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The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to The use lor republication ot all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited In this Paper and also the local news published herein. All rights ol publication ol special dispatcher herein also are reserved. A—10 ♦ MONDAY, October 23, 1944 Mrs. Willkie's Statement The widespread conjecture over how Wendell Willkie would have voted had he lived, whether he ' would have supported Governor Dewey or President Roosevelt, was perhaps inevitable. As the former titular head of the Republican party and as a leader with an unquestion ably large following, he had not announced his position before he died, and some degree of specula tion scarcely could have been avoided In the circumstances. But speculation has its limits, and In this case it quickly went beyond the area of good taste and degener ated into what amounted to little more than a partisan effort to make capital out of the situation by put ting words into the mouth of a great American who could no longer speak for himself. Unwittingly and other wise. newspaper writers, radio com mentators and politicians on both sides of the fence were the actors in this none too inspiring spectacle, revealing confidences they had once received and presuming to demon strate thereby the exact course Mr. Willkie had intended to follow, some saying that it was clear beyond doubt that he would have endorsed Mr. Dewey, and others saying the precise opposite. The one person who knew him far better than anybody else, however, was Mrs. Willkie, and Mrs. Willkie, In her deep personal bereavement, has at last been driven by the pre sumptuous to such a point of dis tress that she has had to request them to put an end to the whole sorry business. "I am sure he had not made his decision,” she says. “No one could speak for him while he was living, and I ask, out of re spect for his memory, that no one should attempt to speak for him now.” From this point on a sense of decency must compel all those con cerned to stop using Wendell Will kie's honored name as a ward-heel ing device to win votes. The thing has gone too far and become too cheap to be tolerable any longer. Mrs. Willkie’s simple and moving statement is definite enough to serve as the last word on the subject. Gallery Treasures Back The public shares David E. Fin ley’s sense of relief in knowing that the precious works of art for which he is responsible as director of the National Gallery have been re turned to the home provided for them by Andrew W. Mellon. It was the most notably important and valuable pictures and marbles that were “evacuated” when the military authorities believed that Washing ton was in danger of being bombed by the Germans. The spaces left by their removal properly could not be filled with lesser material. Visitors who were familiar with the exhibi tion rooms as they appeared before Pearl Harbor felt the absence of the Raphaels, Botticellis, Luinis, Rem brandts, Van Dycks and Vermeers. Mr. Finley's disclosure that it was at Biltmore House in the Blue Ridge Mountains near Asheville that the Gallery’s masterpieces were hidden revives interest in the mansion which Baedeker’s Guide to the United States calls “probably the finest private residence in America.” Constructed to the order of the late George W. Vanderbilt, it was de signed by Richard Morris Hunt in the French baronial style and fits perfectly into the cultivated for ests and farms by which it is sur rounded. Within its walls are shel tered an independent collection of paintings, tapestries and books worth millions of dollars. The man who gathered them was a man of authentic genius—a scholar who spoke eight languages, was a skilled naturalist, established new methods in agriculture and stock raising, founded a famous nursery specializ ing in the trees and the plants of the Appalachian region, gave generous gifts to creative endeavor in many different fields and, coincidentally, though “caring little for finance,” increased his inherited fortune ma terially by his own management of it. When the dramatic story of how the National Gallery came into ex istence and was received by the people of the United States finally is told, as perhaps no one but Mr. Finley himself can tell it, the num ber of great names connected with the tale will be surprising to the average reader. Mr. Vanderbilt has been dead since 1914, yet he still is a benefactor of his country in the cense that his home in the hills of North Carolina furnished hospital ity to three huge vanloads of the Gallery’s irreplaceable treasures in a season of emergency. Now that the paintings and sculptured works are back where they belong, it is only just that a salute of gratitude to the departed owner of Biltmore House be offered. The trustees of his estate merit the thanks of the Nation. Facing the Issue When president Roosevelt told the Foreign Policy Association that our representative on the postwar security council must be endowed in advance with authority to act, he took a position that is coura geous and which, it is believed, will eventually be accepted as the cor rect one. This is the first time that the President has faced this momentous question squarely and stated his po sition in unequivocal language. Gov ernor Dewey has yet to declare him self with respect to it in words that are plain and unmistakable. He has indicated that he agrees with Mr. Roosevelt’s view, but he will serve his country well if, before the elec tion, he states his own views in such fashion that no one can be in ahy doubt about them. This question is not a mere detail in the building of a permanent or ganization for the maintenance of peace. So far as this country is concerned, at least, it is the para mount issue, the point on which our really significant decision will have to be taken. It is important to note the lan guage of the President’s proposal. Our delegate to the council would be “empowered in advance by the people themselves, by constitutional means through their representatives in Congress, with authority to act.” There is no purpose to be served by blinking the real import of this proposal. The security council, if it is to function effectively against ag gressors, must be able to act with reasonable speed when the need arises. The nations with whom we propose to associate ourselves in this undertaking will want to be assured that the United States will make its contribution to the mainte nance of peace in all proper cases, just as we must be assured that they will make their own. But there cannot possibly be any such as surance if our delegate to the council should have to secure con gressional authorization in every instance to vote for the use of force or other sanction against a would be aggressor, or if the delegate of another nation must follow a com parable course. That would be a time-consuming and uncertain pro cedure—a procedure that would play directly into the hands of a future Hitler. in approaching this step we should face the fact that Congress, as a practical matter, would have to yield its exclusive right—as we have known it in the past—to declare war. There are those who believe differently, who hold that our dele gate to the council would never commit this country to war unless he knew that Congress and the President approved. Yet it is not certain that this will be so, and, lacking assurance, we ought not to assume that the President’s proposal involves no risk and changes noth ing. It would change a great deal and there are risks involved. But the answer to this is that such risks cannot be avoided,' except at the price of even greater ones. We have had to fight two world wars because no adequate machinery for the preservation of peace existed. If there is to be no adequate machinery in the future, it is quite likely that we shall have to fight another war. Of course, no one can promise that any plan for peace will pre serve peace. The effectiveness of the organization now proposed will depend as much on the attitude of the other great powers as on our own. And there is already some rea son for misgiving on this score. But we should be candid with ourselves and recognize that other nations have reason for skepticism, some of which would be removed by accept ing the proposal which the Presi dent has advanced. That would es tablish our own good faith, and we would then be in,a strong position to insist that the other nations estab lish theirs. If we are in earnest in our expressed determination that this must be the last great war, we cannot expect to make a lesser con tribution than that for which the President has called. Historic Feat “Mulberry A” and “Mulberry B” probably never entered Nazi calcu lations ‘prior to the invasion of France. Presumably the Anglo American Allies would have to have ports; presumably they could not effect large-scale landings of men and supplies directly on the beaches in the teeth of murderous fire from everywhere along the “im pregnable” Atlantic Wall. But as President Roosevelt revealed at his press conference the other day, the “Mulberry”—made up of “whales,” “Phoenixes” and “gooseberries” — was one of our “secret weapons” and the Berlin High Command ap parently had failed to reckon with it. Translated out of the code lan guage, “Mulberry A” and “Mulberry B” constituted something entirely new in warfare—a project in which our invasion forces literally took along their own ports with them. About 300,000 tons, of worn-out Liberty Ships and other rickety ves sels were lined up in rows and delib erately sunk to form breakwaters off the Normandy beaches; concrete caissons were put down, and float ing causeways were towed to the scene and anchored to floating piers. These were the component parts— the “whales,” “Phoenixes” and “gooseberries” — that made up the whole of “Mulberry A” and “Mul berry B” and permitted the unload ing of tanks, trucks, etc., simply by driving them to land from ships standing 3,300 feet offshore: “Mulberry B”—the artificial har bor for the American segment of the invasion coast—did not fare so well, a three-day gale all but wreck ing it a fortnight after the first landings. But within a month after June 6, “Mulberry A”—the harbor for the British segment—was un loading 20,000 tons of supplies daily. The two together, according to the President, were designed to give a greater delivery capacity than Cher bourg, and they can be credited in no small measure with the fact that 28 days after D day about 1,000,000 Allied troops had been put ashore in Normandy, plus 650,000 tons of sup plies and more than 180,000 vehicles. Indeed, it does not seem too much to say that the whole Allied ven ture in France might have come to grief without them. In the history books, therefore, the word “Mulberry” will certainly have an honored meaning, and the men responsible for the project will merit a chapter all their own—the men who first thought up the idea and the men who planned it and finally carried it out, not least of all those who braved enemy fire in putting into position the long lines of ships that were sunk to form breakwaters. Some military experts have described the undertaking as “the eighth wonder of the world.” To the Germans who did not antici pate it, it must have seemed little short of that—a feat without prec edent or parallel since wars began. When an American plane landed a horse recently on a South Sea island, the natives, who had never before seen one, treated it with fear and respect. Their attitude was remarkably intelligent for persons wholly unacquainted with the civili zation of Laurel or Pimlico. Some think that one might as well try to “agriculturize” Pitts burgh or Detroit as to do it to Ger many. The effect on the rest of Europe and the world would be similar, in the latter case, to the effect of the former on this country. , A man recently tried to murder | his wife because she would not help i him make out his income tax return. Other taxpayers consider his action a highly discourteous gesture to a $500 exemption. Germans speculating on the shape of things to come in the Reich this fall have their answer from General Eisenhower. The shape will be that of a cigar, and they will weigh several tons apiece. , This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “ALEXANDRIA, Va. "Dear Sir: "Tile other day while sitting in my living room, I was startled by a rather loud noise, and immediately a dark object passed the window. “I went outside and there was a good sized bird lying on the-pavement. We picked it up. It was bleeding and quite dead. “It had a long, sharp bill and a long, square tail. It had some yellow leathers on its neck. “What do you think made it fly straight into a brick wall hard enough to kill itself? "My brother thinks it may have been shot before it struck the side of the house. Isn't it unusual for a bird to lose its sense of direction? “I enjoy your interesting column very much. "Sincerely yours. E. E. McF." j ik * * * Birds fly into walls more often than one could think possible. Such traffic accidents among them are very few, after all, in comparison with the many millions of miles flown. They seem to be caused partly by mis calculation, and partly by some prior mishap which has caused the bird to lose its sense of balance momentarily. Wounding by bullet or other blow would be enough to make a bird fly into a wall or window. Several times a year some hasty flyer thumps into a screen just back of a feeding station by a window. The sound set up is something like the boom of a bass drum. The first time this occurred we ran out to see if the bird had injured itself, but we might just as well have remained indoors, because it had not—the screen had caught it as nicely as the big net in the circus holds the occasional per- ] former who falls. Illness brought on by lack of food j may cause a songster or game bird to i lose its sure sense of flight. Many birds ! at migration time rather overdo their | wing muscles, with the result that they are not as “sure winged” as they ordi narily are. Plain starvation, of course, at last will reach the point where the poor creature falls, and if this happens in front of a wall it may fly squarely into it. We once saw a wood thrush in April fly low across the street and onto an old-fashioned front porch, from which it was picked up dead. This was in early April, at least two w'eeks before the rest of its brothers and sisters arrived on April 28, the normal date. There was little doubt that this par ticular bird had flown North before it was wise to do so, and had been unable i to pick up enough food in its flight. A bob-white one summer evening flew squarely into the side of a neighbor's house, and was picked up dead. There was no evidence of bullet wound or other injury. It seemed a pure miscal culation on the bird's part. This idea was reinforced a few min utes later, when a cardinal flew down our own driveway and made a sharp turn around the corner of the house. It only missed the wall by a feather— for a second we thought w>e were wit nessing another tragedy in birdland. It was impossible to believe that the cardi nal negotiated the turn so closely on purpose. It was plain that it had nearly run into the wall but happily had missed doing so by the narrowest fraction of an inch. In the main, however, the birds are sure flyers. They skim easily between buildings and trees, and seldom so much as brush a feather against them. It is always a good idea to pick up a fallen bird and look it over closely for any signs of BB bullets or other mis siles. If there is any sign of life, the bird should be secluded, and offered a drop of water with a medicine dropper. Sometimes a rest overnight is all that is needed to send it on its way, The other day a janitor found a carrier pigeon on the roof of The Star Building. The bird could not fly. He gave it a little water, and some lettuce and bread. After it had drunk and eaten, it flew away. r Letters to The Star A Chaplain in France Explains the “Spiritual Ministry” To the Editor of The 8tar: When a chaplain Is assigned to an or ganization that previously was without a chaplain, every one is rather skeptical as to his work, and also what his work exactly consists of. Because of the ob vious innocency of the general run of clergymen to worldly strategems, the chaplain is more or less sized up as an easy mark in more than one way. He is put to the test shortly. A fairly good working knowledge of Army regulations plus a little intestinal fortitude will prove to be invaluable assets. After you have a few scalps attached to your belt, honor will be given to whom honor is due. The first few months will be a time of developing the confidence of the men in your organization. If you once win their deep respect the worst sinners in the group will be out to your services on Sunday. A little faith, hope and charity on the part of the chaplain will produce abundant returns in this respect. The spiritual ministry to soldiers: This is, of course, the chaplain’s primary function. It is a marvelous thing that the Government of the United States has made this part of our work fore most. We are urged to be spiritual and to win men to Christ. In one of the last publications from our ETO head quarters is found this passage: “The rush and movement of the present cam paign have kept many of us chasing the sapphires and forgetting the diamond. There is no objection to an active life but care must be exercised to insure that the activity is for the glory of God and the salvation of souls. Field work has a tendency to cause the chaplain | to drop to the common level of natural- i ism. Let us beware!” What a marvelous j injunction! Every chaplain surely has I a field “white unto harvest” wherein to labor. His Respect for the Soldiers. One can make spiritual advances by the preaching of the gospel at formal and informal services. Then there are heart-to-heart talks on highways and in the byways, here and there and every where. Many times a man's material needs will be the lead to-his spiritual needs. I feel a tremendous spiritual re sponsibility for all these men, when I think that for the moment I may be the only means God has available. I'm urged to speak a work in season and out of season. And the fruit of this seed sown in the hearts of these men from a multi tude of homes will prove a rejoicing in eternity. Thpn, as a chaplain in a field hospital, my contact is with direct battle casualties. What a privilege it is to be of help and comfort to them! Deliverance by the power of the Al mighty is the order of the day. One sergeant in the combat zone told me this: “None of us (about five in his eck-ack crew) attended church before coming into the Army and our circum stances forbid it now. We all sort of felt ashamed to go to services when wre got into danger. So I just took upon myself the responsibility and prayed for my men and myself. I encouraged them to pray for me and I d return the favor." Such hard boiled, practical faith in God draws out a respect from me that will cause me to take my hat off to such men if I live to be a thousand years old. When we face God and eternity we get rid of a lot of ballast and the things that seem worth fights* ing tend to sort themselves out and become real. Just as I finished the lines above there was a rather hesitating knock at my office door (we happen to be set up in buildings now. The first time since we hit France nearly three months ago). A man having spent over 100 days in combat came in, introduced himself and sat down to talk with me. He told me that he just didn t know where to go and felt somehow that I might be able to give him some word of help that would carry hirn on. We read the Bible, cried, prayed ana laughed all in the space of an hour He accepted Christ as his Saviour and left for the front again willing and. I believe, able to whip his weight in wild cats. Text for a Future Sermon. Some day I'm going to preach a sermon from this text, "Because they have no changes, therefore they fear not God.” Psalms, lv.l9b. A man can become so securely established In his work that adventure becomes a foreign element. I believe that It does not do to turn one’s back for long on the bright face of danger. In this work one never knows what thrills, sorrows, prob lems, challenges, embarrassments, jams, and all sort of news and changes may be awaiting just around the corner. This constant frontal attack of change has proved to be a spiritual tonic in my own life. What a blessing; what a privilege it has oeen just to be a chaplain in this man's Army! Nearly 50 per cent of my time in the army has been spent overseas. Others will agree writh me that the chaplain who has served only in the States has missed out on 90 per cent of the blessing. The possibilities for a spiritual ministry over here are tremendous and many a chaplain is having a field day. It is my conviction that any man who hopes to be of lasting blessing should never quit school. A chaplain cannot adequately meet the demands of his job who is not con tinually hacking away constructively on himself. The vast numbers in our armed forces* constitute a great field for evangelism at present. The U. S. foreign policy in the future will be given punch by a large standing Army, Navy and Air Force. Just think of the thousands of young men who will be drawn together from all parts of the Nation into these three great militant bodies. The very idea of it overwhelms me. Let me say; Young men everywhere: If you want to perform a ministry that will tell for time and eternity, prepare yourselves now to enter the chaplaincy. I know it has its rough aspects, but remember the possibilities, the adventure for God, the great need, the superb challenge. FARREL E. EVANS. Somewhere in France. (Editor’s note —The above let ter reached The Star from Chaplain Evans with a note saying: "Received a copy of The Star today. Surely enjoyed it.” His letter is printed as an interesting observation on the work and opportunities of chaplains in the combat areas.) Some of Them Do From the St. Louis Post>Dispatch. Their recent round of fracases Indi cates that Hollywood heroes think a night club is the kind you hit people over the head with. This Changing-World By Constantine Brown Military observers here say our chances of smashing the Siegfried Line before the beginning of the winter are 25 per cent—a slightly higher percent age than two weeks ago. The battle for Aachen showed us the extent of the Germans’ determination to dispute every inch of their territory. Heinrich Himmler, in whose hands the total mobilization and defense of the homMand has been placed, has ordered troops recruited mainly in the Rhine land to man the defenses leading to Cologne, ^hese soldiers in theory are fighting for the Nazi doctrines, but in fact are defending native towns and villages. Similar concentratioas are being made • in all threatened areas of the Reich. The Nazi high command is playing on the psychological factor that the men who are defending their own villages will fight with greater determination than those from other provinces. * * * * The stubborn resistance at Aachen, which before the war was considered one of the few anti-Nazi cities in the Reich, was a perfect illustration of the defensive system adopted by Himmler. The bulk of the troops fighting in and outside the first large German city to be occupied by American troops were drawn from that district and they fought to the end against overwhelming odds. After the breakthrough in Normandy German troops appeared demoralized. The evident superiority of the American fighting machine and the troubles on the home front, where intense purges were taking place seem to have dis heartened not only the men in the ranks but also their officers. Concrete evidence of this frame of mind was the mass surrender of so many important units which, instead of attempting to fight their way through the American lines, preferred to surrender even to the once despised French Maquis. In the last few weeks, however, there were no wholesale surrenders. Prisoners were taken, of course, but the “bag” was small in proportion to the number of men engaged. Chances of rebellion on the home front have diminished temporarily. It appears that Himmler is relying heavily on the impression created recently in Germany that the Allies desire not only the defeat of the German armies but also the total destruction of the empire and the enslavement of its people. The recent decree of the commander of the German home front ordering the arm ing of all men between 16 and 60 and their preparation as guerrilla fighters in areas invaded by the Allies confirms the theory that Himmler no longer fears a revolutionary outbreak. * * * * In the past high-ranking American and British officers believed that the situation created by the revolt of the home front in 1918 could not be repeated because of the Gestapo. They pointed out that German masses were deprived of weapons and could not have a reason able change of staging a successful rev olution when the Reich’s internal police, fanatically pro-Hitler, had all the mod ern weapons. The fact that Himmler has placed rifles and machine guns in the hands of the bulk of the male population indicates that he relies on their fear of being exterminated by the Allies and does not believe that henceforth he must use Gestapo methods to keep them in check. The concentration of new forces which have just managed to return from the Balkans; the defense of the threatened areas by “native” soldiers and the arm ing of the entire male population as a defensive guerrilla force tend to prove that the Allies will have to fight their way into the Reich inch by inch and that large sweeping movements such as Gen. Patton's in France are not likely to occur. This will mean heavier losses than have been anticipated and a greater supply effort for the armies which are desig nated to break through Germany's West Wall. , . On the Record By Dorothy Thompson wjien we spean aoout western Hemisphere policy, and the Good Neighbor concept, we are Inclined to think of the republics south of the Rio Grande. We know how difficult it has been to overcome suspicions be tween a gigantic republic like our own and smaller and weaker ones. It is always the matters that are still prob lems that encourage discussion: accom plished achievements vanish from our minds. But what 1s the ultimate idea of the Good Neighbor Policy? When discuss ing it with citizens of Latin American states, it often seems something tenu ous, and it is just that which some times arouses suspicion. Yet it can be demonstrated in actuality. There is a master example: The relations between the United States, and our northern neighbor, the Dominion of Canada. I thought of this while listening the other night, at a session of the Henald Tribune forum, to 13 minutes of inspir ing and informative address delivered by C. George McCullagh, the vigorous young editor-publisher of the Toronto Globe and Mail. Mr. McCullagh, dur ing this war, has been one of the mightiest links between American, Canadian and British journalism. The title of his address was "Canada, the Linch-Pin Between the United States and the British Commonwealth.'■ In his own field. Mr. McCullagh has been a personal linch-pin. for he has fought for wider opportunities for American journalists in Great Britain, and has even transported some of them there, and turned them loose to see. An ardent Canadian patriot, jealous of Canadian nationhood, he has been a tireless exponent of the interdependence of Canada, the United States, and Brit ain, with no prejudice to any of the Allies. * * * * And good neighbor policy, seen from Canada, has yet another aspect. For Canada is the nearest American neigh bor of the Soviet Union, and Canadians are increasingly conscious of this fact. The 4.000 miles of unfortified frontier between ourselves and Canada, are now accepted almost as an act of nature. But Mr. McCullagh pointed out that this was not always so, and that it developed after some serious crisis. "The war of 1812 was considered an opportune time by many people in the United States to make Canada part of the American re public.” Mr. McCullagh reminded us that when the British burned part of the city of Washington, Americans also burned part of the city of Muddy York—now Tor onto. And yet only half a century after we decided to begin a new deal in our mutual relations “48.000 Canadians en listed to fight for the Union of the States in the Civil War, and 18,000 of them died for it!” The abolition of passports between our two countries has resulted, we learned, in a condition that was hitherto unknown to me, namely that “there are as many people of Canadian origin, liv ing in the United States as in Canada.” And although customs have not been abolished between the two nations, ex cept for a certain amount of personal purchases, the stability of our political relations has had the result that the Canadians, ever-loyal to the British as sociation, nevertheless changed their currency from pounds to dollars, and take 60 per cent of their imports from this country, while sending 40 per cent of all exports to as. When we think of investments in the Western Hemisphere, we are inclined to consider them a one-sided affair. But whereas United States enterprises have invested four billion dollars in Canadian enterprises, Canadians have a billion dollars invested with us. Considering that Canada's population Is not quite one-tenth that of the United States, this Is, pro rata, a much greater investment than ours. The whole picture demon strates that peace and good neighbor liness are the life of trade. * * * * When such a policy has struck deep roots—when the climate in which we live Is so serene—criticism can flourish without suspicion and danger. The journalistic intercourse between our selves and Canada is quite different from that with the Latin American countries. Language, of course, is no barrier to us with the- larger part of Canada and that is a great thing. But the problem of languages has been solved inside nations—in Canada Itself, where there are two—and can certainly be overcome as a barrier between na tions. But the most Important thing about our relations with Canada, which, su pei ficially considered, w*ould appear as a disturbing factor Is her association, free and voluntary as it is, with the British Empire. Actually, the contrary Is true. For the association increases Canadian security, and the secure are always in the position to be better and more equal neighbors. Thus, if I may stretch Mr. McCullagh's argument a point, the eventual inclusion of all states in a common security association, ought to help regional developments rather than hamper them. Mr. McCullagh's speech might well be translated by the OWI for Latin America. (Releaied by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.) The Netherlands Front By Maj. George Fielding Eliot The operations of Field Marshal Sir Bernard L. Montgomery’s 21st Army group in the Netherlands are of im mediate and important significance. On this sector of the front perhaps the most notable gain is the gradual compression of the German bridgehead on the south bank of the Schelde estuary. The country is here extraordi narily difficult for an attacking force. Not only is movement off the roads virtually impossible in most places be cause of the swampy terrain, but the roads themselves are elevated above the general level of the countryside, so that movement upon them can be observed and fired upon from considerable dis tances. Nevertheless the Canadians have steadily advanced, gaining point after point; it does not seem likely that the Germans can now reinforce their troops in this bridgehead, and if they cannot, then it should not be very long before the south bank of the estuary is fully in Allied hands. * * * * Farther to the east Gen. Montgomery’s forces are making good progress north of Antwerp. Here their objectives ap pear to be the road centers of Bergen op Zoom, Roosendaal, Breda and Til burg. The capture of Bergen op Zoom, in particular, would definitely cut off the causeway to the islands of South Beveland and Walcheren, and prepare the Way for attack on those positions, which if successful would reopen the Schelde estuary, and therefore the port of Antwerp, to Allied shipping. In this connection, however, it should be noted that considerable work may have to be done in the estuary itself, after the Germans have been driven from Its banks before any great volume of shipping can come up to the Antwerp docks. The official "North Sea Pilot” states that the channel is subject to many changes, due to shifting sand banks and in some places the depth of water necessary for ocean-going ships has to be maintained by dredging. It seems quite likely, therefore, that when the Germans have been driven back our engineers may have tp resurvey the channel, establish new aids to navi gation and perhaps undertake extensive dredging operations to make up for months during which dredging has not been possible. This is just one more example of the infinite amount of hard work that has to go into the task of supplying a great army fighting In a a distant land and dependent on a long sea-borne line supply. * * * * Still farther to the east of the posi tions already named, the British have opened up a sudden, surprise attack against the Dutch road and rail cen ter of ’S Hertogenbosch. This is of especial importance, for if this city should be liberated the Germans would be deprived of an important railway line. There are only two lines available to them which connect their forces in the southern Netherlands and the coastal islands with the northern Netherlands and Germany—that is only two which have bridges across the Waal River, though there are one or two rail ferries. One of these bridges is just north of 'S Hertogenbosch; the other is the fa mous Moerdijk Bridge. If ’S Hertogen bosch is taken, the Moerdijk Bridge will be the only railway crossing of the Waal which remains in German hands, and it will, of course, become an im mediate target for concentrated air attack. It seems well within the possibilities of the immediate future that the Ger mans may be pushed back to and be yond the Waal, thus'clearing the whole southern area of the Netherlands of the enemy and freeing the left flank of the Allied forces of a constant pressure which cannot be disregarded as long as the Germans remain south of the Waal in any strength. It was this pressure which was in part, at any rate, responsible for the check at Arnhem. It seems very likely that General Eisenhower may wish to rid himself of this thorn in his side as a part of his general preparation for a major offensive thrust toward Ger many. This consideration is quite aside from the necessity for opening the port of Antwerp to Allied use at the earliest possible moment. As for the Dutch ports, notably Rotterdam, which would come within the possible scope of furth er left-flank offensives after the Waal has been reached, it is hardly to De expected that they will be retaken in usable condition, and the time factor does not seem to encourage the belief that Rotterdam or any other Dutch port will be of much value to the Allied supply system for some months to come. In other words, from the supply viewpoint we should keep our eyes on Antwerp. (Copyricht, 1944, New York Tribune, Ine.) Roosevelt Arguments Declared Misleading “Error of Omission” in Speech Pointed Out by Observer By David Lawrence President Roosevelt told his radio audience last Saturday night he was “quoting history” and that he was "going by the record” and giving them “the whole stoiy and not a phrase here and a half a phrase there.” Yet Mr. Roosevelt gave expression to two glaring misrepresentations on two of the most Important points in his speech. Unfortunately he did not tell the whole story about the Naval Dis armament Treaty of 1921 or about the Republican record in Congress relating to the war effort. He said: “And it's a fact, a plain fact: all you have to do is go back through the flies of the newspapers. During the years that followed 1920, the foreign policy of the Republican administration was dominated by the heavy hand of isola tionism. "Much of the strength of our Navy, and I ought to know it, was scuttled and some of the Navy’s resources were handed over to friends in private indus try—as in the unforgettable case of Teapot Dome.” Facts in the Case. Now the fact Is that the Coolidge administration successfully prosecuted the Teapot Dome case. The oil stayed in the ground and all of it has been available to the Navy ever since. The fact Is also that if the United States Navy was “scuttled" in 1921, it was done by the virtually unanimous action of both the Democrats and the Republicans in Congress. All but one vote in the Senate and virtually all the votes of the House of Representatives in both Democratic and Republican parties were cast in favor of that pro posal to limit naval armament in agree ment with other nations. Also, Oscar Underwood, Democratic leader of the Senate, was a member of the commis sion which wrote the so-called "scuttling” agreement. What Mr. Roosevelt omitted to tell his audience, too, was that the heavy hand of isolationism dominated both parties in the '20 s. Nevertheless the Republican administrations did strive through the efforts of Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes, through the Kellogg-Briand treaties outlawing | war, through the Dawes-Young plan | and the debt moratorium of 1931 to attain a political and economic equili brium in Europe. What Mr. Roosevelt also omitted to tell his audience was that in May. 1932, when he was trying to get the Democratic nomination for the presi dency, he became a victim of the iso lationist trend himself and surrendered to the demand of the Hearst press that he “scuttle" the League of Nations which he had previously supported. He capitulated and never once when Presi dent did he recommend our entry into the league. What the President also omitted to tell was that in 1933 he, as an isola tionist, scuttled the London Economic Conference. Then in 1935 he himself wrote a letter to the other nations which was read at the London Naval Disarmament Conference actually pro posing that the American Navy be cut down still further below the ratios and levels of the 1921 “scuttling” agreement he now denounces. But the President's errors of omis sion with respect to the record of the Republicans in Congress constitute even more of a half truth. He referred only to the Republican votes before Pearl Harbor when partisanship pre vailed on both sides. He is as unfair now in that respect as the Republican orators have been in this campaign when quoting the President's own words of 1940—before Pearl Harbor—about keeping us out of “foreign wars.” Since Pearl Harbor, both parties have backed the war effort with their votes in Con gress. seniority System. | Misleading, too, is Mr. Roosevelt's argument that leading isolationists like Senator Hiram Johnson of California, Senator Nve of North Dakota and Representative Fish of New York may, in the events of a Republican victory in Congress, hold important committee chairmanships enabling them to become “custodians of the future of America” and to exercise commanding influence. The truth is that the seniority sys tem of chairmanship in Congress is something that no President can change. Only Congress itself can change it. That seniority system has enabled two leading isolationists — both of them Democrats—to hold the important posi tions of Chairman of the Senate Mili tary Affairs Committee and Chapman of the Senate Naval Affairs Comm;.tee ! during the most perilous war in our | history and this has not impaired the J prosecution of the war. Mr. Roosevelt didn't tell his audience that a committee chairman in Congress is powerless to block anything of im portance if a majority of his Committee is against him. Chairman Sabbath, Democrat, of the House Rules Commit tee, for instance, has been unable to carry7 out Mr. Roosevelt's orders on cer tain New Deal measures because he was outvoted in committee. A committee can always be discharged from con sideration of a bill in either the Sen ate or the House and the matter taken up for amendment or final vote when ever the Senate or House desire to do so. Senator Nye probably will be defeated in a three-cornered race in North Da kota, and no matter who occupies the chairmanships, if the nation isn't isolationist-minded and the sentiment of the majority in Congress in both parties desires it, the seniority system cannot be used to prevent international co-cperationist ' policies from being adopted. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) Nostalgia Though seasons move on subtle feet Of buds that leaf, then falling gold. There is a house, a timeless street Where I have lived and shall grow old. One day the door will not be distant; No more to feel time's discipline. Then, miles will scatter unresistant; Returned, I’ll find loved things within: The pictures on the shelf, dad's chair, My room with all the books in place, The smell of oak in cellar air And reverent hush at mealtime grace. This is no dream of yesterday; The house withstands time’s pen dulum. These months, these years, will■ pass away And home will be there when I come. CORFL. RICHARD E. BODTKE.