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The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited In this 5?,peil t"d local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved A—-12 ♦ WEDNESDAY, December 20,1944 A Pointless Demonstration It cannot be said that the New Dealish demonstration against the President’s State Department nomi nations was without rhyme, for Sen ator Clark and Mr. MacLeish over came that deficiency. But certainly It was without discernible reason. No more pointless debate has been heard in the Senate for many a long day. Had it not been for the providential return of “The Chief’’ to tell those three stalwart independ ents, Senators Pepper, Guffey and Murray, to stop their shenanigans, it might have been going on still. Debate about what? The expla nation is not furnished in the Con gressional Record. If there was suspicion, after Senator Pepper and his colleagues had read the papers and listened to the radio commen tators, that Senator Connally was “railroading” the nominations through, the open hearings gave ample opportunity to catch the President’s nominees with the goods and bring them to book. But the hearings were an anticlimax, close ly followed by another one in the form of Senate debate. No one seemed to have anvthine specific against the nominees. Some suspected Mr. Clayton, others dis trusted Mr. , MacLeish. But the grounds for such suspicion were lamely stated. Senator Pepper, standing like a Rock of Gibraltar against the nominations until the boss got back to town, disclaimed fervently that he ever had “said I anything of a disparaging nature ; about any of the gentlemen in volved in the nominations.” Then j why was he opposing them? Evi- | dently it was because he was not sure whether “this team (the nomi nees) which was presented to the United States Senate reflects the views of 135.000.000 people or the sentiments which ought to be the sentiments of the United States Senate.” But he never explained how he proposed to find out—find out if they did represent such sentiments or what those sentiments are. He con fessed his skepticism over whether the President really initiated the nominations, suggesting that he merely acquiesced in what somebody else had done and that the nomina tions were inconsistent with the President's “whole political record.” It was that “arch isolationist,” Senator Wheeler of Montana, who offered the most convincing defense of the President’s right to select mert of his own choosing to run the State Department. Now that the nominations have been confirmed and the President has supplied a new Secretary of State with assistants with whom he can work, would it not be a good Idea to forego the pleasant diversion of sniping at the State Department and give it the sympathetic support which ought to accompany any I slight comprehension of its grave responsibilities? It is possible that Senator Pepper and some of his col leagues will join most of the rest of us, a few months hence, in wonder ing what all the shooting was about. Farm Shop Many men now working in teeming cities remember the farm shop. It was a cozy, friendly place on a raw December day when the sleet was spitting against the cobwebby, dust covered window panes. The fire in the pot-bellied stove crackled and snapped; the heat was sufficient so a young man shed his mackinaw while working on a box trap. The farm shop was a natural gathering place for the men on stormy days in fall and winter when the work in the cow barn and horse stable was caught up, the henhouse cleaned and the sawdust in the ice house shoveled out. The shop was not only a gathering spot for the men from five years of age up, it was somehow a magnetic pole for many other things. The tool bench was always littered with a hetero geneous mass of tools, nails, bolts, small boxes, pieces of pipe, straps, and odds and ends of impedimenta. Beneath the bench was a tangled pile of short ends of boards and two-by-fours, lengths of angle iron, broken hammers and saws, whiffle trees that needed new end irons, and broken hoe handles. Of course, the sides of the shop were studded with six and eight inch spikes and from these hung pieces of harness, shovels, rakes, buckets, old feed measures, odds and ends of ropes and rawhide, old jackets, sweaters and raincoats, feed bags, a fishing creel, steel traps, a crosscut saw. In the corners were axes, sledges, wedges, nail kegs, logging chains and crowbars. On the cross timbers overhead were boards, planks, broken ladders, boxes; from spikes in the timbers hung traces of Held com and sweet com. Mother threw up her hands in V \ horror, but father always said if she would Just leave things alone he could always put his hands on Just what he wanted. The farm shop was a place to store things, make things and mend things. Yes, it was all that. But it was also sort of a men’s club—where good man talk could have its way as hands were busy and the stove sang a cheerful song against the gray storminess outside. Rights of Minorities. Four members of the Supreme Court have joined in asserting the belief that this country is entering upon a new phase of labor relations —a phase of struggle to “reconcile the rights of individuals and mi norities” with the power of those who control unions. This significant statement ap pears in a recent dissenting opinion in a case arising under the National Labor Relations Act. The dissent was written by Associate Justice Jackson and was concurred in by Chief Justice Stone, Justice Roberts and Justice Frankfurter. Before the court was a dispute in volving employes of the Wallace Corporation, a small West Virginia manufacturing concern. After a troubled labor record, the corpora tion entered into an agreement with a CIO and an independent union in its plant for the holding of a Na tional Labor Relations Board elec tion to determine which union rep resented a majority of the employes. At the insistence of the CIO, the corporation agreed to recognize whichever union won the election and to grant it a closed shop. The NLRB participated in working out this settlement agreement and ap proved it. The Independent, winning the election, was certified by NLRB as the bargaining agent for the em ployes. Then the Independent no tified the management that it would insist on the closed shop and that it proposed to bar from membership CIO adherents whom it regarded as unfriendly or hostile. The cor poration, after some protest, signed the closed shop contract. The In dependent barred thirty-one CIO people from membership and twelve others made no application for membership. The corporation was called upon to discharge the forty three workers, and. after trying un successfully to persuade the Inde pendent to change its position, com plied with the union demand. Holding that the corporation, de spite its contract, should have re fused to order the dismissals, the NLRB required the concern to rein state all of the discharged employes with back pay, to withdraw recog nition from the Independent (al legedly company dominated) and to nullify the contract. Five members of the Supreme Court supported the NLRB in this stand. The four-man minority of the court dissented in vigorous terms. Without any authority from Con gress, said the minority, the NLRB is requiring the employer to police the membership practices of the union—something that it is forbid den to do by the Wagner Act. In other words, the NLRiB. with the approval of a majority of the court, notifies employers that they run the risk of severe penalties if they sign a closed shop contract knowing that the union intends to bar some em ployes from membership, thereby causing them to lose their jobs. But the union’s right to bar members it deems undesirable is fundamental to the closed shop, and employers, both as a practical matter and as a matter of law, cannot interfere with the membership practices of unions. In this situation the minority de clared: “This and the other cases before us give ground for belief that the labor movement in the United States is passing into a new phase. The struggle of the unions for recog nition and rights to bargain, and of workmen to join without Inter ference, seems to be culminating in a victory for labor forces. We ap pear now to be entering the phase of struggle to reconcile the rights of individuals and minorities with the power of those who control collec tive bargaining groups.” That is plainly a call from four members of the highest court in the land for a change in the American labor picture. They do not suggest how the change should come about, but it seems clear enough that it can come only through amendment of the labor relations law or by some other congressional enactment. I. N. Phelps Stokes The family to which he belonged for generations has been noted for its philanthropic services to human ity at large, but Isaac Newton Phelps Stokes probably surpassed most of his kin in the development of both a scientific and an artistic approach to contemporary problems. Dying at seventy-seven, he leaves a name which is sure to be remembered in connection with the study of civic evolution in America. Mr. Stokes was a practising ar chitect, sharing in the work of de signing monumental banks, schools and churches when, in 1900, Gover nor Theodore Roosevelt appointed him architectural adviser to the State Tenement House Commission. The task to which he then set him self went far beyond his original concept of it. He grew with the years, and his interests increased in number and in compelling intensity. From 1911 to 1913 he was architec tural member of the New York City Art Commission. Thereafter, he rep resented the New York Public Li brary in the same body from 1918 to 1918 and from 1921 to 1938. He was president of the commission from 1929 onward for nearly an en tire decade. But tiie scope of Mr. Stokes’ en- : deavors is not Indicated by mention of the official positions which he held. His range was infinite. There was nothing about the American metropolis which he regarded as un worthy of his attention. The fruits of his researches, his observations and his experience are preserved in his classic six-volume publication, “The Iconography of Manhattan," issue'd between 1915 and 1928. A perfectionist all through his career, he labored with patience as well as with enthusiasm from the start to the finish. The honors paid to him were numerous. Unsigned Charter The important Question concern ing the Atlantic Charter has nothin# to do with the fact that it was not signed by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. Nor does it make a vital difference whether the charter is to be regarded as a formal state document or as a mere press release. What is important *is whether the Charter is to be respected for what it has been represented to be by those who have subscribed to it. When the text of the charter was made public on August 21, 1941, Mr. Roosevelt said that he was quoting it for the information of Congress and “for the record.” The White House release expressly stated that it had been signed by the President and by the Prime Minister. That, Mr. Roosevelt says, was a mistake. But there is no mistake about the fact that it has been held forth to the world as an official statement of Allied war aims, and that it has been widely accepted as being pre cisely that. On the second anniversary of the charter Mr. Roosevelt put particular stress on the principle of “respect for the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live.” A few days later he said that he was “everlast ingly angry” only at those who assert that the four freedoms and the Atlantic Charter are nonsense because they are unattainable. On that occasion he suggested a com parison between the charter and the Declaration of Independence, Magna Charta and the Ten Command ments. Of course, the charter enjoys no such status. But it has been “sold” to the United States and to most of the world as a solemn statement of the high purposes of the Allied na tions in fighting this war. It cannot now be “unsold” without disillusion ing millions of men and women who have accepted it in the literal sense as a charter of human freedom. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. It has been a long time since this column has said anything about the cardinals, but that they are not for gotten the reader may feel sure. There are few finer birds than these, both the male and female. Every winter garden which has a pair is blessed, at least in the bird sense. Cardinals, or redbirds, as so many call them, possess an immense quality of cheer, not only through their colors, but also because of their actions. The be havior of these birds fits in exactly with the Christmas spirit. No other song has its way of notify ing the householder when the seed in the feeding device is running low. Then the cardinal flies around the house to peer at any one coming in or out the front door. Or he skims across the yard to shrubbery near the back win dows. There he sets up a peculiar cry, a sort of sharp, metallic chirp. The female seldom joins in these demonstrations. She is more reserved, resembling her coloration, but when it comes to eating she is right in at the ringside. Even here she defers to her lord and master. Few species show this traditional attitude so well. The male always eats first. The yard is fortunate which has one pair of cardinals. What may be said then of the place which enjoys the distinction of at least eight pairs? This does not always happen, seldom more than one or two years at a time. Where so many come there is every chance that every year, as long as feeding is continued, at least two or three pairs will there spend their win ter time. No songsters respond to good treatment any better. The cardinals seem to enter into the spirit of the thing. They come to feeders placed on apartment window sills in the city and arrive early at the well-stocked station in the suburban garden. The observer will have to be up early to catch their arrival. They are the first of all birds to appear and the last to leave. It is a good habit to fill the station just before dark, so that the cardinals may have it more or less to themselves. They remain long after dusk has come. This is one of the best reasons for allowing the feeding station to become empty along toward 4 o'clock these win ter afternoons. Then the common sparrows and the squirrels which have been in the crowd tend to fade away into the trees, toward their sleeping places. This gives the cardinals the chance they love. Not many birds give so plain a manifestation of satisfaction as these redbirds. They fly in with brilliance on their wings. The male mostly, of course; he is the brilliant one. The female has a sedate beauty which befits her whole character. Many observers feel that she is by far the prettier of the two, despite the flash of her mate, whose color shines against the winter background, especially in snow. The snowy background makes the cardinals look very large. In truth they are no small birds. Whiteness makes them very dark, too. Surely these are things worth con sidering, even in such times as these. Millions of men and women are not able to think of them, as they devote their time to sterner things thrust upon them by the madness of the human mind. This is no reason why those who are left should not keep true the balance. These things, too, definitely belong to the human mind. They stand as sentinels of the better life which was before and which is to come, God willing, after the fit of madness and despair wears itself out. Love seems a little thing, too, when it is devastated by the crash and flare of a block buster. When that comes, life and little love go out the window, but still Eternal Love stands behind all, smiling down through the smoke and flames with pity and understanding and forgivengss for erring humanity. Letters to The Star States a Philosophy of Verse And World Politics To the Editor of The Star: Interesting, The Star’s verbatim report of the clash occurring in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee between Archibald MacLeish and Senator Clark of Missouri. It also was a bit disturbing. Does the committee’s sudden prying into the work of one of our Pultizer Prize poets portend a new law lowering I the artistic and intellectual ceiling on all American poetry to where it will be on a parity with the mental and literary level of our average Congressman? Admitting to a love of Shakespeare, Milton and Browning, the learned Sena tor must know that much great poetry carries 'many different meanings for many different readers. The worth of a poem depends upon its ability to stir the emotions deeply. Here too, the emo tions may vary as widely as the explana tions of its text. For instance,' the explanation in the annotations to my King James version of "The Song of Solomon” differs vastly from that offered by learned students of erotica. And I'm sure the emotions which this magnificent poem evoked in the chaste bosom of my spinister Pres byterian aunt must have been far re moved from those I experienced one hot i Sunday afternoon, when perusing at the ! earnest insistance of that estimable lady j the family Bible, instead of pitching horse shoes back of a neighbor's barn as i was my natural bent, I stumbled unex- j pectedly upon that astonishing piece of fine English. Anyway politics and poesy may have a certain similitude. Now take "The Recent Defeat of the Hon. Bennett Champ Clark.” The Senator was the author, but one doubts if he quite under stands it. Certainly, his explanation would be at wide variance with that of millions of Americans who perused it with delight. And to carry the analogy fur ther: I dare say it gave rise to emotions in the breasts of the isolationists, quite | different from those that thrilled the | rest of us. DWIGHT T. SCOTT. Too Many Wrecks To the Editor of The Star. There are an alarming number of train accidents, many of which, it seems, could be avoided. The passengers, in cluding many servicemen, have to travel under this ominous shadow. Isn’t there something that can be done to give more protection to travelers? Every one is aware of the increased load of our trans portation system these days, but there are too many accidents, nevertheless. ELIZABETH WEBER. Appreciates Mr. Kent’s Chivalry To the Editor of The 8tar: Frank Kent's gallant defense of Miss Frances Perkins is a splendid instance of the inherent nobility of American ; character at its best. Miss Perkins is j worth at least a dozen of some of her j contemporaries. Her capacity for think- ! ing far exceeds that of either Mr. Tobin j or Mr. Hillman. If these latter gentle- | men were half the gentleman Frank Kent has proven himself to be, they would have admitted this long ago. COMMON MAN. The Real ‘Pin-Up’ Girls To the Editor ol The Star: Answering Capt. R. B. D.. whose letter appeared in The Star for December 15; In referring to the abundance of luxu ries in the New York shops and the throngs of women purchasers, he failed to state that for the price of one handbag, which will be out of style soon, one can buy a cabin; for the price of an outfit from head to toe, one of the cheaper ones, one can buy a bit of America on which to put the cabin. Yes, for the price of one outfit, one can purchase a home, a stabilizer, security | and incentive, the very incentive which propelled America into the grandest bit of terra firma on Mother Earth. Some thing to work and fight for! However, the captain himself and his ; brothers can give moral support. Let them openly admire and applaud the girls w’ho are neatly groomed, but not so richly outfitted. Don't laugh at the dear with a darn in her stocking. Courageous girls devote many of their evenings to laundering, mending and remodeling their wardrobes. Appreci ate their seriousness, if you have the. rare opportunity of discovering it. Please know that those girls and women are sending out myriads of prayers for you 811 who have gone from our shores for a while. My considered opinion is that these should be your "pin-up" girls. LOUISE. Another Choral Society Member To the Editor ol The Star: I read with much interest in your issue of December 13 the account of the pres entation by the Washington Choral So ciety of Handel's “Messiah” on Decem ber 12, and also the letter to the editor entitled “Choral Society Background,” from William S. Torbert. I also was a member of the original Washington Choral Society 50 years' ago, sang in all the oratorios mentioned by Mr. Torbert, and am pleased to be able to confirm his memories of the old days and to concur in his estimate of the present organization. Most of the concerts 50 years ago were held in Convention Hall, over the pres ent Center Market, which I believe was the largest available auditorium then, and others in the First Congregational. Church. Being then a young man near 20, I recall I felt quite proud to be se lected to sing in a double quartet which had a sipall part in one of the oratorios. THEO. T. SNELL. Asks Meanings of Phrases • To the Editor of The Star: I I have two questions on terms used in The Star—one employed by Mr. Churchill and one by The Star itself: 1. “The three most powerful empires which compose the grand alliance of the United Nations.” Mr. Churchill evidently is referring to the United States as an “empire.’’ An empire is the antithesis of a democracy. Is Mr. Churchill taking it for granted that we have discarded democracy? 2. “Rebel forces” shell the British in Athens (Star phraseology). Whom does The Star consider they are rebelling against? The British? I don’t think it is unpatriotic to give publicity to these questions which people i are asking everywhere. Some people say, “It will hurt the war effort.” The only thing that will prevent our losing the war and all the effort and blood that we have put in it is the widest publicity for these matters. Because whether we win in a military sense or not, we lose if we allow reactionaries to prevail. MRS. R. M. This Changing World By Constantine Brown oecreiary oi state atetunius decla ration of policy toward Poland was couched in ‘‘diplomatic English”; that is to say, it lends itself to a wide range of interpretation. Whereas in the first part of his statement he reiterated the principles of the Atlantic Charter— without, however, mentioning that docu ment by name—in the next paragraph he expressed the hope that the Russians and the Poles would come to some ar rangement over the present territorial dispute since this would be an “essen tial contribution to the prosecution of the war against the common enemy.” So far as the Polish government is concerned the statement was highly wel come. After Mr. Churchill’s speech last week the Poles felt that their situation had become hopeless and they were fighting with their backs against the wall. While it is admitted that Mr. Stettinius’ state ment contains the usual loopholes to be found in most diplomatic declarations, the Poles feel that it has given them some elbow room. Should Moscow or London try to press the government of Premier Thomasz Arciszewsky into accepting terms im posed by them, he will be in a position to bring up the American Government's declaration that "it has been the con sistently held policy of the United States Government that the question relating to boundaries should be left in abeyence until the termination of hostilities.” * * * * Premier Arciszewsky, who represented the Polish government as deputy premier with the underground in Poland, was flown from his hiding place in that country to London less than three months ago. He is fully aware of the sentiments of his compatriots regard ing territorial changes. But officially he is now taking the position that until Poland is fully liberated and free elec tions are held, there can be no final agreement on changes demanded by the U. S. S R. He now bases his stand on Mr. Stettinius' declaration that America stands for a strong, free and independ ent Poland "with the untrammeled rights of the Polish people to order their internal existence as they see fit.” Mr. Stettinius also is gently urging the Poles to appease Russia when he says that if a mutual agreement between U. S. S.R. and the Poles were reached, this would be "an essential contribution to the prosecution of the war against the common enemy” and he adds to the urging when he offers the services of the United States should the gigantic shift ing of populations become necessary by such an agreement. The Secretary of State was in close consultation with the White House and President Roosevelt during the four days which elapsed between Prime Minister Churchill's speech in the House of Commons and his own public an nouncement. He is aware that one of the several reasons which determined Premier Stalin not to proceed with an offensive against the Germans across the Vistula River was Stalin’s dissatis faction over the attitude of the British and American governments regarding his claims on Polish territory. * * * * And while our Secretary of State did not go anywhere near as far as Mr. Churchill in trying to humor the Rus sian Premier, he hoped that this gentle suggestion might be accepted in Moscow as meaning more-than it shows on the surface. But whether Moscow, which has always used a blunt and frank diplomatic language, will be willing to read between the lines of the American statement is another question. The political row between the Polish government and the U. S.S. R. has not had any effect on the Poles who are fighting the Germans on three fronts, in France, Italy and Poland, and has not impaired the Russian operations in the east. Although the political dispute be tween the government of former Premier Mikolajczyk and Moscow was at its height last summer, the Polish underground did not hesitate to assist the Red armies whenever possible. The 27 th Polish Underground Division helped the Rus sian armies defeat the Germans at Wilno. Other Polish forces helped the Rus sians at Luck in Volhynia. And finally in July when the Red armies - reached the Vistula, opposite Warsaw’, the under ground forces in the Polish capital under the command of Gen. Bor staged a bloody and desperate battle against the Germans within the city, and were decimated because of the lack of support. Hence, the Poles take the attitude that whatever the political situation may be, their men will continue to fight loyally on the side of the Allies. On the Record By Dorothy Thompson wars are won or lost oy a comDinauon of military and political means. In military affairs, given approximate ly equal intelligence of military leaders on both sides, and no egregious errors of planning and strategy, the issue is a test of strength, as measured in man power and weight and efficiency of weapons. In that test, either one de feats the enemy or is defeated by him. But war is also politics. And in the sphere of political warfare one side is never defeated by the other, but always, if defeated, by itself. This may seem a startling statement, but it can be dem onstrated in this war. During 1942 Mr. Churchill openly chortled in a speech enumerating po litical mistakes that Hitler had made in conquered countries. Churchill at that time confessed having feared that Hitler might have won over the sym pathy and support of occupied Europe. But, with relief, he noted that the Nazis had committed every conceivable blun der and antagonized Europe from end to end. If we go farther back, and assume Hitler would have liked to' dominate Europe without a war, it seems clear that w'hen he stood in Prague, without Western Europe moving a weapon, he could have captured Europe on the pacifist line, with only slight modifica tions of his domestic policy. * * * * Tit is column is not written to rejoice over the mistakes of our enemies, but to illustrate my point—namely, that our enemies cannot defeat us in the political sphere, but we can certainly defeat our selves and are well on the way to doing it. The cumulative divisions and irrita tions that have grown up between the Allies are not the result of German propaganda or diplomacy. Our enemies, in fact, are almost the only force which minimizes these irritations. When Dr. Goebbels rejoices, over statements or policies emanating from Washington, Moscow or London, we think twice before we go farther. The Morgenthau plan was Gods gift to the German resistance, and when we saw that, we stopped it. There are many similar illustrations. The Greek and the Polish situations have not been created by our enemies— to say nothing of the quarrel around the person of Count Sforza. These conflicts among the Big Three are self engineered. They are. of course, im mensely exploited by the enemy. They are the real secret weapon of the enemy, a retarded time bomb, and the enemy, fighting for time, is waiting for the explosion. But he did not lay the bomb, nor can he ignite the fuse. Only we can do it for him. What precautions have we taken to prevent political differences from paralyzing the success of our armed forces? President Roosevelt wanted to take one universal precaution, which was not to raise the question of frontiers, or the internal composition of future European governments, for the duration of hostili ties. But this precaution contained a large shot of wishful thinking. * >it * * Political issues arise in the wake of military' campaigns. A liberated coun try cannot be kept in a political vacuum. Mr. Roosevelt —and originally Mr. Churchill—had the idea that this vacuum should be filled with reference to certain principles, and these were laid down in the Atlantic Charter. But hardly was there a three-ally w-ar than each of the members of the coalition began to interpret the Atlantic Charter as it pleased. The Soviet Union dated adherence to this charter from its own entrance into the war, which im mediately ruled from its application the Baltic States, the Polish Ukraine and Bessarabia. Mr. Churchill later, and so far as I know unilaterally, decreed that it had no application to the vanquished. These defections opened a wide area for ne gotiations, which inevitably brought in disputes. But. again, the negotiators attempted to take precautions. They negotiated secretly'. This also failed. Since none of the negotiators was completely satis fied with results, and since the • gov ernments of the small countries ne gotiated about were much less satisfied and in some cases deeply alarmed, each took his case to the public, in one way or another. * * * * AH used the press directly or through leaks. The Soviet Union, for instance, has repeatedly used the Soviet press, with various degrees of authoritative ness, to bring pressure for its views. Mr. Churchill has used his owrn speeches before the House of Commons. Re cently our own Government used a press release of Mr. Stettlnius. And every one is providing journalists with the “inside dope." So suddenly, in the midst of a great German counter offensive. we have revelations calcu lated to blow the roof off. The President, who has kept mum more consistently during this war than any other leader, is to be supported in that policy. (Released by the Bell Syndicate, Ine.) Progress of Nazi Attack By Maj. George Fielding Eliot TUa _ t XI -- v/0ibuw Wi nm, Viciiiiau UUUlltCf" offensive is now a little clearer, but by no means wholly clear. The latest official word as this is written on Tuesday afternoon tells us that the Germans have been virtually stopped in Belgium, but that the Lux embourg situation is still fluid. How ever, the check in Belgium may prove only temporary; we must wait for fuller information before we can be sure. It seems increasingly certain that the Germans are trying to break into the communications zone of the 1st Army in the area between Liege and Aachen. If they should accomplish this and we could not throw them out again promptly it might become necessary to withdraw the 1st and 9th Armies behind the Meuse. Therefore a check to the German ad vance on its right flank (in Belgium) would be much more important now than a deep German penetration through Northern Luxembourg. * * * * The most important terrain feature in the crucial area is a high ridge named the Hohe-Venn, which runs from north east to southwest covering the ap proaches to Liege and Verviers from the direction of Monschau. The highway from Malmady to Verviers crosses this ridge, the River Ambleve winds its way through it farther west and another highway follows the river from Stavelot to Liege. The Germans are reported to have reached both Malmady and Stavelot, but there is as yet no indication that they have been able to capture any of the high ground along the Hohe-Venn or to penetrate the valley of the Ambleve northwest of Stavelot. They may have done either or both, of course; it can only be said now that we have no report of it if they have. * * * * If the 1st Army can hold the Hohe Venn and can build up strong striking lorces along and behind it then the farther the Germans advance westward to the south of the ridge the worse will be the disaster which will befall them later on. There can be little doubt that the most favorable outcome of this battle for the Allies would be cutting off and destruction of a great part of Von Rundstedt’s strategic reserve. In general, it may be said that our first moves must be directed toward containing the flanks of the German thrust and preventing it from spreading into our vital supply zones, especially that between Liege and Aachen. If we can do that and build up our strength along those flanks we can presently pinch it off and perhaps destroy a good many of the troops engaged in it. If not, we may have to withdraw parts of our own front. That is about the size of the situation as it stands now. Much depends on the weather, for our tactical air power is our major weapon for the swift-moving battle of inter ception and delay. The more use we can make of tactical aviation the less will be the necessity for committing our ground reinforcements to driblet*. As divisions come up to the combat zone it is far better to commit them as complete fight ing units rather than have to feed bat talions and combat groups into the line as they arrive in order to restore local situations. The degree to which the latter course is forced upon us may affect the subsequent course of events materially. This counterattack may turn out to be the last desperate throw of a ruined gamester—but for the moment it is a dangerous threat which it will take time and lives and tremendous effort to check. It should serve as a lesson to all of us, and especially to the wishful thinkers on the home front, that we are fighting a war with resourceful and desperate foes who can never be counted out until they actually are out. (Oaerrlsht. 1944. New Tortt Tribune.) * Mindoro News Reports Seen Causing Friction Disservice Done to MacArthur By Communiques, Says Writer By David Lawrence Gen. Douglas MacArthur is doing a splendid job in the Far East, but who ever writes his official communiques from time to time is doing a disservice both to the general and to his reputa tion for fairness. The American people are very much interested in what the United States Navy does in the war against Japan, but if they read some of Gen. Mac Arthur’s communiques they will not find it out. Under the unified command set up, Gen. MacArthur is responsible for the issuance of information to the public with respect to all units under his com mand—Army, Navy and Air Forces. The idea of a unified command was arrived at after much bickering between the armed services themselves, because they feared that if a naval operation were put under an Army man, or if Army operations were put under a naval chief, there would be a tendency to over-em phasize the work of one service as against the other. Unhappily, there is too much evidence that these fears were well grounded. Certainly the MacArthur communiques have created in Washington a very un favorable impression. Thus in the initial announcement of the Mindoro operation in the Philip pines, which involved a very remarkable exploit by the United States Navy, there is no substantial account of what the Navy did. First Communique. The firrt communique, published last Saturday morning, from Gen. Mac Arthur’s headquarters about the Min doro operation started out as follows: “Our ground troops by an overwater movement from Leyte. 600 statute miles, v have landed on the island of Mindoro. In an amphibious operation of all services we have seized dominant beaches along the southern coast of this westernmost Visayan island. "The landing, which was effected w'ith little loss, was preceded by local naval and air bombardment and an air neu tralization of all enemy Philippine fields which destroyed 250 enemy planes." The rest of the communique made no further mention of the Navy’s part in the operation, and yet a total of 480 words more was included in the com ; munique giving details of what the Army was doing in connection with the landing. Some of the press dispatches from MacArthur’s headquarters naturally fol I lowed the same line of news as was | contained in the communique, and it was only in the next few days that special dispatches told the American people ■ what a remarkable job was done by the United States Navy in transporting such a large number of troops 600 miles in the face of enemy action. It is apparent that the enemy knew | from airplane reconnaissance that the ] big convoy was moving and attacks were | made while the convoy was en route, i Later on it was disclosed also that car \ rier planes from the United States Navy 1 had carried on a devastating attack on j Japanese airfields in Luzon. Little by little, the facts have leaked out that an extraordinary job without precedent in the history of naval warfare was ac complished by the carrier planes of the United States Navy in attacking Luzon. Question of Jealousies. Instead of giving a comprehensive | picture of the whole operation and tell i ing the American people what their | Navy had done to make possible the | landing by Gen. MacArthur’s troops, the | official communique from MacArthur s | headquarters was devoted almost wholly to details of scattered operations on land. It is precisely this kind of thing which gives rise to the assumption that inter sendee jealousies are responsible for such unbalanced announcements. It may, of course, be due to a lack of co ordination between Gen. MacArthurs headquarters and other units in his operation, though it seems difficult to imagine that the commander in chief at Leyte didn't know' what the Navy was doing in connection with an opera tion that had to be planned so long in • advance. The American people have been told | that inter-service jealousies were re j sponsible for some of the mistakes at I Pearl Harbor, and there has been much ! favorable comment on the improvement 1 that has been made in the co-operation ■ of the commanders of our armed services in joint operations since then. But the morale of all the services is a much more important factor than has been generally realized, and hence those w'ho write the official communiques should be cognizant of the many delicate problems involved. (Reproduction Right* Reserved.) Canada's War From the Toronto Star. Mr. Cardin, like a great many of his compatriots, appears to regard Canada's participation in the war largely as “aid to Britain." It cannot be said too often or too emphatically that, while Canada is bound to the motherland by ties of affection and sentiment the Dominion is fighting this war as an aid to herself. And as an aid to the continued exist ence of freedom and decency in this troubled world. Britain is an advance post in the defense of Canada against Nazi aggression which contemplated a conquest of this hemisphere—a conquest of Canada. The Three Wise Men ("Behold three wise men came .. . and lo, they saw a Star") From distant lands, and peoples strange before, Three men come now to plan a world more free; And one remembers grim Corregidor, One Stalingrad, one blazing Coven try. • Their eyes must have the far and searching sight, To look beyond the holocaust -today. Beyond the bitterness and scorching blight To that same star that ever points the way. The strength of giving must be in their hands, High courage in their hearts, and mercy, too; Their ears be open to all fust demands, Their goal be brotherhood, their aim be true. The waiting nations lift their urgent cries, *These are our chosen men, God keep them tolsef" ISABEL TUDEEN.