Newspaper Page Text
w ffoening fSm*
With Sunday Mamin Editioa. THEODORE W. NOTES. Editor. WASHINGTON. D. C. ^The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: 110 East 42d St. Chicato Office: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Xernlar Edition. 4 Sundays. A Sundays. Evening and Sunday. 80c per mo. 90c per mo. The Evening Star 60c per month The Sunday Star . 10c per cony Night Pinal Edition. 4 Sundays. A Sundays. Night Pinal and Sunday 90c mo $1.00 mo. Night Pinal Star__ 65c per month Outside of Metropolitan Area. Delivered by Carrier. The Evening and Sunday 8tar. .$1.00 per month The Evening Star_ 60c per month Tha Sunday Star_ 10c per copy Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. 1 month. 6 month*. 1 year. Evening and 8unday._Sl.00 86.00 $12.00 The Evening Star_ .75 4.00 8 00 The Sunday Star_ .60 2.50 5.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Office Washington, D. C.. as second-class i: :ef. Member of the A; Press. The Associated Press is t.. . .ively entitled to the use for republication ol ali news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this P*Per, V1** *lso i*1® local news published herein. All rl*hts of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. Ag^_^_____SATURDAY^April 1, 1914 Service Vote Law In deciding not to veto the serv ice vote bill, which he once described as a “fraud,” the President, in effect, permits that much-debated measure to become law by default. All things considered, Mr. Roose velt’s decision was a wise one. The law in its present form certainly falls far short of the ideal. Yet, assuming co-operation from the States, it very probably may prove to be a better measure than that pow in effect, under which, as the President himself points out, only about 28,000 service votes were counted in the congressional elec tions of 1942. The bill which be came law last night permits service personnel overseas to vote the short Federal ballot upon two condi tions: (1) They must have applied for a State ballot by September 1 and failed to receive it by October 1. (2) The Governors of the States must certify that the use of the Federal ballots is authorized by State law. The Governors of nineteen States have indicated that the Federal ballots probably would be recognized in their jurisdictions. Nine addi tional Governors have been non committal, while the remaining twenty have said the Federal ballots would not be authorized. On this basis, and again assuming earnest co-operation from the States, it seems likely that a substantial num ber of the overseas service personnel will be able to vote if they want to do so. Despite the various claims pro and con, there actually has been little dependable information bear ing on the real extent to which serv ice men and women are interested in the Federal ballot controversy, and this uncertainty has underlain some of the opposition to the re quirement that the service voters must make formal request for bal- j lots. There would seem to be little merit to this opposition, however, for any service man or woman who is not sufficiently interested in vot ing to apply for a ballot will not be deprived of a valued privilege if denied a vote. The real problem involves those who want to vote, and who may ap ply for a ballot without receiving it. As. the President has pointed out in his temperate message to Congress, j the responsibility of dealing with 1 this situation is left to the States by the new law. If the State officials fail to get ballots to those who want them and also fail to validate Federal ballots, they and the mem bers of Congress who voted for the bill will have to accept the conse quences. This is their responsibility, and theirs alone. Postwar Architecture The end of the war, when finally It is achieved, almost certainly will release a tremendous demand for new homes for the people of the United States. It has been estimated that one family in every three already has expressed an interest in improvement in conditions of shelter. A similar development arose during the conflict of 1914-1918, but the results were less congenial than had been expected. The question now is: What practical and esthetic guidance are architects prepared to give the public when new postwar housing programs, private as well as Federal or State endowed, are launched? Such an inquiry almost inevitably creates more issues than it solves. For example: Otto R. Eggers, writing in the March edition of the Journal of the American Institute of Archi tects, discusses "a growing schism between architects in private prac tice and architects in Government agencies" and urges both groups to "look out upon the future from a somew’hat higher elevation” than that of their respective selfish con cerns. The principal difference dividing the profession, it seems, is a rivalry for steady and lucrative employment. "A specter” in the form of. "no job at all” allegedly disturbs the mind of an architect on the Federal payroll whose work after peace is restored may be done by another designer not so situated. The dreaded threat then is to be discovered in the expected trend back to independence of Government management and control. Mr. Eggers proposes an increase of con fidence in “the American way of life” when he writes: The private architect is an im portant part of our system of free enterprise, * * * Wherein free enter prise prospers, this country will prosper; what weakens free enter prise weakens the fiber of this country. But Mr. Eggers does not contem plate any campaign to persuade his brethren to avoid Federal engage 1 ments. He declares quite frankly: ‘It U just not true that good archi tects can come only from the ranks of the private architect; it is equally false that because an architect is part of a Government agency his architecture must be bad.” The average citizen, however, may not care very much where the de signs are made—whether by public or by private agencies. His demand already is apparent. What he wants must be reasonably “good-looking,” conveniently livable, economically sound, durable and serviceable as a home. The majority of Ameri cans have become accustomed to Government intervention. If they are to prefer “our system of free enterprise” in housing after the war, those architects for whom Mr. Eggers speaks must furnish at least part of the leadership and the cultural dynamic needed. Onward in the Pacific “Our latest “triphibian" offensive in the Pacific, high lighted by at tacks on the Palaus but involving simultaneous strokes at several Jap anese strongholds at widely sepa rated points, conforms to a strategic pattern repeatedly employed during recent months. This consists of a main attack on a specific objective coinciding with concurrent blows at other targets so as to prevent co ordinated defense by the enemy. Let us see how this formula ap plies to the current operation. The primary objective is the Palaus, the westernmost cluster of islands in the extensive archipelago known as the Carolines. The Palaus lie fully 1.000 miles west of Truk, the main Japanese base in the Carolines, which itself was recently badly bat tered by a similar attack in force. Truk is being battered again, this time in part by land-based Army bombers, probably flying from newly established airfields on the Ad miralty Islands, which are General MacArthur’s latest conquest in the Southwestern Pacific campaign. At the same time, other atolls in the Carolines lying between Truk and the Palaus were visited by carrier based Navy bombers. The result is that no Japanese air strength could be concentrated for the defense of the Palaus. because all bases within flying range were temporarily im mobilized. This negatives the basic principle of Japanese strategy in the Pacific, which was predicated upon quick support of any one point under attack. The result is that the intricate island network built up by the Japanese high command athwart the Central Pacific, instead of being a tough organic unit, ca pable of mutual defense in all its parts, is falling to pieces like a rope of sand, the component units being either quickly overwhelmed by di rect assault or battered and then by passed, to wither away in isolation pr fall an easy prey to eventual cap ture when worn down by privation. It is clear that almost none of these hundreds of islands are in dividually large enough to permit a garrison capable of long resisting an assault by our combined sea, air and land power. It is equally ob vious that the vast armada which carries out these operations cannot be seriously impeded by the Jap anese air arm. The one possible way of stopping the process of destruc tion that is tearing Japan’s mid Pacific empire to shreds would be for the main Japanese battle fleet to confront ours in a decisive show down fight. But that is precisely what the Japanese admiralty avoids, because the risk is too great and the consequences of a major defeat would doom not merely the Pacific outposts but the whole Jap anese colonial empire and even the homeland itself. Thus the Japanese high command wriggles on the horns of a dilemma that appears insoluble. Meanwhile, it should be noted that the Palaus lie less than 500 miles from the Philippines, and more than 4,000 miles west of our main base at Pearl Harbor. We are crossing the vast Pacific Ocean with giant strides. And our pace seems to be a cumulative one. Home-Front Casualties They happen every day, all over the country. Considered individ ually, they are so common that most of them fail to merit even a line of type in the newspapers. A man falls and breaks his leg; a woman cuts her hand in the kitchen; some body is run over by a truck or trolley; a worker is injured in a factory; a traffic collision sends three or four persons to a hospital. Such things have become so much a part of our workaday world that we seldom give them a second thought. Yet, when we add them all together, what a big story they make—a story of enor mously valuable time lost, of na tional energy cut down, of bodies needlessly maimed, of personal tragedies that a little caution might easily have averted, of an army of dead whose graves are a monument not to a malignant and inescapable fate but to sheer human careless ness. As expressed statistically in a report just issued by the National Safety Council, these home-front casualties —in dwelling place and factory, on highway and farm—amount to a yearly toll throughout the country of 100,000 persons killed, 350,000 permanently disabled and 8.500,000 temporarily injured. In addition, they represent an annual economic loss of five billion dollars, and from a production standpoint they mean a waste of 350,000,000 man-days of labor, or the equivalent of the time needed to build 300,000 light tanks or 17,500 heavy bombers. They mean, too, an extra yearly burden of almost 500,000 patients upon the hard pressed medical and hospital facili ties of the Nation. They mean, in a word, a reckless and avoidable A squandering of our human resources at a rate considerably in excess of the number of dead and wounded In our armed forces, and at a time when the proper employment and conservation of our manpower is a matter of crucial importance. That such waste can be controlled and reduced is clear from the results already achieved through the pre vention program begun in the latter part of 1941 when President Roose velt called upon the National Safety Council to organize and lead a con certed country-wide anti-accident drive—the first of its kind in our history. Since then, deaths from mishaps of all types have declined 7 per cent and the rising trend in industrial fatalities has been stopped, despite a 9 per cent increase in the number of man-hours worked. In 300 shipyards covered by the pro gram, for example, the accident fre quency rate dropped 16.9 per cent last year under that of the year before, while in plants manufactur ing explosives the drop amounted to 25 per cent. A long list of similar statistics can be cited to show how well and effectively the council has operated, but the council itself is far from satisfied. A vast amount of work—involving closer co-ordina tion of local. State and national safety activities and a greater awareness of the problem on the part of the individual citizen—still remains to be done before the pres ent annual toll is cut down to a satisfactory level. Meanwhile, the collective carelessness of the Nation, when looked at as a whole, shapes up into nothing less than a ghastly tragedy, which seems all the more ghastly because so much of it is the product of its victims’ own lack of foresight and common sense. The person of Mikado Hirohito is so sacred that his tailor is not per mitted to measure him directly, but must squint from a distance and use perspective. Such pictures of the Emperor as we occasionally see make it evident that in addition to this handicap the tailor also suffers from astigmatism. Fires in Berlin hardly have- time to go out before more are started by new raids. There is a general feeling in Germany that there must be some better way of beating the fuel short age and keeping the home fires burning. “War Needs Thin Beer,” ran a re cent headline. Most of us know where the war can get some. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “PORTER STREET. “Dear Sir: "Since coming to Washington, I have been reading your column in The Eve ning Star and have found it very inter esting. I notice the good taste which you use in giving only the place and initials of correspondents. "The window sill station has the ad vantage, for us. that we can see the birds plainly and become acquainted with individuals: for the birds, that they can alight on or take off from the fire escape, they are safe from cats, and they can and do snoot the squirrel which runs up and down the vines on the chimney a few feet away. “Our oldest bird friends are a pair of cardinals who have been with us for three or four years. The female we call Lady Whitefeather. She is remark able, we think, for her unusual marking, for she has white feathers scattered over her body forming irregular spots in her gray-green coat. “The sparrows love Lady. She can scarcely come during the day without a j gallery heralding her coming in excited sparrowese. What they want, of course, is j for Lady to crack the sunflower seeds | on which their beaks cannot make much impression, while they scramble about her feet for pieces that fall. “Very truly yours, B. T.” ****** ^ ^ Sparrows are seed eaters, and are able to handle any food of this sort they may encounter, either from nature or the hands of their admirers and friends. Cardinals may seem to be feeding other birds, when they crack open the sunflower seed, but mostly all they drop down is shell. Sparrows are so greedy that thev will go after these bits of shell with all the enthusiasm and vigor of their tribe. Now and then, of course, they will find a little real meat. The short and stout conical bill of the sparrow is ideally suited to cracking seeds. This bird is something of a philos opher, however, and will permit other species to do the hard work of life for him, if they so desire. Cardinals are very neat in their shell ing of a sunflower seed. They drop the pieces of shell away from the feeding place, either over the side of a tray, or off a window sill. In the springtime, the male cardinal will shell a seed and proffer it to his mate. This is his only condescension to romantic love. Most of the year he even refuses to permit her to eat with him. Mainly he eats by himself, with the patient female perched nearby, waiting for him to finish. Observers at some little distance, who do not see the seed in the bill of the male, think the two birds are “kissing.” which perhaps is as good a way to think of this seed transference as any. * * * * Spring arrivals, notably the bluebird, the robin, and the wood thrush 'this last not until April 28), take our bird thoughts away from the cardinals, at least for a time. Actually, there is no better bird, and he is all the better because he and his mate remain with us the year around. The bright coat of the male, and the softer coloration of the female, grace every feeding tray and every window sill where food is put out the year around. If some food is offered in the summer, especially from 6 o’clock on until dusk, the cardinals will bring their children, and teach them that some people in the world are not given to killing every | thing that flies. Cardinals are pleasant birds to have around. The fierce expression of the male is mostly a matter of crest and black ruff. Actually he is a good citizen, and it is his voice which warns us. in February, that spring is really on the way at last. The spring song of the redbird Is so characteristic, with its ringing "cheer, cheer, cheer,” that it cannot be mistaken for that of any other species. Though cardinals may seem to be feeding other species, all they are doing is kicking out some of the unopened sunflower seeds, and other seeds in a mixture, and making them available to fast scurrying sparrows and others. 1 Letters to The Star Calls for War-Peace Program In Name of American People. To the Mitor of The Star: The seeming reluctance of the Gov ernment to keep the American people adequately informed as to the war, post war aims and commitments may pro long the conflict by impairing public morale. Certainly, the tremendous interest of the people in these matters cannot be brushed aside. It is real, personal and of paramount importance. During the First World War the great majority of the people at home and the soldiers abroad truly believed that they were fighting a war to end wars—to make the world safe for democracy. At least, they felt sure that the scope of future wars would be reduced and the periods between their occurrence ex tended. Disillusioned by the shattering of those fond hopes for which they sacri ficed in blood and money, they now are participants in a second foreign conflict of unparalleled magnitude. Yet, the background scenery and the props all are too familiar. The same slogans and platitudes are repeated—slightly camou flaged but entirely inadequate to satisfy a people once burned and now flrewise. Is it surprising, then, that mistrust and fear as to the future haunt them? Will this war postpone for a longer time the next one? Will the same wrangling and indecision characterize the second peace conference? Will the same age-old Jealousies and hatreds abound? The longer these and similar ques tions remain only unsatisfactorily an swered, the longer a clear-cut pro nouncement on these points is delayed, the more the Axis will prolong the date of its ultimate surrender. Meanwhile an atmosphere will be created still more receptive to peace on any basis to end a seemingly indecisive struggle. The American people want a war and-peace program by their Govern ment to which they mav all whole heartedly subscribe—a policy that once more assures American leadership, clear-cut and unmistakable in its im plications and based on human rights and justice, and not alone on military might and expediency; a policy so clear and firm in its expressed determination to adhere to these principles that it will be an undying inspiration at home and to the oppressed in other countries. If such a policy were conceived and proclaimed now, it would be no longer necessary to plead for unity, more effort, more sacrifice. Give the American peo ple a rallying point. Let them know where they are headed. If in their keen sense of justice and fair play they support that policy in principle, then by their co-operation in every line of service the war will be shortened and a longer-lasting peace restored to a troubled world. EDSON W. ERIGGS. Accuses Mr. Dies of ‘Smear.* To the Editor of The Star: Representative Dies’ anti-Winchell talk compels the following observations: 1. Although Mr. Dies said he was de scribing Mr. Winchell’s "smear” tech nique, he actually described his own. The use of association and innuendo has become a familiar device of the Texas Congressman, and his exposition of those methods was an excellent demon stration of his own characteristic meth ods. Apparently, he knows! 2. An illustration of the Dies tech nique: The method adopted in speak ing about alleged superiors. Who are they? The Congressman wouldn't say. But the implication is there. He con demns the innuendo, and in the same talk makes ample use of it. 3. Mr. Dies is vehement in his de nunciation of congressional criticism such as Mr. Winchell’s. Yet he and some of his colleagues have not hesi tated to _ employ antiadministration invectives. Is Congress to be Immune while the Executive is freely panned? Another example of the Texan’s incon sistency. 4. He had 15 minutes to explain what’s wrong with Mr. Winchell. All he said was that the commentator is critical of Congress. Surely he takes no issue with Mr. Winchell’s expose of Nazi agents. At least, I hope not. Then what Is all the shouting for? Mr. Dies didn’t say. 5. It seems to me that had Mr. Dies exhibited as much energy in battling real un-Americans as he does in bat tling Mr. Winchell, he would have been much more popular with the American people. ELEANOR JOAN PLATT. Advocates Drafting Prisoners. To the Editor of The Star: I am glad to note in The Star that New York City is taking the initial step toward inducting men from its jails. I am sure many of these men are not criminals at heart. Many would be glad to serve their country and help fight for freedom—for themselves, their families and friends. I do hope that selective service directors in other sec tions will follow this example. F. A. J. Urges War Stamp Corsages. To the Editor of The Star: Wear a War Stamp corsage on Raster, 1944. Shopping in several department stores, I found that War Stamp cor sages can be bought in various sizes and different colors. And you would be surprised how attractive they are and how lovely Madame Lady would look with one adorning her Easter outfit. Besides she will have the satisfaction of knowing that her Easter corsage is a factor in helping to win the war. Let's adopt the slogan: ‘‘I will wear a War Stamp corsage this Easter, 1944, to help win the *ar in 1944.” H. F. Praise for ‘Excellent’ Reporting. To the Editor of The Star: On March 28, opposite the editorial page. The Star contained a news report of the argument in the Supreme Court of the Mitchell case involving the “Mc Nabb rule.” I do not know who wrote this story, but he or she did an excel lent job of reporting an oral argument, a difficult task. CHARLES FAHY, The Solicitor General. (Note—The Star acknowledges with pleasure the Solicitor Generals tribute to the work of Reporter Joseph A. Fox.) Meadow Fond in April Small meadow pond, has April come this time When mallards cradle on your breast? What news Have they brought back from some magnolia clime, Their voices bright with interstellar views? What are the whisperings of sedge and mallow Still dreaming deep beside your silver brim? Sheltered by rolling slopes, silent and fallow, What can you know of springtime’s interim? Crystal and cool and dimpling in the rain, You vision moss and water hyacinth, The jeweled dragonfly and sculptured crane Veiled where the osiers make a labyrinth. What precious destinies have you rehearsed That you should be aware of April first? COSETTE MIDDLETON. This Changing World Constantine Brown The Polish Ambassador in Washing ton, Jan Ciechanowakl, has handed Secretary of State Cordell Hull a mes sage which clearly states Poland's un alterable opposition to Russian demands for changes in Po land's prewar fron tier. The Ambassador delivered the Aote earlier this week, according to i n formed diplomatic quarters. Mr. Cie chanowski returned last week end from London, where he has spent some time conferring with the Polish government in exile and it is evident that the note summarizes its authoritative views on all factors in the Polish-Russian dis pute. It is learned that in the note the Polish government made it quite clear that Poland not only could not cede any portions of prewar Poland to Rus sia, but also was strongly resistant to Russian suggestions that it take com pensation for any cessions by acquir ing parts of East Prussia. * * * * Finally, the Poles said that there could be no question of the Polish gov ernment in exile changing its cabinet complexion or ousting any • members considered persona non grata to the Russians—m the Russians have been demanding. Polish circles here reflect no anger at Prime Minister Churchill for his ap parent backing of Russian attitudes on Poland. These circles realize that Mr. Churchill, during negotiations between London and Moscow on the Polish question, tried to push a strong and aggressive line against the Russian demands. In these diplomatic ex changes, many Poles feel the Prime Minister did his level best as advocate for the Polish government. Finding Russian attitudes quite unyielding. Mr. Churchill resigned himself to a belief that reconciliation between the Mos cow government and the Polish gov ernment in exile was impossible. * * * * It is understood that the Moscow government has informed both London and Washington that there can be no question of a return to recognition of the Polish government in London and that from now on and during the re occupation of Polish territory taken from the Germans. Moscow will regard the Union of Polish Patriots, headed by the Polish* Communist, Wanda Wasilewska, as the legitimate govern ment of Poland., In this attitude, the Poles have shown not an intransigent, uncompromising and doctrinaire spirit, as often remarked here, but a rather sensible farseelng perspective based on the realities of the Polish state. Far instance, the sugges tion that the Poles absorb a large num ber of Germans into their postwar setup immediately recalls their experi ence that prewar Poland had quite enough minorities to deal with. They had large numbers of Ukrainians, Ruthenians and Jews, not to mention Lithuanians and Germans. It would prove impracticable to increase this patchwork. • * * * In any case, the irreducible demands of the Polish government rest on the independence of Poland, regardless of territorial changes. Unless Poland re tains her sovereignty, untouched by Quisling influences, she knows she can not survive between two large states like Germany and Russia. It Is to be recalled that Poland is the only country which has spawned no Quisling, dur ing this period of German occupation of many countries. Washington diplomatic observers studying the various points in the Polish Ambassador’s note to the State Depart ment concentrate their attention on the portions which reject any suggestion that the Polish government in exile expel cabinet members whom the Rus sians deem “reactionary" and anti Russian. For. while the British have long be lieved the Polish government in exile would accept no such demand, the State Department seems to have maintained hope that the Polish government in London could obtain a resumption of relations with Russia by ousting its anti-Russian" members. Now, how ever, this notion should be blasted, once and for all. Lassino Failure Analyzed David Lawrence it may not be apparent now, but in due time it will be, that Cassino has been overemphasized both as an isolated battle and as a factor in our over-all strategy in the war. There can be no doubt that “valu able lessons” were learned at Cassino, but any Impression that our ground commanders are go ing to school in Italy learning how to function in war time is not justified. Secretary Stimson is courageously can did when he says that we simply “were stopped” at Cassino, story is not told in that realistic com ment. The American people like to know why we were stopped and whether it was the quality or training of the troops selected for Cassino—they were derived from various nationalities—or whether the co-ordination of air and ground forces was not all that could be desired or whether we were just con fronted with the luck of weather and battle conditions. * * * * The most persuasive explanation has come from the Stars and Stripes, the soldiers’ newspaper abroad. It told of the original plan to wipe out the town by air and of the intention to send an armored force around from one side of the town, while tanks and infantry were to cleat another salient. The newspaper says: “The plan collapsed when the New Zealanders ran into unexpectedly stiff opposition inside the town and tor rential rains stalled an Indian Gurkha attack on Monastery Hill.” The Nazis, it further reported, “came up full of fight” and beat off the first rush of the New Zealanders just as it appeared that the town was to be won. Meanwhile, the Indian troopers “bogged down in the slippery mud and their attack lost momentum.” Reading between the lines of that explanation, one sees the difficulties en tailed in using different nationalities of troops in a single action in a small area and perhaps it recalls the in sistent position of Gen. Pershing in the last war, when he refused to let Amer ican troops be brigaded with the French and demanded that our soldiers be kept in a separate army. It may well be asked whether an all-American or all-New Zealand or an all-Indian army, properly supported, would have fared better than a coalition. * * * * Much has been made in the press, too, of the fact that Cassino was bom barded heavily from the air and Gen. Eaker of our air command rushed exub erantly to the microphone to proclaim that the town had been wiped out. It is natural perhaps for each branch of the service to be overenthusiastic about its own achievements. In this case, on the other hand, there was possibly no proper military exploitation of the ad vantages gained by the air attack. Synchronization of air and ground power is not a novel task for an army nowadays. Tactical warfare, as this is characterized, has been worked out suc cessfully by our own forces as well as by our Allies on many fronts. It pre sents problems of limitation of wealth and daylight, to be sure, but our air forces gave a great account of them selves in conjunction with ground troops Md^Sin*' * Can * done *«min * * * * what might be asked, in a broad sense, however, is whether too much time and material has been expended on *"™ay « “strategic" air bombing of targets from Italian bases and not f r?les close to the troops in the field. Latest reports indicate more and more sorties now are being execut ea. very much as happened in Tunisia. Abo it may be supposed that air power beentuaed Persistent^ in the last few weeks to destroy supply depots behind Cassino and all com munications. Maybe that’s the l££n we have learned. Certainly the appar ently free movement of Oermanre afainst the Anzio beach head and the frequent use of Nazi air power to attack our troops there raises questions as to how closely the Anzio beachhead has been supported by our tactical air forces. rii™f Jf. Muatrated by a United Press dispatch in the last 24 hours from Allied headquarters in Italy which says: . T?e Luftwaffe continued to throw A^?le toTces against the ^?afhJlead’ and 14 was revealed m +h-boU^40™renemy pUnes took Part in the raid Wednesday during which 5$ 5? wr“krt “ S5 “aiy’,however- Is not a major front. Purpose there is to absorb the *^r*lie* of » certain number of Nazi ^?thTn»ufndUe tiJ?e’ the pubUc will see the Italian campaign in its true per spective anti as a constructive contribu tion to the over-all victory. (Reproduction Risht* Reierv.Nl > The Political Mill Gould Linen In INDIANAPOLIS, Ind., April 1.—Wen dell L. Willkie is Indiana’s political problem child. With comparatively few exceptions, Republican organization leaders are off Mr. Willkie. They do not want to give him any delegates from Indiana in the coming Republican National Conven - tion. And as far as they are able, they intend to see that he gets mighty few. On the other hand, Mr. Willkie is a native Hoosier. He appeals to State pride. He has some very ardent sup porters He carried Indiana in 1940 against President Roosevelt with a lead of 25,000 votes. He is not a man to laugh off. Next to the President, he is the most widely advertised man in the country. So Mr. Willkie is a problem. The Republicans here are watching with in terest what will happen to Mr. Willkie in the Wisconsin and Nebraska pri maries, during the coming two weeks. They intend to send an uninstructed delegation to the national convention. The delegates themselves are not chosen in primary elections, but in district caucuses and in the State convention which meets June 1. Under these cir cumstances, the prospects for Indiana support in the national convention are anything but bright. Mr. Willkie might do himself a lot of good, however, by coming into the State during May. At most, according to the Republican organization leaders, there will be only three or four dyed-in-the-wool Willkie adherents in Indiana’s delegation of 29. Mrs. Grace B. Reynolds, Republi can national committeewoman and the Willkie campaign manager in Indiana, will be one. Another will be Repre sentative La Follette of the 8th dis trict. And probably one or both of the ' district delegates from Mr. Willkie’s old home district, including Rushville. Outside of these, the delegates will be lukewarm, if not actually hostile, to the Willkie candidacy. Several reasons are given by the Re publicans for their attitude of hostility toward Mr. Willkie. Indiana Republi cans take their politics seriously. They do not really consider Mr. Willkie a Republican. They always knew him as a Democrat when he lived in this neck of the woods. Mr. Willkie's voting resi dence has been in New York. This may help Mr. Willkie in the East, but it doesn’t in Indiana. Thirdly, they in sist that Mr. Willkie has followed too closely the policies of Mr. Roosevelt to suit them. And while they do not speak of this angle, Indiana was in the past a hotbed of isolationism and under the surface today the old feeling continues to run. Mr. Willkie’s ideas regarding foreign policy run into a stone wall in many parts of the State. * * * * Already there is a good idea about who are to be the delegates to the na tional convention from Indiana. This is necessarily so where the organiza tion has much to do with their selection. The State will have seven delegates at large. Usually the candidates for Sen ator and Governor are included In this hst, and also the national committee man and committeewoman. The sitting Senator, Willis, undoubtedly can hay* a place in the delegation if he wishes. *v.I*?Pre8entative Halleck, chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, if he is not a delegate from his own district, may be a delegate at large. There is talk, too, of placing former Senator “Jim” Watson on the delegation. Mr. Halleck placed Mr. Willkie in nomination at the 1940 convention—and did a real job for him. The two men. however, no longer see eye-to-eye. In deed, what has happened to that friend ™ P * ?Pical of what has happened to Mr Willkie in Indiana Republican circles. Joseph Daniels, a prominent lawyer and Republican leader in Marion County (Indiana), tried to get the State committee to indorse Mr. Willkie but failed. . # . . * * * * As of today there appears to be more sentiment among Hoosier Republicans for the nomination of Gov. Dewey of New York or Gov. Bricker of Ohio than for other presidential possibilities, with the preponderance of sentiment leaning toward Gov. Dewey, although Gov. Bricker is better known here and will come into the State to speak before long. Some of the leaders are talking about a Dewey-Bricker ticket. They take it for granted that Gov. Bricker would accept the vice presidential nomination if he fails to land first place. Wingate Death Great Loss Maj. George Fielding Eliot The untimely death in an airplane accident of Maj. Gen. Orde Charles Wingate of the British Army may well prove to be one of the most serious per sonal losses the cause of the United Na tions has sustained in the course of this war. Gen. Wingate was in command of the forces operating on the Japanese lines of communication to North Burma. These troops, as pointed out in yesterday’s article, are probably in considerably greater strength than news dis patches from India have previously indicated. It now seems that they include not only airborne forces, but also ground troops, which, under Gen. Wingate's immediate com mand, have made their way overland from the Chindwin River to join the airborne elements in the Katha Indaw area. Probably the entire per sonnel of these forces has been trained under Gen. Wingate's personal direc tion, according to a system worked out by him. This system has been largely responsible for the successes gained in jungle fighting by Allied troops against the Japanese, who were formerly so superior in this type of warfare. * * * * I Aside from this special training and the very great influence of his personal leadership, the key to Gen. Wingate's system of jungle fighting—as pointed out by Charles J. Rolo in his recent | book, “Wingate’s Raiders"—is his entire . dependence on air supply. This enables the troops to ignore the passible cutting i of their ground communications, to ad vance through virgin jungle and to ap pear unexpectedly at key Japanese sup ply and communication points. The Japanese, on the other hand, have to be more or less dependent on land transport, since their air force is not equal to a big job of air supply. (Incidentally, this fact will probably be felt by them more and more keenly from now on in their operations on the Assam frontier.) It seems likely that Gen. Wingates methods were about to bring results of a far-reaching nature, and they may yet do so if his subordinates prove able to carry on his work without him. But it is a cruel blow that has taken Gen Wingate from us on what might well be the very threshold of victory. He was fast becoming a legendary figure in the British Army and has been most frequently compared with “Chi nese” Gordon and T. E. Lawrence. To this writer's mind, his attributes of soldierly character and particularly the stern Christianity which has led to his being called a “Sword and Bible Gen eral" are even more strongly reminiscent of Brig. Gen. John Nicholson, who won his fame on the grim northwest frontier and, like Gen, Wingate, met an untimely death at the storming of the Lahore Gate at Delhi during the great mutiny of 1857. * * * * Gen. Nicholson was 35 when he died, Gen. Wingate 40. Both Gen. Nicholson and Gen. Wingate had a “flair for strange races.” Of Gen. Nicholson the frontier tribesmen used to say "the tramp of his war horse could be heard from Attock to the Khyber." One could well imagine a similar remark being made of Gen. Wingate had he lived in those days. Of Gen. Wingate. Mr. Rolo writes, “He burns with a bright flame that flares all around him: in desperate situations he is sustained by a chilly ferocity that demands and obtains the impossible of himself and his men.” Almost exactly the same things were said of Gen. Nicholson by his contemporaries. * * * * It is too soon to estimate what the effect of Gen. Wingate’s death will be on the operations he had planned and so brilliantly Initiated. The officers and men whose love and loyalty he had gained will be the first to avenge him. But when one man has devised and put into operation an entirely new system of warfare the sudden removal of the master’s hand may bring with it unforeseeable consequences. It all de pends on whether there is some one who can take over and run the show according to the Wingate principles and so bring about the success which Gen. Wingate himself would almost surely have gained. Of Gen. Nicholson, Sir John Lawrence wrote. “He crowned a bright though brief career by dying of the wound he received in the moment of victory. The chief commissioner does not hesitate to affirm that without John Nicholson, Delhi could not have fallen.” If similar words come to be written of Orde Charles Wingate, so that he may know, in the Valhalla of warriors where he has now joined Gordon and Lawrence of Arabia and John Nicholson he may know that his work has not been in vain, his soul will be at rest. 'Old Men' Now Welcome From the Topeka Capital. It was not long ago that men over 40 had hard sledding on the job front. Employers smiled grimly while shaking their heads when an “overage destroyer” applied for work. It was the age of youth, and industries often waited at the gates of colleges to grab likely pros pects. Things came to such a pass that the middle-aged men organized to make their pleas for jobs heard in the places where payroll checks were signed. Alas, what a change has come over the land. Today the same employers, who turned away when over-40 appli cants approached, are seeking for help and age cuts no figure. Even messenger boys may be above 70 years of age, and places filled yesterday by youngsters now are open to all comers. And, to the surprise of the bosses, these older men are doing just as good work as they did when younger. Reason Enough From tht McPhcrion Republican. War is not pleasant. The generals know that as well as we do. If they say Berlin should be bombed, that should b* enough reason for us civilians.