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Editorial Page—Features" Art—Books—Children _J% Jhtndajl f&taf Theater$~Radio~Music Garden New,$ c tTEN PAGES. • * WASHINGTON, D. C., AUGUST 6, 1944. Demobilization Planners Facing Difficult Problem Work Quietly Lest Overoptimism Should Hurt War Effort—Seek to Avoid Harmful Mad Scramble of 1919-20 By Edward A. Harris Working in strictest secrecy, a section has been set up by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to draw up a master blueprint for the demobilization of the armed forces, designed to assure an orderly synchron ization of military releases with the Na tion’s postwar economy when hostilities cease. The hush-hush atmosphere pervading the headquarters of the demobilization planners in the Army's Pentagon Build ing is based upon the understandable fear that any publication now of de mobilization details would give the pub lic the notion that the war is about over, with relaxation of the war effort as an unsavory byproduct. The over-all plan, of course, is not ex pected to be withheld until the Euro pean operations actually come to an end. The military chiefs are aware that the public has the right to know what to expect in the way of demobilization before our fighters begin sailing for home, and it is patently essential that business, industry and the trades be given advance information on the sub ject. But it is still too early, from the military viewpoint, to disclose the pro visional demobilization pattern, and it is further pointed out that the final pro cedure will be shaped by international commitments not yet in focus. Co-operate in Studies. What can be said with certainty at this time is that the demobilization strategists in the War Department are studying the vital problems in full co operation with the War Manpower Com mission, the War Production Board, the United States Employment Service and other governmental agencies. It can also be said that the administration is highly gratified with the work of the military demobilization section thus far. Both the military and the administration are determined that there be no repetition of the hasty, pell-mell demobilization of American troops that followed the last war. When the armistice was signed on November 11, 1918, there were 4,100,000 men in the armed forces of the United States, of whom about 3,700.000 were in the Army. Two million were in Prance. Demobilization was started immediately, and before the end of November nearly 45,000 men were released. The follow ing month 600.000 soldiers were de mobilized, and in the next seven months an average of 337.000 men were dis charged monthly. By August 31. 1919, a total of 3.280,000 had been demobilized; by November 11, 1919, the Army had been reduced to 400,000. The demobilization procedure was simple enough. Soldiers were discharged . just as swiftly as the Army could ar range it. The determining factor in dis charges was the usefulness of particular classes of men to the Army itself. Little attention was given to a man's age, com bat experience, length of service, family responsibilities or employment prospects. 71 Home Battalions First. The first group>s to be discharged were 71 development battalions in the United States (home troops assigned to camp mess duties), embracing 100.000 men. This was followed by demobilization of railroad troops, depot brigades, replace ment forces and, last of all, combat troops. All plans for co-ordinating demobili zation with the economy of the country, and for setting up a system of priorities in discharges based upon age, length of service and similar considerations, fell by the wayside. Popular pressure for quick demobilization was tremendous. It is clean.v recognized that once the war is over the difficulty of holding men in the forces again will be formidable. Most service men and women will want to get back to their families and friends and jobs at the earliest possible moment, and their families, moreover, will exert powerful pressure for their speedy re lease. Obviously, those in the forces should be discharged as soon as practic able, but it is hoped that the lesson of overrapid, unplanned demobilization after World War I will be remembered, and that service men and women and their families will be able to temper their very natural desires for reunion with an understanding of the problems involved. It is hoped, too, they will bear in mind the depression lasting al most two years that followed the brief burst of reconstruction activity after the soldiers returned in the last war. Past experience thus makes it appar ent that an ideal blueprint for demobil ization must be balanced against the personal element, the strong pull of family ties and the strong urge of serv ice men and women to return to civilian life. It is this sort of compromise that competent authorities are seeking to work out. DemobiliJation will be carried out as rapidly as military and economic factors permit, but with a firm effort to effect rhyme and reason in both the pace and order of discharges. While, as noted, military officials con sider it too early to divulge their pro visional plan of demobilization, it is not too early to indicate the general lines of thinking on the subject. It is em phasized, first of all, that the rate of releases must be geared primarily to the military picture. No man or woman in the service can expect to be demobil ized as long as there is direct military need of their services. Assuming that the European theater of operations will end first, there will still be need for oc cupation troops. Others may be shifted to the Pacific area, while a further ques tion mark cloaks the requirements for any international policing organization and for permanent military prepared ness. Fear Serious Unemployment. Within the framework of military re quirements, however, there is still room for seeking to co-ordinate the rate and order of discharges with economic con siderations and the desirability of re leasing older men with family responsi bilities first. If, as the Labor Department has esti mated, 8,500,000 servicemen are de mobilized in a short space of time (as suming that 2,500,1)00 will be retained in uniform for an indefinite period), serious dislocations in the Nation's economy may result. It is true that mil lions of war workers will retire from the labor field once the war is over, making room for returning veterans, but unem ployment would still be a distinct proba bility. Authorities, therefore, are seeking to work out plans to brake the rate of re leases to industry's ability to absorb them. This means a slowing down of the demobilization process so that in dustrial reconversion can get under way before the labor market is flooded. It may mean, too, that certain key workers and skilled tradesmen now in uniform may be released first, but this, of course, might conflict with the second phase of the planning on demobilization: A priority order of release based, as al ready mentioned, on such factors as age, length and character of service, and family tier. The conflict of interest between re constructicn manpower requirements and equity to individuals in the forces can scarcely be avoided. A formula of “first in first out.’’ for instance, might cause de lays in industrial conversion. It is equal ly evident that an attempt to gear de mobilization entirely on industrial needs would be unfair to many in the serv ices. The answer to this vexing problem seems to lie in taking the employment situation into account to a limited de gree. with precedence given to the necessity of fairness to individuals. It is entirely possible, of course, that military conditions will slow down de mobilization, lessening the necessity for arbitrary controls. The Brookings In stitute, in a report by Karl T. Schlot terbeck on “Postwar Re-employment,” concluded that “demobilization will be gradual rather than precipitate in char acter.” <Drinted by special arraneement with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.> Failure Launched Truman Success Entry Into Politics Followed Unsuccessful Business Venture By J. A. Fox. A business failure was the first rung of the political ladder on which Harry S. Truman climbed to the Democratic vice presidential nomination. A dozen years after the Truman haberdashery had closed its doors on Kansas City's lusty Twelfth street, the erstwhile pro prietor was a member of the United States Senate from Missouri. The pas sage of another decade finds him pos sibly in line for the White House. Much has been said and written about the 60-year-old Missourian’s entry into the national scene; how he was hand picked for the Senate by Thomas J. Pendergast who carried the Jackson County vote—and then some—in his vest pocket. Actually, the slight, affable Truman was a political "accident” whose career was launched when he was looking for a job, if the record is straight. The Senate nomination that later was the Pendergast gift was going begging when he took it. The Truman story starts May 8, 1884, when he was bom into a farm family that for years has had a place near Kansas City. Mrs. Martha Truman, still active at 91, was visiting at Lamar, Mo., when her son* arrived. His father was John Anderson Truman. First Job at $3 a Week. As a youngster, Harry Truman fin ished grade and high school at nearby Independence and aspired to West Point, but an eye defect stood in the way. His first job was In a drug store and paid $3 a week. Then he wrapped papers for the Kansas City Star for a while. Next he clerked in a bank. If he thought about the future in those days it was as a member of an orchestra, for he could hit a “mean” note on the piano. But nothing came of that, and when at the age of 22 his salary was $25 a week, the father had no trouble persuading him to return to the Jackson County farm. For 10 years young Truman plowed and milked. He was turning 30 when Amer ica began preparing for the World War and, before long, Pvt. Harry s. Truman was a member of the Missouri National Guard. As a soldier, there was nothing at the outset to distinguish him from a thou sand other GIs (who were not called that then), but as time passed latent abilities as an organizer and leader came to the fore, and when the Mis souri guardsmen went to France as a part of the 35th Division the private had become a captain, in the field artillery. The 35th saw hard service and new dis tinction came to Truman, When the war ended he was a major. Back home, and returned to civilian life, Truman married his childhood sweetheart, Bess Wallace. He abandoned the farm for the haberdashery, but busi ness was not good. That posed the prob lem of finding something to do. As a soldier, Truman had been a popular of ficer. In fact, on the homeward trip the men of his command "cut” a crap game to present him witha loving cup that legend has it was one of the biggest tokens of its kind ever seen West of the Mississippi River. Some of the men from Maj. Truman’s outfit had found places in the Pendergast machine, and the ex-haberdasher looked them up. Tom Pendergast met and liked him, and the result was a place on the Jackson County payroll as road overseer. Elected Judge in 1922. In 1922, Truman branched out, win ning election as a judge of Jgckson County Court, which is not a judicial body, but an administrative agency that runs the county's affairs. He al ways had regretted that his schooling | stopped so early, and now that the op | portunity was presented to do some thing about it, Judge Truman entered law school, attending classes at night. Upon graduation he was admitted to the bar. He was defeated for re-election in 1924, but captured the presiding judge ship with a 16,000-vote majority two years later, and in 1930 was re-elected by a 58,000 majority. Senator Truman always has been proud of his county court record. In that position he could have played ball with the prosperous cement manufacturing concern that was a part of the Pender gast empire, but that wasn’t his way. “I had charge of the spending of JAPS RULE INDIES WITH ABUSE AND TERROR ay James L). H hite. A detailed picture of how Japan has treated the conquered peoples of New Guinea and the Netherlands Indies is emerging. Reports are coming back from Dutch civil administrators ad vancing with American troops in the Southwest Pacific. It is a picture of unrelieved cruelty to populations noted for their peaceful nature. Its monotony of abuse is al most unbelievable when you remember the Japanese ballyhoo about “libera tion." The details, drawn from liberated natives, are taken by the Dutch as dis crediting completely the claims of Jap anese propagandists that they won over the natives through a “velvet-glove” policy. Latest information reaching Dutch officials in this country, here disclosed for the first time, quotes seven natives, men and women, who went through Japanese rule in Dutch New Guinea: “Every one was put to work at the airfields from 7 in the morning until 11 at night, sometimes until 3 in the early morning. For this they were paid 20 Dutch cents per day (about 11 cents in American money) in addition to their food, which consisted of a couple of pounds of sago (a starchy food made from the pith of the sago palm). Beaten for Smoking. “When the men lagged at their work, to have a smoke, they were beaten with lengths of wood, spades, hammers—in short, with anything that was handy. "When the men were away from home, the Japanese would enter and steal whatever they could find. They would also enter bedrooms in search of jewelry which was promptly ‘requisitioned.’ At night Japanese soldiers would lie in ambush for young women and gardens would be plundered. ' “Only native adminstration officials eould get a supply of rice; during the j two years of occupation they were al lowed only a total of approximately 88 pounds each. But neither salt nor sugar was available.” This report adds that a revolt was planned along the coast, but was aban doned when it was realized that native spears and knives would stand no chance against Japanese weapons. Another Dutch report from the New Guinea coast: "Sick and half - starved Javanese (brought hundreds of miles from their home island for forced labor) rescued by American forces say that early this year Japan launched a drive to mobilize every man, woman and child in Java and neighboring islands to work on de fense installations. Hundreds of Thousands Moved. “Children were required to join the Java Youth Corps, in reality a children’s forced labor unit. Boys were taken from schools without a chance to say good-by of their parents. Hundreds of thousands of Javanese were sent to other occupied areas in the South Pa cific, where they worked under appalling condition with little food. “Some were students who had been told they were being sent to study at the Tokyo Agricultural Uftlversity. of the 100 Javanese liberated in the re mote Hollandia area, 90 on Biak Island and 140 on Noemfoor. few were able to stand after months of cruelty and semi starvation.” The Dutch report that throughout liberated areas . of Dutch New Guinea the people say they had been forced to work on airstrips and defense projects. The unwilling had their throats cut or were punished by having stones tied tightly under the armpits or behind the knee joint. One Javanese reported that the Japs had beheaded several of his comrades for stealing a chicken to supplement the starvation diet in a forced labor camp. This sort of story Is so uniform that the Netherlands Minister of Overseas Territory, Dr. Hubertus Van Mook, said in a recent speech that every vestige of collaborationist activity among In donesians has disappeared because of Japanese behavior. The Japs closed many schools and uniformly discouraged attendance among native children. They closed churches, banned Christian worship, and pro hibited any reference to Dutch rule or use of the Dutch language. School children were permitted to sing only Japanese songs. Many were forced to work in vegetable gardens to feed Jap soldiers, the Dutch report. The same sort of thing appears to have gone on in Australian New Guinea farther east, but in this area many natives retreated to the hills and posted lookouts to avoid Japanese raiding parties who came after native laborers. These natives now are returning to the coastal country and are working for Allied armies at fixed rates of pay. Native infantry is now penetrating deep into the jungles back of Hansa Bay, bringing flack Japanese prisoners who have fled inland before the Allied advance. Fantastic Records. Gordon Williams, Australian broad cast correspondent, reports: ‘‘Some of these natives have fantastic records of capture. One has 150 Japanese to his credit, either captured or killed in single handed combat. . . . They always bring in a good number of Japanese whfl do not elect to fight to the death. The number of resolute Japanese met is steadily declining. Most of them prefer to yield.” The Netherlands civil administrators have been trained in Australia during the past two years. They are reopening schools and churches which the Jap anese had clpsed and are restoring civil ian life within the limits of Allied mili tary occupational needs. Distributed br ths Associated Press. SENATOR HARRY S. TRUMAN. $60,000,000 for highways and private buildings in Jackson County," he said afterwards. ‘‘Nobody ever found any thing wrong with that—and it wasn’t because they didn’t try hard enough.” Pressed a little further, he will admit a slight manipulation. Wfcen the $4,500, 000 county courthouse was completed, Judge Truman had $36,000 left over, and this he spent for an equestrian statue of Andrew Jackson for whom the county is named. ‘‘And that is the only money I ever stole,” he laughs. Along somewhat the same line, friends recall that when his Kansas City busi ness folded Mr. Truman did not seek the protection of the bankruptcy courts, but settled his debts, dollar for dollar. Pendergast Aroused. About a year before the 1932 primary Truman decided to seek new political honors, and announced his candidacy for the Democratic gubernatorial nom ination. Friends in Southwest Missouri rallied to his support, but his candidacy died on the vine, and when the primary came up his name was not even on the ballot. That same year, Pendergast tried to put across a senatorial candidate, back ing Charles M. Howell against Bennett Clark, but even with the help of a 91,000 majority in Jackson County Howell could not made the grade, Clark winning in the State at large. Pendergast was not one to take a defeat with good grace, and when time came for the 1934 campaign the burly Kansas City boss accepted the challenge of the Clark forces who were supporting Representative Jacob L. Milligan, a World War hero and brother of Maurice Milligan, who had been appointed United States attorney at Kansas City with Senator Clark’s backing. “It was a matter of -pride to me to beat Clark’s candidate,” Pendergast later told the St- Louis Poet Dispatch. Pendergast tried to interest a couple of his friends in the race, but without success, and he then turned to Tru man, who reportedly had been in line for county collector. The latter was re ceptive, and the fight became a three way affair when Representative John J. Cochran entered, In the primary the Pendergast candi date was credited with a lead of more than 146,000 votes over Representative Cochran, the runnerup, in Jackson County, and this left a Truman plurality of 40,745 in the entire State, even after other sections had cut heavily into the Kansas City margin. When, later, the malodorous Missouri vote scandal broke, and Pendergast henchmen went to prison, it was dis covered that the Kansas City “tomb stone'’ vote was in excess of the lead Truman had over Cochran, which indi cated what had happened to the latter’s candidacy. ii. was against tnis background that Senator Truman spent his first term in Washington. Derisively he was dubbed “Pendergast’s messenger boy,” and his cause was not helped any when, in 1938, he opposed the reappointment of United States Attorney Milligan, who prosecuted the vote frauds. In a bitter Senate speech Senator Truman characterized the indictments and subsequent prosecutions as the fruits of a “conspiracy” between Repub lican-appointed judges sitting in the Western District of Missouri and a. United States attorney who was under obligations to them for fees received in bankruptcy proceedings. "The President has made this a per sonal appointment at the behest of the rabidly partisan press,” he shouted, add ing that a Jackson County Democrat had as much chance for a fair trial fii Federal Court in Kansas City “as a Jew would have in a Hitler court or a Trotsky follower before Stalin.” Senator Truman said that because of the President’s personal interest in Mr. Milligan—who was again backed by Senator Clark—he would not seek “to exercise the usual senatorial preroga tive to block his confirmation.” Whether it would have made any difference is problematical. At any rate, Mr. Milligan was confirmed. The Truman prestige undoubtedly was at its lowest ebb at that stage, with press and reformers in full cry after him. When, a year later, Pendergast and an associate, Robert Emmett O’Malley, went to Federal prison on conviction of withholding bribery payments from in surance interests in income tax returns, Senator Truman said he believed the prosecution, pushed by Mr. Milligan, was a political play. Stuck by Pendergast. “Pendergast has been a good friend to me when I needed it. I am not one to desert a ship when it starts down,” he asserted. A newspaper photograph taken of Senator Truman in his office, and reprinted recently in connection with an account of this incident, shows him posed under a large portrait of Pender gast. Asked a few days ago if the Pen dergast picture still occupied this place of honor, a Truman aide said it had been removed five or six years ago. As time went on, however, Senator Tru man’s fortunes improved. His work in the Senate began to attract attention, and associates were coming to regard him as a valuable member of the In terstate Commerce Committee. Seeking renomination in 1940, the Pendergast label hurt, but Senator Truman had the support of the forces captained by Mayor Bernard J. Dickmann of St. Louis and Robert E. Hannegan, now Democratic national chairman, and a record of supporting New Deal legisla tion, to offset this. In sharp contrast to his first victory, he wound up with but an .8,000 plurality over Oov. Lloyd C. Stark. Mr. Milligan was the third man in the race, and he charged that Pen dergast, who had returned from Leaven worth, again was the power behind Tru man. Under the terms of a five-year probation, Pendergast was forbidden to have any part in political activity, and the Milligan charges brought an inquiry by Federal Judge Merrill Otis, who had prescribed the rules of conduct for the ex-boss. For once, allegations against Pendergast were held groundless. Re-elected, Senator Truman was be ginning his second term a few months before this country became an active belligerent in the war, and he found a popular issue. Recalling the waste of the First World War, he demanded an inquiry into defense contracts. "Let’s not wait and have a lot of dead horses to dig up later, as was done after the last war,” he urged. "Let’s dig these' things up now and correct them.” Later on, he said: "Investigation and correction of abuses now will keep us from having a lot of scandals after the war is over that might cause a wave of revulsion and create sentiment against reasonable preparedness.” Heavy Savings Made. Senator Truman Introduced a resolu tion to carry out his Ideas, and the result was the creation In March, 1941, of the Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program. As sponsor of the resolution. Senator Truman, as is customary, was named to head the committee, which soon became known as the “Truman Committee” and is credit ed by its admirers with saving the Gov ernment billions in its far-flung inquiry into the war effort. Correspondingly, Senator Truman has risen in public esteem. Senator Truman early disclaimed any idea that he or the committee sought to “run the war,” and he has conducted operations on an unusual basis, with any member of the Senate free at any time to sit with the group and participate fully in whatever study it has under consideration. One of the early phases of rearma ment which particularly irked Senator Truman was the divided control exer cised over the old Office of Production Management under the Knudsen Hillman setup. It was a coincidence that on the day before Pearl Harbor Senator Truman was asserting that failure and waste would be the ultimate result unless authority was centralized. What this country neded, he declared, was_a “defense works czar.” The subsequent appointment of Don ald M. Nelson as head of the War Pro duction board was attributed in good part to Truman’s agitation. Senator Truman had opposed the third-term movement for President Roosevelt in 1940 and supported his col league, Senator Clark, in a brief presi dential boom. Later on, however, he Joined the third-term forces, and when this year saw the fourth-term drive started the Missourian was on the band wagon early. When speculation over the vice presi dency began, Truman’s name was among those first mentioned. He said he didn’t want the job—and meant it. As a mat ter of fact, the Senator wanted to get back in uniform long ago, but President Roosevelt would not hear of it. Aided by President. Then came Chicago, the “purge” or Henry A. Wallace, the deflation of the assorted booms for War Mobilization Director James F. Byrnes, Senator Al ben W. Barkley and others and the ulti mate selection of Senator Truman, with an assist from the President. The next chapter still is to be written. Senator Truman is a Baptist, Mason, and his hobby is reading, with tastes ranging from De Maupassant to the Scriptures. He is not a teetotaller. The Trumans are Washington apartment dwellers, and Mrs. Truman, and their only child, Mary Margaret, a singer of promise, keep house. Mrs. Truman also is on the Senate payroll as a $4,500 clerk in her husband’s office and, according to the Senator, "does much of my clerical work.” Senator Truman is the first Mis sourian to have a place on a major party ticket since 1872, when Gov. B. Grata Brown was on the Democratic ticket headed by Horace Greely which unsuccessfully sought to defeat Ulysses 3. Grant for re-election. Fate of Civilization Hangs On Type of Peace Adopted Roman Theory of ‘Woe to the Defeated’ Held Likely to Inspire Third and More Horrible World War in Years to Come By Constantine Brown. When the last war was (hawing to a close there was widespread optimism among political and military men in all the Allied countries that as soon as the Central Powers were defeated a long period of peace would follow. All bel ligerents, it was thought then, would re quire much time to lick the deep wounds which four years of war had inflicted on them. Moreover, the destructions caused by total war were such that no political group or dictator was thought to be criminal enough to start all over again. There is no such optimism today among many Responsible men in Wash ington. They all hope for the best and fear the worst. The talk about the pos sibility of World War III is not confined to Inveterate pessimists or those who never see a silver lining under any cloud. It is being discussed in a factual man ner, although the devastations caused by the present war far exceed those of the last. At the same time it is fully realized that the technical develop ments—particularly the robot bomb— will in the course of time be developed to such an extent that another war will put an end to all civilization as it has been known heretofore. Even dyed-in-the-wool pacifists no longer are pressing for a general de mobilization at the end of the war. .Military men and politicians of both parties admit frankly that a total de mobilization of the American forces would be folly under the present circum stances, not so much because unemploy ment must be avoided by a gradual de mobilization, but because the United States cannot risk being caught unpre pared in the chaotic conditions the world is likely to see after the Japanese and the Germans have been defeated on the battlefield. wuson’s Plan Killed Later. It is possible that this condition may have been averted if the American ideals as expressed in the American-British agreement of August, 1941, known as the Atlantic Charter, had been sincerely ac cepted by the 32 United Nations gov ernments which signed them on January 1, 1942, at the White House. From the vague glimpse we get of the political developments among the Allies, it appears that the sound principles laid down by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill are sharing the fate of the 14-point program of President Wilson. Tbe only difference is that while Mr. Wilson's permanent peace plan began to be trampled under the feet of our associates after the war ended, the Atlantic Charter is rapidly being reduced to only a pious wish while tha fighting hi still going on. Many political observers believe that the short and crisp principles announced in the charter would have 'been main tained had the Alherieih Government persisted in its integral fulfillment re gardless of what our associates had to say. Had this Government refused to be moved by considerations of political military "expediency” and by "commit ments,” it is probable that our military victory would have been followed by a long era of peace. That peace would not have been unlike the one which fol lowed the Napoleonic wars. The wise Treaty of Vienna forced the defeated French to pay no other penalty than the return of what they had conquered by force and subsequently set off a tre mendous era of sound economic and so cial development which lasted until 1914, interrupted only by minor conflicts. The defeat of the Germans is a mat ter of weeks; the defeat of the Japanese is a matter of not more than a year. Peace terms are being discussed by a vast body of experts in London and Washington. But, as a matter of fact there are only two types of peace which can be imposed after a total war. Under the Roman peace, the defeated nations are subjected to the harshest possible treatment; the enemy is actually brought into serfdom; most of the men are either killed or sent into faraway exile while the women are offered as a prize to the victorious soldiers. The enemy territory is placed under strict military jurisdiction and governed by men with an iron hand.a There is no mercy for the defeated peoples. The Romans understood how to apply this type of peace, which was expressed in the words "vae victis” (woe to the defeated). Whether such a peace can be enforced on a nation of 80,000,000 persons is difficult to say. Whether the people in Great Britain and the United States would indorse such a peace is another matter. Ibe other type of peace which could assure a certain period of quiet lift devoted to economic and social readjust ment and progress would be a peace in which the defeated nation is treated with kindness and forbearance, a peace in which it must be assumed that only the leaders who have caused the war are held responsible for it, but the people themselves are given the benefit of the doubt and are considered only as tools in the hands of their unscrupulous chieftains. There was such a thought in the minds of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill when in the fourth paragraph of the charter they provided that "they (the United States and Great Britain) will endeavor, with due respect for their present obligations, to further the enjoyment by all states, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic pros perity.” Full Collaboration Sought. In the fifth paragraph of the same document the leaders of two English speaking nations said that "they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing for ALL (capitalization by the writer) improved labor standards, economic adjustment and social security” and, finally, in the sixth paragraph, it is stated that “after the final destruction of the Nazi tyr anny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling safely within their own boundaries * • •” so that they "may live out their lives in free dom from fear and want.” Whether these noble words will be applied to the forthcoming peace re mains to be seen. The 14 points of Pres ident Wilson were dealt with hypocriti cally by our associates in the last war. The men in this country who opposed the Treaty of Versailles may have felt instinctively what was going to happen. While on the surface the Germans were going to be admitted as partners, after a short trial peribd the major European Allies and particularly the French en deavored to keep them in permanent servitude. Disarmament clauses, which provided for a dastic reduction in armament soon after peace was definitely restored, were never honored. Economic weapons were adopted against Germany after the rep aration problems appeared to hare been settled and after the abortive attempt of debilitated Austria to bring about an economic Anschluss with the Reich. Great financial pressure was exercised against both Germany and Austria which brought about the financial col lapse of both countries and led to what is known as the Hoover moratorium plan of 1931. Allies Blamed in Part All attempts of the American admin istrations from 1920 to 1934 to obtain a genuine, drastic limitation of armaments proved futile. The nations attending the parleys at Geneva showed the best intentions to disarm. But every time there was a last-minute hitch which made disarmament impossible. The saying that hell is paved with good in tentions had been modified by the ex pression that “Geneva was paved with good intentions,” but they never ma terialized. In retrospect it appears that the Allies contributed as much as the German people to bringing Hitler to power. The Casablanca conference, where the phrase “unconditional surrender” was coined by the American Commander in Chief, was regarded by many observers as the first hole in the charter. Strictly speaking, it was a military sentence showing the determination of the Allies to destroy the military power of the Axis. There could, have been no harm in this, if such a thought actually had ex isted in the minds of the conferees. But it was definitely contradictory to the At lantic Charter and was not indorsed by (See PEACE. Page C-3.) Farmers Aided Engineers in the north of England have decided to spend their week ends and holidays going out to farms to re pair farm machinery, and the secretary of the local agricultural engineering un ion is compiling a list of all farms where implements are lying idle for the want of repair. BROWNELL SEEKS FOURTH WIN AS MANAGER By Samuel G. Blackman. NEW YORK.—Herbert Brownell, Jr., whose Immediate job is to try to win the presidency for Thomas E. Dewey, is working full time and overtime at his only hobby—politics. Quietly and always in good humor, he maps from 9:30 am. to midnight or later the biggest of four campaigns his close friend, the Governor of New York, asked him to manage. Visitors seem endless and telephones ring incessantly in the suite at the Hotel Roosevelt in midtown New York, where Brownell, slightly baldish at 40, has his offices as chairman of the Re publican National Committee. Perhaps the calmest person there is Brownell, whose voice always is low pitched, without excitement or anger. A Manhatan lawyer when he’s not campaigning, his perpetual smile gets broader when he talks politics. Brownell’s library—in the nine-room, three-story brick and stucco house he owns in secluded Gramercy Park on the East Side—is filled with books on law, constitutional government, history and biography. There he lives with his wife and four children, Joan, 8; Ann, 5; Thomas, 4, and James, 1. Mrs. Brownell is the former Doris McCarter of Gal veston, Tex. Born in Peru, Nebr., Feb. 30, 1904, the son of a college professor, Brownell was graduated from the Lincoln public school at 16, the University of Nebraska at 20 and the Yale Law School at 23. He edited the Yale Law Journal in . his senior year. He -now is a partner in Lord, Day Sc Lord, one of New York’s oldest law firms. In 1931 the Republicans needed a candidate for the Assembly in the 10th Manhattan Assembly district, home of Tammany Hall. Nobody wanted the nomination and the chairman of the Board of Governors of the Young Re publican Club asked Brownell to take it. "It was the last choice,’’ Brownell recalled. That chairman was Thomas E. Dewey, himself a lawyer from the Midwest, get ting a start in politics as an assistant captain in the district. Brownell ran, campaigning on an anti-Tammany slogan—and lost. The next year they asked him to run again. This time he won, becoming the second Republican In New York City’s 62-member delegation In the Assembly. After serving as an Assemblyman for five years, he retired in 1937. In office, he sponsored much legislation needed by Dewey, then a prosecutor Investigat ing organised crime In New York City. One such bill, known as the public enemy law, made it a crime for persons of proved evil reputation to consort with criminals. Brownell devoted his full time to his law business until 1941, when Dewey chose Brownell to direct the campaign of Edgar J. Nathan, a Republican, for borough president of Manhattan. Na than won the election. In 1943, Brown ell was named to manage Dewey’s sec ond attempt to win the governorship. And Dewey, who lost the first* try in 1938, got a 240,000 plurality, becoming the first Republican Governor in 20 years. Last year, Dewey called on Brownell again to run the campaign to elect Joe R. Hanley as lieutenant governor to fill a vacancy caused by the death of the Republican Incumbent. A Democratic victory might have given the Repub licans now another presidential candi date. It’s doubtful that Dewey would have left the New York executive office to a Democratic successor. But the cam paign kept Brownell’s score “top side.” During the pest year when speculation over Dewey as presidential candidate grew until his nomination became a pre convention certainty, Brownell’s name was seldom mentioned—but he joined State Chairman Edwin 7. Jaeckle and National Committeeman J. Russel Sprague at Chicago for the final Dewey push. So, for the fourth straight year, Dewey needed a manager—and Brownell ac cepted the Job. (Dttrtbat** be iwSHil sews.)