matters, the call ers do not observe his confidence and the newspapers are given by the Con gressmen fragmentary reports w'hich t can lead to embarrassing relations with Allied governments. Why talk off the record, why not discuss everything in public, it is asked? Much as some Americans maj be inclined to nurture the thought" the fact is that the United States Government is in no position to dictate to the other sovereign govern ments of the world. Incidentally, the other day Anthony Eden found himself denying vehemently in the House of Commons the insinuation of one of Its members that the United States was dictating the foreign policy of Great Britain. Neither the President nor the Secre tary of State can tell Russia or Britain what to do. Each Is an independent nation with a leader who has a mind of his own. The suggestion, sometimes made, as a threat, that unless the Allies do wffiat America wants done, the United States should withdraw and go isola tiomst, is one that ignores the fact that the war is not yet won and that if any nation begins to fight the war its own way or to relax its efforts, Germany and Japan will be the beneficiaries. * * * * The Republican party has a grave responsibility the moment it begins to heckle the administration on foreign policy. For it may turn out that the administration will be the beneficiary at the polls in November of such tactics. The one thing the Democrats probably want to see happen more than anything else is the raising of the issue of foreign policy in the coming campaign. This is because foreign policy and war will then become interwoven in the public mind, and it will be to the advantage of the Democrats to subordinate domestic irri tations and issues and let the country become agitated over what our foreign policy is going to be. 'Hiis, in turn, will bring a debate on what our war policies are to be. In the end, the argument will be made by the Democrats that there must be no change in the presi dency and that re-election of Mr. Roose velt is essential to continuity of our war effort. This would be asserted so as to create such fears as to make many voters afraid to risk a change. If the Republicans are so foolish as to be caught in that political trap or rather to put themselves into that kind of a net through their own behavior, they will deserve to lose the election. The advice given by some thoughtful Re publican leaders several months ago that the two parties avoid making either foreign policy or the war a major issue and that the Republicans concentrate on the shortcomings of the New Deal is still sound political judgment. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) On the Record Dorothy Thompson Declarations of Intentions and desires are never decisive for history. Now that the plains of the three great powers for Europe begin to merge, it is clear that no matter 'what our statesmen say, the result of their plans, if carried out, wrill be the division of Europe into spheres of influence. No mat ter what is said, Europe would be a congeries of minor satellites of Britain, Russia and—if we stay — the United States. There is one single exemption — France —and with a big question mark. France will have a posi tion of preference, providing she decides to become the instrument, on the Eu ropean continent, of this policy. Wednesday's papers contained two dispatches from London. One states that the New- Poland is to incorporate East Prussia—since the continuation of the Corridor 4s a breeder of Wars; that the Russian frontier will probably be shifted to the Curzon line, and that the Reich will be occupied by three armies— presumably by the Russian to the Oder —with the north and west by the Brit ish and the south by the Americans. * * * * Tlie same dispatch states that Russia is "left with little reason to doubt that in the Balkans she w:ill recover all the territory she regards as historically Rus sian and exercise an influence over Bul garia, Rumania, Hungary and possibly Yugoslavia.’’ Simultaneously Mr. Eden states that although in postwar Europe all nations great and small will have a chance to express their grievances, “the great powers will have the greater voice in action to be taken in the general in terest.” From the viewpoint of humanity, this solution will involve the forcible depor tation of new millions of human beings. It is said that the transfers of popula tion will be ‘ somewhat less” than Hit ler's! Even this is not true. The trans fers made by Hitler will be re-trans ferred, and atop that will come new forced migrations. From the point of view of power poli tics, this "solution” is a guarantee against Europe ever becoming, in her self, an autonomous power, or group of powers, capable of exercising influence and responsibility comparable with the other three in the councils of nations, or of rationalizing her own political and economic life. * * * * It is thus a revival of the old concept of divide and rule in Europe plus the balance of power. There is such a thing as Europe, re gardless of the nations that compose it. It is an historic and cultural entity, visible, recognizable and definable, it is a civilization. Roughly speaking it reaches as far as the western churches. Catholic and Protestant, reach. Beyond is Byzantium, with spheres of transition. It reaches as far as there have been for centuries systems based on codified law—whether the Roman law, or the common law of the northern peoples from which our own derives. It reaches as far as the traditions of the universities, founded in the Middle Ages, and uniting until Hitler, European civilization. And as far as Europe reaches, there is a tradition as deep as that of Eng land and the United States, of the free dom of the individual person, limiting the power of the state. The tragedy of Hitler's revolution was that it was a revolt from this civilization, on which is based the whole of what we know as humanism. The great question confronting us is not how shall we reshuffle frontiers, accepting in so doing the basic theses of Adolf Hitler—that all territories must be contiguous, that citizenship must be confined to members of a cer tain race; that human beings can be shifted regardless of ancient attach ments, cultures, and the graveyards of their ancestors; and that in each area there must be a dominating power to which all the weaker nations have to submit. * * * * The great question is how shall Eu rope be reconstructed, so that the source of our civilization shall bloom again and flourish. How shall frontiers in Europe cease to be prison walls for European people? How shall cultural • life regroup itself in organic, not arti ficial entities? How shall economic life be rationally organized, and not irra tionally, as it has been since the atom ization of Europe into military spheres of states whose economic practices were all founded on preparation f©r possible wars with their neighbors? In two world wars Europe—Europe as a whole—has lost forever its once dominant position in the world. But must the result be that it is reduced to the status of India? And must the re sult be that it will become first the economic and political, and eventually the military battlefield of its "protec tors”? For since when have three great powers protected others mu tually? If the British and American people have been asking for outlines of for eign policy, it has been because many feared that this was what was being planned—and because many, with all due respect to their governments—be lieve the results in the future will be terrible. What deterioration has set in, since Mr. Churchill's great speech more than a year ago, outlining the creation of a Council of Europe! (Released by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.) Allies in Burma Alaj. George Fielding Eliot It seems likely tha the Allied air-borne forces which have planted themselves astride the main communications routes of Central Burma may be in consid erable strength and that the real situa tion of the Japanese troops in Northern Burma, dependent upon theses routes for supply and for reinforcement, may be even more serious than we had hither to supposed. This conclusion is to be drawn from a delayed dispatch of United Press Cor respondent George Palmer from Col. Philip G. Cochran's American Air Com mandos’ Headquarters. 1 He points out that the Japanese “for many days” have been unable to move supplies northward “by road, railway or river. The only railway running north has been cut. The main jungle highway has been blocked. The Irrawaddy River has also been blocked.” * * * * Interpreting this definite information In the light of hints gleaned from the extremely cautious communiques, it would seem probable that Allied airborne forces are virtually in control of the area Mawlu-Indaw-Katha. Mawlu and Indaw are stations on the main north south railway between Mandalay and Myitkyina. Between these two stations is the junction of Nabu, where a short branch line of the railroad runs through a gap in the hills down to the Irra waddy at Katha. There is no other area between Mandalay and Myitkyina where the railway and the river come so close together. As for the road, it roughly parallels the railway line. Therefore, control by our air-borne forces of the points mentioned would definitely cut all means of communica tion between the Japanese forces in Northern Burma and their sources of supply and reinforcement. It is, of course, to be supposed that considerable advance depots have been established in such places as Myitkyina and Bhama, but when these are exhausted, the Jap anese have no means of replenishing them—except, of course, by air, and from what we have seen of Japanese air efficency in Burma, it is difficult to suppose that they can do very much in this way. * * * * What is now developing is a fight for the key points of Myitkyina and Bhama and therefore for the opening of road communications to China from Lodo. The advantages seem to be on the Allied side so far and we will continue to enjoy those advantages if the Jap anese prove unable to reopen their severed lines of communications. It is particularly interesting to note that the Japanese attempt at a diver sion—that is, their offensive in the Manipur area—has not diminished, ap parently, the efforts being put forward in the direction of Myitkyina. In fact, there are signs in the most recent com munique from the Southeast Asia Com mand that the Japanese are now en countering the real defensive strength of the Anglo-Indian forces and are being checked. The extraordinarily difficult conditions of warfare in this area have perhaps not been generally understood. r Sir George younghusband in his ad mirable book, “Indian Frontier War fare,” points out: * * * * “There is probably no form of warfare which tries more highly the attributes of the individual soldier than fighting in forests, thick bush, or jungle. The routes through such districts are, as a rule, merely single-file tracks, which meander from village to village; the view is strictly limited, while every tree or , bush or clump of grass may hold a concealed enemy ready to open fire at a range of perhaps only 20 yards. ... But difficult and dangerous as the work is to the individual soldier, his superior officers have a far more trying and re sponsible task. To maneuver even small bodies of troops in the face of a con cealed enemy, to be able to steer them to an unseen objective along tortuous paths, to calculate time and space so as to fulfill the obligation of simul taneous attacks from different quarters, all these require the highest form of skill, determination and boldness on the part of a commander.” When the Japanese first Invaded Burma and Malaya, they displayed great aptitude in this difficult business of jungle warfare, and aptitude which, in some cases, was scarecly equalled by their British, Chinese and Indian op ponents. But it is perfectly clear that training and experience have altered this situation and perhaps the most cheerful news from Burma now is the evidence that in jungle fighting, the officers and men of the Allied forces, whether British, American, Indian or Chinese, are fully the equals and, In most cases, the masters of their Japa nese opponents.