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Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republicetion of ail news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in th's paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—6 »» SATURDAY, August 19, 1944 » Bipartisan Planning The meetings between Secretary of State Hull and John Foster Dulles, representing Governor Dewey, may be expected to remove "the question of this country's postwar security policies from the field of partisan political debate during the presi dential campaign. That is the minimum objective that should be attained. It is quite possible, however, that the final results may be of much greater importance. Presumably Mr. Hull will not be content merely to let Mr. Dulles have a look at the administration’s program and report back to Governor Dewey. If these conferences are to be more than a gesture, they should be pointed to ward the goal of achieving substan tial agreement between Mr. Hull and the Republican presidential candi date as to this Nation’s security objectives and the means of attain ing them. Nor does there seem to be any insurmountable obstacle in the way of such an agreement. Although Mr. Dewey has not yet undertaken a full-dress presentation of his own views on the question of International security, he has said enough to make it evident that there is not a great deal of difference between his position and that of Mr. Hull. Both are working toward substantially the same ends, and if there is any great disparity in their respective approaches, it has not yet been brought to light. In these circumstances it should be possible to do more than keep our postwar policies from becoming a subject of partisan debate. That is desirable of itself, but if we can progress from there to the point where the official American position will have the united support of all of the people, Democrats and Re publicans alike, this country will have greater influence in the peace discussions and the prospects of obtaining some real assurance of security will have been greatly en hanced. It is heartening, in the midst of a national political cam paign, to see a Republican presiden tial candidate and a Democratic Secretary of State working toward this objective. Civilized Instinct Some persons quite sincerely hold that the fate of a building, however ancient or beautiful, is inconsequen tial as compared with the fate of even a single human being. Inquiry among soldiers, however, seems to indicate that fighting men have a different view. The artillery officers who shelled Monte Cassino were prompted by no delight in their work. It was a duty to destroy the famous abbey, but when that duty had been discharged there was no American in the neighborhood to say that he was glad that Saint Benedict’s shrine was gone. A natural human instinct is in volved in the circumstances. Civil ized individuals commonly are pos sessed of an inborn respect for the fruits of labor, especially when they are contained in a monument of a public character. The Leaning Tower at Pisa, for example, belongs to all mankind. Even when the Germans were reported to be using it for observation purposes, the Allies hesi tated to train their guns upon it. A similar reluctance moved Amer icans to spare the twin steeples of Coutances Cathedral. The damage inflicted upon the cathedral of Capua by American bombardment is being repaired. Help almost cer tainly will be extended to cities like Caen and towns like Saint Lo which have been demolished in the cam paign of liberation. The same im pulse which sent relief in generous quantity from the United States to Messina at the time of the earth quake in 1908 already is felt with regard to the communities devas tated in the prevailing struggle. Many other precedents for such generosity exist, if any be demanded. During the First World War, it will be remembered, the great coronation church at Rheims was blasted into ruins by the Germans despite Joffre’s assurance that it was not being em ployed to any military advantage. Five hundred missiles hit the roof and walls. While the rain of death continued, volunteers recruited by Canon Landrieux rescued wounded prisoners left behind by the retreat ing enemy. The prisoners were kin to the destroyers of Rheims, but the citizens of Rheims took pity on them. A philanthropic American— John D. Rockefeller, Junior—^paid homage to their courage and charity by furnishing the money for the restoration of the shattered fane. He testified to the common idealism of his country and its associates among the nations by his gift. Not to Be Ridiculed It is worth noting that the Nazis, openly admitting that the Allied armies are too strong to be stopped at this juncture, are now beginning to emphasize that Germany is pin ning all its hopes on holding out long enough to permit a tide turning introduction of secret new weapons. Thus the Berlin radio, forecasting additional big retreats, declares that the main purpose of present German strategy is to buy time while sen sationally novel types of arms are being prepared for later use. Thus, top, Voelkischer Beobachter, Hitler's own newspaper, says that the Nazis are going to pull out of large sections of France in order “not to let op erational freedom slip from them before total mobilization on the home front bears first fruits,” the all-important objective at this point being to elude our forces “with the aim of one day changing the whole aspect of the war with a revolution in German armament production.” In other words, the Nazis seem to be frankly conceding that they can not stand up against our armies on the basis of such standard weapons as tanks and guns and the kind of planes now in action. This amounts to saying that they would have to consider themselves already defeated if normal military circumstances were all that counted, but they keep hinting that by trading space for time, they hope to triumph over such circumstances and supplant them with developments so ab normal or revolutionary as to enable them to win the war. This sort of talk, of course, may be nothing but sheer buncombe de signed to stiffen the spines of the German people at a time when they see their armies being battered everywhere. As Prime Minister Churchill and others have repeatedly warned, however, it is not to be discounted as something entirely meaningless. The Nazis have long been mumbling darkly about their "V” devices (the “V” being the ab breviation of their word for reprisal or vengeance weapon) and the first of these, the flying bomb, has been in action now for many weeks, and no one in the London area is dis posed to regard it as a laughing matter. Nor is there any reason to shrug off the possibility that it may be succeeded by novelties of a far more deadly kind—like giant rocket bombs, for example, or even sensa tional new planes, against which our own standard models might be vastly handicapped. Such possible developments, to be sure, have been anticipated by our Allied high command, and it is almost inconceivable that their in troduction-coming at this point in the war—could save Hitler from defeat. Yet that does not mean that talk about “a revolution in German armament production” can be safely ridiculed, for since the Nazis are quite as resourceful as they are des perate, it would be reckless of us to assume that they have no sur prises in store for us and that from now on the battle against them will be relatively easy. Japan and the Sky Within recent days there have been three American news items of particular interest to the war lords of Tokyo. The first of these revealed that the B-32 had gone into produc tion to become the stablemate of the B-29 Super Fortress. The second announced that the output of cer tain other planes would be reduced in order to permit a marked increase in the output of these two titans of the sky. And the third reported that the oil industry of the United States was ready to turn out in mass quan tity a new superfuel notably improv ing the speed, range and load-carry ing capacity of our military aviation. All three of these items were pub lished indepently of each other, but it must be as clear to Tokyo as it is to us that they are of a single piece with a single meaning—namely, that American air power is rapidly pre paring to give its main attention to the Far Pacific and to begin hitting there with the bulk of its strength, perhaps even before Hitler is de feated in Europe. In many ways, the problem of bombing the home is lands of Hirohito’s empire—bombing them heavily and frequently—prom ises to be much more difficult than bombing Germany. But the Japa nese will probably find small comfort in that. What has happened in Burma, in the Solomons-New Guinea area, in the Marshalls and in the Marianas has made them only too well aware of the ability of our forces to triumph over distances and other geographical obstacles of the most formidable kind. Realizing that the remoteness of their home land offers* them scant security, and having had a few introductory visits from the B-29s, they cannot be blamed now if they seem a bit jittery when they lecture each other about the danger lurking in the sky. Roots Dictionary The Associated Press reports the release to the public of a dictionary of those words which scientists find so helpful and the rest of the human race so bewildering and provoking. Such a key to the jargon of “organ ized common sense,” it seems, has been wanted by professional savants. The need, now supplied by Professor Edmund C. Jaeger of Riverside Junior College, California, and his publisher, Charles C. Thomas of Springfield, Illinois, was a natural development of the discovery, made long ago, that technical labels may be created to order and at will, as, for example, the Greek word for “first” and the Greek word for “animal” may be brought together to signify “protozoon” or "proto zoun,” meaning “a primordial or first-formed organism.” Professor Jaeger’s work opens with “aapt,” from the Greek “aaptos,” for “unapproachable,” and closes with “zyzz,” which is de scribed as “new Latin” for “zigzag.” To illustrate how his lexicon will be helpful to the specialists, for whom it is especially intended, the word “enzyme” is cited. It was “built” by combining “zym,” from the Greek “zyme,” denoting “leaven” or “yeast,” and “en,” the Greek term for “in” or “among.” The result is the scientific “symbol” for “a living catalyst of the human body,” or, in ordinary language, “an accelerator” —the mysterious biochemical agent in a man which makes him con sistently active and energetic. Of course, Professor Jaeger real izes well enough that the average person, not trained in the wizardry of coining words, is confused by the multiplicity of such designations. His labors will render it easier to invent still further numbers of strange, yet altogether logical, “jaw breakers.” But the end at which he aims is simplification. He has ac complished a step in that direction in his dictionary of roots. Deserved Reappointment The caliber of his work for the District during his first term left little doubt that Commissioner Mason would be renominate^ for a second. The only doubts were raised by his recent illness, from which he is happily recovered, and the very unfair criticism and recommenda tion for his removal contained in the report of the inept and mis directed investigation of Gallinger Hospital by a Senate subcommittee. That criticism was more than offset by the fine tribute subsequently paid the Commissioners by the House Appropriations Committee. Mr. Mason has shown himself to be a good Commissioner. He has worked hard, and with encouraging results, for the improvement of the municipal services within his juris diction and he has shown himself to be responsive to local sentiment. If he has shown a disposition to get himself into hot water by his forth right expressions, his honesty of purpose and the sincerity of his convictions have never been ques tioned. It is gratifying that the President has renominated him and it is to be hoped that Senate rati fication will follow promptly. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. The adventure of finding a bald eagle egg intact in the woods is an unusual one, but was experienced the other day by a resident of a rural route near Vienna. Va. v Mrs. E. S. L. of RFD 2 found one large off-white egg, and immediately called us to find out what It was. The egg, she reported, measured 8’* inches clear around the long way, and 73k inches around the middle. It weighed 5 ounces. Our guess, sight unseen, was either a duck egg, a goose egg or an eagle egg, but we advised her to take it to the New National Museum. This she did, during the lunch hour, and had the satisfaction of matching it up, with the aid of the ornithologists there. It was undoubtedly the egg of the bald eagle, symbol of our Nation's freedom. There have been few bald eagles around Washington in recent years, and those few along and close to the Poto- j mac, since these birds feed largely on fish. At one time some of the baldies nested near Great Falls, and every day would fly over to the Zoo and perch atop the cage of eagles, and there appeared to be talking to the peaned specimens. * * * * The bald eagle was adopted as the national symbol by act of Congress of June 20, 1782. Benjamin Franklin was in favor of the wild turkey, and many favored it with him. but the bald eagle was finally selected, because of its noble appearance and mastery of the air. How prophetic that was, that such a wonderful flyer should have been adopted so long ago! Mastery of the air is now ours, and it still keeps our freedom safe. Though the bald eagle will eat carrion, it feeds largely on fish, and some water birds. The latter it often pursues so relentlessly that it causes them to dive repeatedly, until the bird is able to dive no more, and is captured through sheer exhaustion. The eagle is a mighty fighter. Ac counts of a bald eagle caught in a bear trap revealed that the great bird stood on one leg, and fought off all efforts to release it, so that there was nothing for its captors to do except kill it. They had no gun, and were forced to club it to death. Every time it was knocked down, it came back up again on its leg which had not been caught by the trap, and struck valiantly with its great bill. “To the end,” goes the account, “he was fiercely defiant. Such a picture as be made of indomitable courage, per sistent to the last, I never saw.” That is America’s bald eagle, a worthy symbol through the ages. * * * * The nest is often very elaborate, as much as 6 feet across, and some 12 feet in height. Usually two eggs are laid, occasionally three, and sometimes one. Sometimes cliff sides are used for nest ing. and now and then the eggs will be laid on the ground, but not often. It is said that when two eggs are laid, one is always larger than the other. A month is required for incubation. Both parents share in it. Two and a half months is necessary to put the baby eagles on their own, and during this time both parents take the best care of them. During the first year the young eagles are larger than their parents. They do not assume the adult plumage for three years. The male is 30 to 35 inches long, the female 34 to 43 inches. The wing spread is from 6'/2 feet to nearly 8 feet, making it one of our most majestic birds. The plumage is dark brown, but the imma ture forms are very dark, almost black. These immature forms are so different in coloring that^they have been mistaken for other species, and have at various times been called black eagles, gray eagles and Washington eagles. It was a young one which fooled Audubon, so 1 that he named it "Bird of Washington." Letters to The Star i Disputes Housing Association Qualification for Chest To the Editor of The St»r: I am sorry that tjie question of the activities of the Washington Housing Association, a member of the Com munity Chest, has again arisen. In fairness to all, I ask that I be given space to make the following factual statement: I am a member of the subcommittee that prepared the report that was sub mitted by the Southeast Council of Citizens’ Associations to the Federation of Citizens' Associations. For some time prior to the May meet ing of the Southeast Council several associations, members of the council, had voiced criticism and objection to the active part that the Washington Housing Association was taking in the debatable question of rezoning certain suburban property in the Southeast section. At the May meeting the presi dent of the council asked the subcom mittee on housing to look into the matter and report at the next meeting. The subcommittee, consisting of five members, met with the following papers before them: The last print of the “De scriptive Directory of the Organizations in the Community War Fund,” a “Di gest of the Provisions of the Charter of the Washington Housing Association," incorporated February 11, 1937, Mr. WyckofT to the contrary notwithstand ing: also “Proceedings of the Annual Meeting, 'Washington Housing Associa tion, 1942, Held in the Sapphire Room, Mayflower Hotel, December 12, 1942, Summarized and Compiled by the Washington Housing Association, 902 Barr Building, Washington, D. C.” The committee drafted its report and the writer was directed to submit the report to the council and move its adoption. The report was not a “slan derous attack” on any one or any organ ization. In urging the adoption of the report, I made substantially the follow ing statement: inai me commiuee iouna tnat me Community Chest was an organization operating for efficiency's sake, through some 60 or more agencies. The Chest operates from year to year on a cash basis, distributing what is collected each year during the following year. Its primary object is to be ready to give immediate assistance in cash, provisions or otherwise to those in dire need of help. That it was the opinion of the committee that the Community Chest in its 15 years of operation had success fully and to the general satisfaction of its contributors handled a difficult problem. I further pointed out that the com mittee thought that in view of the provisions of its charter, its purpose as outlined in the Community Chest Hand book, and the report of its annual meet ing held December 12, 1942, the Wash ington Housing Association was not such an organization as should ask and receive its support from funds collected from some 384,000 small contributors who thought in contributing their money that it was to go to help those in immediate distress. The charter of the Washington Hous ing Association states that its purpose is to improve housing in every prac tical way, to secure and disseminate knowledge relating to housing, to co operate with public and private agen cies whose work affects housing, to aid ’in the enactment of legislation that will improve housing conditions, to en courage the adoption of such features of town planning as may bear upon the welfare of the home. There is also a provision that the association may be supported by gifts, contributions, be quests, membership dues and that its income shall be used for the payment of expenses and salaries incident to carrying on its work. There is not one line in its charter that provides that *t shall do any charitable work as that expression is generally interpreted. The last annual report of the Wash ington Housing Association submitted to the Community Chest shows that about five-sevenths of its $14,000 allotment was spent for letter-writing. The report did not disclose that any day by day charity work was done. The report seems to indicate that its work primarily is ad ministrative. The objective and the procedure of the Washington Housing Association as disclosed by its own report of its 1942 annual meeting clearly indicates that it has no place in the Community Chest organization. With their own spacious offices in the Barr Building, they selected the beau tiful Sapphire Room in the Mayflower Hotel in which to hold their annual meeting. Space does not permit extended quo tations from the 26-page report pre pared and issued by the association, but at least it is enlightening to know that their guest of honor. Sir Ernest Simon, was twice a member of Parliament, one time Lord Mayor of the city of Man chester and is now deputy chairman of the Ministry of Works and Planning. He reviewed housing in the city of Manchester from about 1800 to date. As to what should be done after World War II is over, he said England profc ably will have another 6,000,000 houses to Duild, and wheYe they can be built for profit that work will be left for private enterprise and where a subsidy is necessary that part will be left with the city councils to build. “We want to combine all our plans into one great overriding plan of rebuilding Britain in one generation, wiping out the slums of the 19th century.” No one questions but that Sir Ernest Simon spoke the well-considered and accepted thought of the English people, and while he did not presume to say that we should follow the English plan, it is easy to think that his thought and that of the Washington Housing Association run somewhat parallel. In conclusion, I might say that a careful reading of the proceedings of the meeting did not disclose any men tion of charity as such. CHARLES A. BARKER. Blames ‘Free Enterprise’ To the Editor of The Star: Recent revelations of intolerable con ditions in hospitals show that free en terprise isn’t doing itself proud in tak ing care of the health needs of the people. Friendly Congressmen, as usual, view with alarm and offer the perfectly ducky suggestion that the Government “might loan the funds,” etc. Evidently, the Government is required to do every thing for free enterprise except to take in the profits and except to see that the people get a square deal. Apparently, it’s perfectly “American” to have socialized funds for financing free enterprise, but socialized medicine! Perish the thought. JEAN LUCAS. This Changing World By Constantine Brown Heinrich Himmler, who since July 20 has become the most powerful man in the Reich, Is making desperate efforts to transform Germany into a national communist state as quickly as possible. He is not even attempting to be orig inal but is following textually the recipes which Premier Stalin discarded several years ago after Russia had become a truly consolidated state. Himmler suggests that until last month Germany was still dominated by a military oligarchy, rather than by national socialism, which he describes as a bourgeois-feudal system which re lied on wealth or birth in order to main tain its centuries-old privileges. This is rapidly coming to an end. * * * * The People’s Court, a tribunal from which there is ncr appeal, is functioning in all principal cities of the Reich and is sending to the gallows or before firing squads many members of the military aristocracy. The head of this organization is Dr. Freisler, an ascetic and fanatical Nazi who always has advocated a "head-roll ing ’ policy. When he was recom mended by Himmler, soon after Hitler became the ruler of the Reich, to be president of the Leipzig Supreme Court, Reichsmarshal Goering opposed his ap pointment because of his almost un believable cruelty. Hitler himself shared Goering’s point of view and Dr. Freisler was given a minor Job in the Nazi judiciary. He is now Himmler’s chief executioner and presides over the traitors’ trials which invariably end with death sentences. The courts are no longer composed of men with juridical training. The judges sitting with Dr. Freisler are taken from all walks of life: bakers, butchers, fac tory hands, etc. They need no legal training. The question before them is whether those brought to trial are guilty of treason to the Fuehrer. And since the appearance of the defendants in itself is a proof of guilt, the Judges sit on the bench only to confirm death sentences. Dr. Freisler is prosecutor and judge at the same time. He does not have the delicate touch of Andrei Vishinsky, who acted as the people's prosecutor hi the Moscow purges of 1936. Durjng these prosecutions Vishinsky gave the Impression he was conducting his cases with the view of giving the defendants a chance, although they had none. As at the Moscow trials the German pris oners admit they have been traitors. Dr Freisler. however, is making ir clear that he is not trying the indi viduals before his court alone but the entire bourgeois-military class in the Reich and takes pains to explain that these men, who are either morons by Dirth or are lazy loafers living on their ill-acquired privileges, must all dis appear. ,* * * * One of the principal charges Dr. Freisler brought against Marshal von Witzleben was that had he succeeded in taking over the German government after Hitler’s assassination he would have released all political prisoners and already had prepared orders to free the Jews from the various ghettos and con centration camps throughout the Reich and German-occupied territories. This crime alone, pointed out Dr. Freisler, made Witzeleben worthy of the gallows. Hitler may realize that Germany has lost the war. But he and his accolytes hope to plunge Europe into a “30 years’ revolution," during which the super ficial liberalism which has been prev alent on the continent for the last 50 years will be doomed. The terror robot raids on England, according to Hitler’s and Himmler's spokesman, are only a sample of what Germany will do in the near future before her regular fighting forces are utterly defeated. The Nazi extremists aim at creating such chaos in Europe that no government will be able to hold its own. They gloat over the lassitude and depression which they report is existing in England as a result of the continuous hardships to which the British population is subjected daily and predict that as soon as the other new secret weapons being devised in the German laboratories are ready and launched on Hitler’s foes there will be a complete disintegration of the Euro pean morale. What the Third Inter nationale directed from Moscow has not been able to achieve in nearly a quarter of a century, the Nazi spokes man say will now be accomplished by the new trends of the German national communism. The Political Mill By Gould Lincoln rresiaent Kooseveit s campaign to be re-elected "commander In chief” is in full swing. It has been ever since he made his radio address to the Demo cratic National Convention from a naval base on the Pacific Coast. His trip to Pearl Harbor and his Saturday night report to the people on that trip are Just further steps in that campaign. When Mr. Roosevelt last July wrote to Democratic National Chairman Robert E. Hannegan saying he would accept a fourth-term nomination, he said: "I would accept and serve, but I would not run. in the usual partisan, political sfnse.” If the President's recent expedition to the Pacific Coast and Hawaii is gny criterion, his campaign will be “differ ent.” He can capitalize at any time with an Army inspection tour, or a visit to meet Churchill or Stalin, or both. * * * * Politics were Involved in the Presi dents Pacific trip—just as much politics as the demands of the dyed-in-the-wool New Dealers for a $35 week unemploy ment payment, handled by the Federal Government, in the recent Senate fight over reconversion legislation. The peo ple of the West Coast resented the fact that the President placed the Pacific war in a more or less minor category. The West Coast States have gone Republican in recent elections. The President's trip, not necessary from a military point of view, was timed to dispel this resent ment. which grew over a two-year period. The President did not mention parti san politics, either in his addresses to the public or his talks with the men in the armed forces, on this trip. He did not have to. The trip had its political significance. The only question then is how effective was it politically? It may have had considerable effect — but whether or not it did will develop later. The Republicans shout that the Presi dent is using his position as "Com mander in Chief” of the armed forces to play politics. But in the end. all de pends—not upon this criticism—but upon how’ effective politically the Presi dent's campaign is. how many votes it gather^ in. No holds are barred in this game. The Republicans point out that Mr. Roosevelt is taking advantage of his position to campaign in a way which is impossible for Gov. Tom Dewey of New York. But that is just the Republican’s hard luck—unless the voters resent this one-sided campaigning. * * * * Millions of people listened to Presi dent Roosevelt’s radio address from Bremerton. Much of his address might have been labeled "My Day,” with apologies to Mrs. Roosevelt. It was not interesting. It sounded like a rehash of what thousands of others in and out of the armed forces have seen and written. The President could not discuss mili tary matters or the progress of the war or future Army and Navy movements. Those are the features of the news in which the people are vitally interested. He might have described past heroic action of the Army and Navv and Air Corps, but he did not. He did refer to the future of the Pacific, both politically and economically. Even in this discus sion there was nothing really new and certainly nothing the President«could not have written as w’ell in Washington as in Pearl Harbor. The fact that Japan is not to be allowed ever again to domi nate any part of the Pacific Ocean has been shouted from the house tops, as well as the fact that Japan cannot be trusted. There was no news in his statements that the great Pacific area lies open for a vast international commerce in the future. Vice President Wallace, after his recent visit to China, delivered a radio address, also from the West, which was far more enlightening on the eco nomic future of our own W*t Coast and the other countries that border the Pacific Ocean. The President’s trip to Pearl Harbor, however uninteresting his report, was intended to keep before the people the fact that he is the "Commander in Chief,” to emphasize that he is on the war job. It was intended to impress the men in the forces who will vote next November. And it was intended to gain for the President a certain amount of first-hand information. Pearl Harbor, however, is a long way from present hostilities in the Pacific. The informa tion he gained was contained in reports from other men. the men who are actually conducting the war against Japan. Tottering Nazi Edifice By Maj. George Fielding Eliot The question which seems to be on the lips of every one in this country is "When will the European war end? How long can the Germans keep on fighting?” It is only within the last few days that there has seemed to be any defi nite indications which might enable that question to be answered by any thing except sheer guesswork. Nfew it appears that the liberation of the greater part of France is at hand. Most of the vast area between the Seine and the Loire is clear of German troops, except for a belt of territory immediately along the former river, and the German garrisons still holding out in the ports of Brittany. Southern France has been invaded, and all over the country the French forces of the interior are rising and reclaiming their home districts from scattered enemy units and col laborationists. Of the four German armies known to be in France, the 7th is in course of destruction along the Seine; the 19th, much weakened, is in the south and may not be able to get away; the 1st seems to be forming up in trie Paris area, and the 15th is pinned last to the robot-bomb coast. The prospects are that the destruction oi the 7th Army will be completed during August, save for a few remnants which may get away to join the 1st, and that toward the first week in Sep tember the Allied forces in Northern France will join battle with the German 1st Army —perhaps reinforced by ele ments of the 15th and 19th—along a front defending the approaches to the Pas-de-Calais coast and the robot bcmb installations. * * * * This will be the decisive final phase of the Second Battle of Prance. The Germans will have to find means to hold a front extending from the channel to the Swiss frontier; if not, they will be outflanked and rolled back very quickly by the vastly superior Allied armor. Since it is doubtful whether the Germans will be strong enough to hold such a front, their prospects are not bright for a successful or even pro tracted defense of Northern Prance, Bel gium and Holland. Their best line of defense in the west is the Rhine, and it is quite conceivable that the end of September may find them on'it, or in full retreat toward it. Meanwhile, if Southern Prance Is quickly taken over by the invading and interior forces of the Allies, the posi tion of the German armies in Italy be comes impossible. They must be with drawn or be destroyed. Probablv they can continue for a time to defend the Brenner Pass and the approaches to the Yugoslav frontier. This change also seems likely to take place before Sep tember ends. * * * * On the eastern front, the Russians have paused along most of the line in order to reorganize their supply system, bring forward their broad-gauge rail heads, and regroup their forces for de cisive attacks. One such attack seems shaping up against East Prussia, north ern bastion of the main German de fense line. Another is advancing in the south, in the area Sandomierz-Kielce, after being checked for a time by Ger man counterattacks. There seems good reason to think that decisive battles on the eastern front will be fought in late August and dur ing September, with Russian efforts ris ing to a new crescendo of fury, and with German resources less and less adequate to meet the Russian assaults, concentrated for the most part on a much shorter front. Also it seems quite likely that Sep tember will see Germany deserted by Bulgaria and Finland, and possibly by Rumania also, with unpredictable effect on the general military situation in the Danubian area. Finally, as the area held by the Ger mans becomes more constricted, and as Allied air bases are pushed forward on the continent closer and closer to the vital centers of German power, the ef fect of the Allied bombing attacks will tend to Increase very rapidly. To sum up, It now seems possible to forecast the pattern of the war in Eu rope as reaching a decisive phase during the month of September, with two great battles being fought during that month in the east and in the west—perhaps along the river lines of the Vistula and the Seine respectively, and each with a great capital city as its central point. If the Allies win these battles, and there is every probability that they will win both of them, then there remains for the Germans only the possibility to retreat to or within the frontiers of Germany, and the prospects of fighting two more defensive battles on two other river lines, those of the Oder and the Rhine. As one very well-informed Brit ish observer puts it, whether the Ger mans will choose, or will be able to fight these final battles remains a sub ject of pure speculation. (Copyrtfht. 1944. New York Tribune, he.) Dewey Choice of Dulles For Hull Talks Praised Writer Says Action Indicates Trend of Nominee’s Thinking By David Lawrence Most significant is the announcement by Gov. Dewey that he has selected John Foster Dulles to represent him in the bipartisan conferences to be held by Secretary Hull as he formulates agreements with other nations relative to a general international organization to preserve peace. Mr. Dulles is internationally-minded and, as Gov. Dewey said, he is truly one of the ablest American authorities on international relations. If Gov. Dewey is going to take advice on foreign policy from Mr. Dulles, many persons who have been wondering about the trend of the Republican nominee's thinking in In ternational affairs will have much of their doubt removed. Mr. Dulles is one of those hard-work ing unselfish citizens who has been spending a lot of his time in the past few years working with groups of pub lic-spirited persons in an endeavor to develop a nonpartisan American policy toward world affairs. He is the chair man of "The Commission to Study the Basis of a Just and Enduring Peace.” which was instituted by the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in Amer ica a few years ago, and it is well known that the statement issued by that commission in March, 1943, was pre pared by Mr. Dulles. Preface to Statement. In a preface to that statement, he said: “This statement grows out of our belief that our nation has now entered upon the critical period when public opinion must be crystalized in favor of organized international collaboration. Competent observers tell us that, as things are now going, there is grave danger that the United States will re ject such collaboration and elect to ‘go it alone.’ This danger arises from the following considerations: “When this war is over, we will have a huge two-ocean navy, a capacity to turn out more planes and tanks than the rest of the world together and strategic bases in the Atlantic, Pacific and South America. The many who believe that safety lies In material things will feel that we can safely stand alone. “Then, too, when the fighting is over, political and economic collaboration will involve many grievous problems. We already have a foretaste of that in North Africa. Grave differences of opinion may arise between the United Nations regarding the political status of most of Europe, Asia and Africa. We will be tempted to turn from it all in disillusionment as soon as the defeat of our present enemies makes it seem safe to do so, "That is the mood into which public opinion is now drifting, and that drift will be accelerated by events unless we do something positive to check it. This is our opportunity and our responsi bility. Christians know that strength and safety do not come primarily from material things but from things of the spirit. We know a people imbued with a righteous faith is truly great, and that such a faith is incompatible with national selfishness and isolation. We know that our national power can not be divorce^ from national respon sibility. We know that if our nation follows what may seem the easy path of self-sufficiency, the result will be internal decay, the mounting hostility of the rest of the world and a certain renewal of conflicts. Reponse to Demand. ‘'The inclosed statement was pre pared in response to a widespread de mand by Christian citizens who, rec ognizing the gravity of this situation, want to do something about it. In the statement we describe six ‘Pillars of Peace' that are needed to support a just and durable world order and to the establishment of which this Nation ought now to be committed. We have stated our propositions in simple terms which can effectively unite all those who favor organized international col laboration. At this stage, such unity is essential.” Mr. Dulles Is a grandson of John W. Foster, who was Secretary of State in the administration of President Ben jamin Harrison, and a nephew of Robert Lansing, who was Secretary of State in the Wilson administration. He was a Dewey delegate to the 1940 conven tion and is known to'enjoy the con fidence of Mr. Dewey to such an extent that it has often been suggested that Mr. Dulles might occupy a very im portant place in the Dewey Adminis tration if the Republicans should win the Presidential contest next autumn. Mr. Dulles has already held important positions in international conferences. He was secretary of the Hague Peace Conference of 1907, a member of the Pan-American Scientific Conference in 1917, assistant to the chairman of the War Trade Board in 1918, and counsel ot the American delegation to the Peace Conference in 1918. as well as a member of the Reparations Commission and the Supreme Economic Council In 1919. Subsequent to that, he was the American representative on the Berlin Debt Conference and is the author of many works on international law. The appointment of Mr. Dulles is an indication that Mr. Dewey intends to fulfill the pledge he made in his accept ance speech, namely, to select the ablest mer in America to help him do the job in the event that he is Inaugurated President. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) H-Hour We had been through it all a hundred timet before; Yet it was nothing, nothing at all like this. It had been merely a dress rehearsal nothing more— And there is no rehearsal at the edge of a precipice. It had come, finally, that for which we had waited; It had come inevitably, with a strange precision, And the moment hung over us, heavily, saturated, As life hung in the balance oh indeci sion. Yet now, within us, we discovered a hid den power, An inner calm and a strength; and • as it grew near We faced, unflinching, the extenuating hour And marveled that fear had van ished—dissolved in fear. MAE WINKLER GOODMAN.