Newspaper Page Text
With Sunday Mamina Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WA8HIN6*ON, D. C. — Tho Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: 11th Ht. and Pennsylvania Ave. Ifew York Offlce: 110 East 42d St. Chicaco Office: 436 North Michigan Ava. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. EfltortiTt OcUPer i» 1044. UtUn 4 Bindiyt. ft Hiaftirt. and Sundtsr. 90c per mo 01.00 ptr mo. I Star... 60c per month, r NUT. . . 10e per copy. ■al Edition. 4 Sundays. 6 Sundaes, ind Sunday. $1.00 mo $1.10 mo. Itar. 76c ner month. Rates by Mall—Payable In Advance. Anywhere in United States. _ _ 1 month. 6 months, i rear Evening and Sunday ..SI .00 Sfl.00 $12. on Tha Bvanlat (tar_ .75 4.no s.no Tha Sunday Star_ .60 2.60 5.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at tha Post Offlce. Washington. D C„ as ttcond-clsts mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Astoclated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of sll news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited In this paper and alto tha local news published herein All rlshte of publication of special dispatches herein alto era reserved. A^^^^^^FRTOAY^RIay^MjJMS It Hurts Public Housing It has been difficult for the public housing authorities to defend the rental of lowest-cost housing to tenants who are not in the lowest Income groups. So it will be a beneficial move ment, in so far as public housing is concerned, if John Ihlder, execu tive officer of the National Capital Housing Authority, is able to elim inate from his tenant rolls most of the 679 families whose income is in excess of $3,000 a year. His statement of plans in this connection, sent to the House Dis trict Committee, discusses his in tentions in this respect. It is a good statement, but it leaves the distinct impression that Mr. Ihlder’s sym pathy for his tenant* has convinced him of more reasons to retain as tenants than to evict those who earn $3,000 and up. The law which Mr. Ihlder cites as authority for the greater part of his low-rent financing states that these dwellings “shall be available solely for families whose net income at the time of admission does not exceed five times" the rental charged for public housing. In the cases of large families, the ratio is raised to six to one. And while Mr. Ihlder doubt less complied with the letter of the law at the time families were ad mitted, the later increase in their Incomes has made them, in the spirit in which the law was written, in eligible. To evict the families because of rising income at a time when there was a serious undersupply of private housing would have been, as Mr. Ihlder contends, a hardship as well as illogical. As more private hous ing becomes available, Mr. Ihlder Is notifying “some" of his tenants that they must move. But the ex emptions he has adopted are rather broad. And if the public housing authorities themselves do not initi ate and consistently press for the ‘ graduation" from public housing of those whose incomes reach a reason able level, the public is simply not going to support public housing. Public housing has been accepted as an alternative to the continued existence of the slums. But when slum dwellers remain in the slums, while public housing is made avail able to selected individuals whose incomes are in the $3,000-or-over level, the whole undertaking as sumes an aspect foreign to its pur pose and is discredited in the public mind. The friends of public housing should be the first to insist that low-cost housing meets the need solely of those for whom private enterprise has in the past been un able to provide. Himmler and Evil Evil wears many disguises. In Heinrich Himmler it had the face of a mild-mannered man, the face of j a husband and father who in the bosom of his own family was known, affectionately, as “Bube.” It wore glasses. It had a little mustache. As far as the flesh went, it looked like just another human being, with nothing much to distinguish it from the mass. Yet how black was the hidden heart and mind, and how twisted the soul! It was called “Bube” at home, and perhaps there were a few who loved it. but in its role as chief of the Gestapo and fuehrer of the SS, this was the devil incarnate. One must be mystical about some things. One must be mystical about them because they cannot be explained adequately in ordinary physical terms. The dark Himmler phenomenon, like the phenomenon of Hitler an'* the whole Nazi movement, lends it self to interpretation in the language of demonology quite as much as in the language of psychiatry or medi cine or statecraft gone mad. This creature used whip and truncheon, gun and knife, gallows and chopping block, to regiment, torment and de stroy literally millions of people in its own land and abroad in Europe. Why did it do what it did? Why the insensate and obscene atrocities? Why the organized sadism? Why the reveling in blood, and more blood, and more blood still? The sinister thing sometimes af fectionately known as “Bube” was as deadly and violent as the potas sium cyanide with which it has just killed itself. But what made it that way, why it was such a bottomless source of crime, is a question that must baffle the earth-bound. Possibly we should not bother to look for the answer in sophisticated books on psychoanalysis or on morals and the endocrine glands. Possibly the ex planation is nearer to hand in the numerous ancient and simple leg ends about the antichrist or about 8atan—the Prince of Darkness—tak ing human'form and moving for ever, tirelessly, through the cities of the world In an unending struggle with the forces of light. In Himmler, in any case, in this temple of flesh now pulled down by its own hand, there seemed to dwell not a man but a fiend. Its name will be a curse for generations, but be yond that it should be a grim and constant reminder to mankind that evil is not appeasable and that it can go terribly far—just as the Naziism did—if its disguises are discovered late and the eternal war against it slackens. Discontent in Japan Signs of popular war weariness are beginning to appear in Japan. That is officially admitted by recent Tokyo broadcasts as well as implied by current defense measures of an almost desperate character. isariy mis weex. JNaisuxi isaxano, who holds the office of procurator general, a post roughly correspond ing to our Attorney General, made a statement surprising in its frank ness. He admitted “the growth of peace agitation in a portion of the i populace” because of the war situa j tion. This admission was made be fore a special meeting of the highest law enforcement officers of the em pire. Advising his subordinates to order arrests for "any speech that might cause disorder in the national unity,” the procurator general went on: “The first thing to be stressed in regard to ideological violations is the control of speech and action agitating peace. It will be impossible to repulse the enemy outside Japan if there is not perfect unity within Japan.” And it should be noted that this revealing address coincided with a series of broadcasts for home con sumption warning the populace to turn in without reading all pam phlets dropped by American planes. All this is certainly a change of tune from previous official boasts concerning the unshakable loyalty and fanatical unity of the Japanese people for a war lasting, if need be, 100 years until the annihilation of Japan’s enemies. Equally remarkable are some of the recipes for strength ening the national will proposed in official and nonofficial quarters. For instance, a leading newspaper, the Tokyo Shimbun, points to “the pow erful leadership of Stalin, based on Sovietism,” which “completely re generated Russia” and enabled the Soviet Union to overcome “a danger of defeat far greater” than that now facing Nippon; from which the pa per concludes that, from this com bination. Japan could draw the “in spiration and ingenuity” needed to defeat the “Anglo-American capital ist aggression.” This is. indeed, amazing, when it .is remembered that anything savor ing of approval for Communism has been officially anathema in Japan. Even if the editorial in question can be set down as an attempt to curry favor with Moscow, it implants what is traditionally known as a highly "dangerous thought” in the minds of its readers. Yet the Tokyo radio broadcasts it as something especially worthy of note. Perhaps such innovations indicate sweeping changes in the spirit and methods of the propaganda depart ment. which is now undergoing a drastic shaking up that will probably be completed by the beginning of June. That is the date fixed for the full “rejuvenation” of the so-called “cultural phases” of domestic propa ganda, ordered last month by the cabinet “for the purpose of launch ing a new enlightenment program in military, diplomatic and political lines.” Granted that it “takes all kinds of people to make a world,” it does seem that a very few of some varieties is an awful lot too many. Persons with all the answers, for instance. East Indies Bibliography There was a time, perhaps, when the people of the United States could afford to be indifferent about the people of so remote an archi pelago as the Netherlands East Indies, roughly eight thousand miles away. But the accidents of war have brought America into a new and relatively close relation with the Dutch colonies adjacent to the Philippines in a way which is apt to become more intimate in the months and the years immediately ahead. A bibliography of books and periodical articles on the Nether lands East Indies published since 1930, therefore, was certain to be of interest to many citizens of the United States, including statesmen, economists, military and naval per sonnel, journalists and others. The Library of Congress, anticipating the need, has brought out what seems to be exactly the sort of com pendium likely to be wanted. Filling two hundred and eight two-column pages, the list is divided into eight een classifications with such sub heads as “geology, oceanography and meteorology,” “anthropology,” “human geography,” “history and archeology,” “social conditions,”! “language and literature,” “arts,” “science and technology,” “educa tion,” “government and administra tion” and “law.” There are thirty three different sections devoted to as many different islands beginning with Alor and ending with Timor and a comprehensive division on “World War II and Reconstruction.” The whole enterprise represents a variety of co-operation between the Library and private institutions and patrons which properly is becoming more and more common. A grant from the Coolidge Foundation, “a. trust for the benefaction of man kind” with headquarters at Los Angeles, made possible the develop ment of a “unit” for assignment to the task. The research staff was composed of Bertus H. Wabeke, Mrs. Emily S. Wabeke, Mrs. Annette Scheltema, Miss Maria W. Jur rlaanse and Miss Elly Van Aalten. Dr. Amry Vandenbosch gave advice and counsel, and Harvard, Yale and other universities, as well as the New York Public Library and other biblio graphic establishments collaborated. If only because it may serve as a model for similar efforts with regard to other portions of the still imperfectly known globe, this latest example of the Library as a produc tive organization would deserve to be commended. Of course, it is being distributed at the cost of its printing. It is in no sense a com mercial undertaking. The first copies have gone to the fighting forces in the West Pacific. Hopkins-Davies Missions Harry Hopkins’, new mission to Moscow very clearly indicates that positive action is being taken to iron out the differences that have developed between this country and Russia since the Crimea Conference. As one of the key American repre sentatives at that conference, Mr. Hopkins—confidant of the late President Roosevelt—is peculiarly well qualified, as President Truman says, to undertake the task. He and Premier-Marshal Stalin have had long talks together several times in the past and another session be tween them should go far toward clearing the air of much of the misunderstanding now existing among the "Big Three.” Coupled with Joseph E. Davies’ parallel mis sion to London, Mr. Hopkins’ sig nificant assignment, as the White House itself declares, is part of a "general pattern” which is to include a personal Stalin-Churchill-Truman get-together to reach decisions and agreements that can be reached only at this highest level of political au thority. Such a gathering is impera tive, and since both Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Davies can do much to lay the groundwork for it at this time, Mr. Truman is wise in availing himself of their services. The general elec tion in Britain, by placing special campaign demands on Mr. Churchill, may tend somewhat to complicate the situation, but it is obvious that an early "Big Three” meeting is in the making. The international atmosphere is therefore perceptibly brighter, and if all goes well with the Hopkins-Davies journeys, there should be solid ground for reason able optimism when the President finally sits at the same table with the Prime Minister and the Premier Marshal. It often is said that ‘‘man is nat urally selfish,” yet anybody who reads intelligently the story of this double war must realize that man also naturally is altruistic, brave and valiant. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. "BETHESDA. "Dear Sir: "I saw a bird in my yard the other day that I did not know. It seemed to be more streamlined than the wood thrush and yet chestier, if I make myself plain. "The breast was spotted heavier than the wood thrush, and the spots went far back on the stomach. The back struck me as a different shade of brown, prob ably with more olive in it. i "The bird was just about the same size as the wood thrush. It undoubtedly was a thrush of some sort. I have many wood thrushes in the garden all summer and know them intimately. "There were two of these birds. When I first saw them, they flew up into a maple together and sat together; later I saw them together in the grass, not more than 2 feet apart. "I have never seen a pair of wood thrushes together so faithfully. If you can identify these birds for me I will ap preciate it veA much. The feathers looked rather rough. If it had not been too soon for baby wood thrushes, I might have thought that was what they were. "Sincerely, M. J. D.” * * * * These birds probably were the gray cheeked thrush. There are seven thrushes which cjme here, eight if you count the robin, and nine if you take in the bluebird. These, of course, are really thrushes, althoueh we never stop to think of them as such, in the ordinary course of events, wr robin is our robin and our bluebird is our bluebird. Time and custom have seen to that. The gray-cheeked thrush is 7% inches long, which also is the official size of the wood thrush. The gray-cheeked is fairly common in migration, being seen here usually from May 10 to 26 and in the fall be tween September 21 and October 7. It is very difficult to tell it from Bick nell's thrush. Probably most of the lat ter are put down as the gray-cheeked thrush. The scientific name of the gray cheeked thrush is Hylocichla minima aliciae. The “aliciae" means “Alice” and stands for a member of the family of the man, one Baird, who gave the bird its scien tific name. Hence this thrush sometimes is known as Alice’s thrush, certainly a very pretty name. It is one of the birds which sings in flight. Others are the bobolink, the yel low-breasted chat and the ovenbird. Bicknells thrush, previously men tioned, is slightly smaller than the gray cheeked. It is more common in the Catskills. The grav-cheeked thrush comes all the way from Peru to visit us and then goes on to Alaska. The nest is in a low tree, and now and then even on the ground: It is large, woven of grasses and lined with finer ones. Some dried moss also is used. Usually four eggs are laid. These are green-blue, speckled with rusty spots. The back of this bird is grayish-olive, as our correspondent discovered. The heavy spots go much farther back on the underside of the gray-cheeked thrush than do the spots of the wood thrush, whose color on the back is much redder. Thrushes which come here are the wood thrush, the veery (Wilson’s thrush), the willow thrush, the gray-cheeked thrush, Bicknell’s thrush, olive-backed thrush, the hermit thrush, the robin and the bluebird. The hermit thrush is seen here only in deep woods, such as are found in Rock Creek Park. A few of them spent the winter there. , The wood thrush remains the most abundant and popular hereabouts. No one who has watched this bird and listened to its beautiful song will ever cease to wonder over and be happy be cause of its turning from the forests to the homes of men. The hermit remains a hermit, but the wood thrush comes to our suburban places and makes himself at home, much to the satisfaction of all. Letters to The Star Says Americans Will Remember De Valera’s Unfriendliness To the Editor of The Star: The labored defense by Prime Min ister de Valera of his policy of neu trality for Eire does not ring true In American ears. His arguments sound specious when we remember his attack on the United States for sending our armed forces to Northern' Ireland, not a part of Eire, in a critical period of the war: when we recall other evi dences of unfriendliness, such as the refusal of his government to offer the wholehearted assurances to the United States given by other neutrals that Nazi war criminals would not be harbored; his visit to the German Legation in Dublin to express condolences for the death of Hitler at a time when the Nazi government was gasping its last breath under the crushing might of the United States and its Allies, and his censorship which prevented publication of an article acclaiming the generalship of Gen. Patton, but permitted publication of an article praising the achievements of the Nazi Marshal Rommel. And last, but not least, we have stamped on our memory the outrageous breaking of windows In the American Legation at Dublin on V-E Day by Mr. de Valera's followers who didn't like the Idea of the Nazis losing the war. Mr. de Valera will be well advised to remember that Americans wiH not soon ’forget these things. It is heartening to know that despite the actions of Mr. de Valera and his government there were gallant young men of Eire who fought valiantly in the armed forces of the United Nations in defense of those human liberties against whose proponents the neutrality of Eire was slanted. M. R. WILKES. Wishes Refugees Barred. 1 To the Editor of The Star: I note in the press that Representative Dickstein, chairman of the Committee i on Immigration and Naturalization, now , is doing what generally was predicted j would take place when refugees were admitted into this country, namely, de j manding that they be allowed to remain here. This was denied by the advocates for such admissions. I wonder how many of the so-called refugees and others are here without compliance w-ith the immigration laws as they are now on the statute books, and this wonder is largely prompted by the fact that we are expecting to have some 8,000,000 or 10,000.000 out of em ployment when the shakedown comes. The particular refugees referred to by Mr. Dickstein are not large in number, but this will be an entering wedge for further relaxation of the immigration laws. We do not need a single immi grant of any kind here and I hope that those who have the interests of this country in their keeping will see to it that our prospective unemployment proolem is not augmented. There, of course, are some foreigners whom we would dislike to exclude, but, as in vidious distinctions cannot be made without repercusions, a general exclusion should be made. G. W. WILLIAMS. - t Happy Days Recalled. To the Editor of The Star: Anent the letter of Jesse C. Suter in The Star of May 16, it is my privilege and pleasure to indorse all he has stated concerning the "Lackaye" family. They were Lackty in those days—except pro fessionally. I am a steady reader and admirer of all the oldtime histories of our dear cld Washington, as so ably and graphically depicted by our beloved and esteemed John Clagett Proctor, and I know he will be glad to have one or two "old timers" like ourselves set him straight if he sometimes errs or deviates in the matter of the personnel of some of the old families, well known and remem bered by some of us still here. I was well acquainted with both Wil ton and James (we called him Jimmie) Lackey. Jimmie and I pleasantly were associated in several light operas, "The Mascot" being a special one I remember, and he was so funny. Helen and Katie ! both were contemporaries and members | of dear old St. Aloysius Choir at the : time. I was the soprano in the quar tet (about six years), Pauline Whitaker was the alto, Jimmie Nolan the bass and A1 Fennett tenor. Miss Jennie Glennan was our organist. Miss Whit aker. Miss Glennan and I still are here. The Lackey girls were part of our won derful ensemble choir, as well as was Blanche Muir Dalgleish. “Them was the happy days,” as our good friend Dick Mansfield would say. KITTIE THOMPSON BURTON. — Explains Austrian Groups To the Edltoa of The Stir: In The Star for May 16 I read again in an editorial entitled "And Now Austria" that there is “no representa tion of the moderate or conservative parties, notably the Catholics" in the provisional Austrian government. Please let me refer to my letter to the editor, published in The Star of May 5, in which the character of the Christian Social party as a—and the only—Catholic and conservative party in Austria was explained. Since this party is represented in the cabinet through three prominent members—Dr. Eduard Heinl (industry, trade and transport), Rudolph Buchinger (agri culture) and Leopold Kumschals (min ister without portfolio), the provisional government actually represents a coali tion of Social Democrat, Communist and Catholic (Christian Social) groups. MAX LEDERER, Formerly Ministerial Councilor in the Austrian Ministry of Education. No ‘Legal’ Revolution Provided To the Editor of The Star: A bill has been introduced in Con gress which would imprison any one for advocating any change in our form of government by any except lawful means. Don’t our representatives understand that there never was a government which provided any legal method for Its own abolishment? All fundamental change, since the beginning of history, has come In defi ance of the established law of the upholders of the status quo. When things get bad enough, we are going to have changes, law or no law. HENRY BURNSON. Might Use It Prom the Topeka Capital. Over in Germany a Yank division captured 10 carloads of red tape. It seems the stuff was Intended to be used for making arm bands for mem bers of the Nasi party. Now, of course, it will not serve that purpose. And what will the Yanks do with all that red tape? Any bids from Washington? * This Changing World By Constantine Brown Harry Hopkins was sent to Moscow to "explore” the political views of Premier Stalin. President Truman decided on this action because the meeting of the Big Three will have to be postponed until the middle of July on account of the general elections in the United Kingdom. It is no longer a secret that the end of the war in Europe has brought forth a political situation in which the United States, Great Britain and the U. S. 8. R. appear to be much more at loggerheads than the Allies were at the end of the World War. The rift among these three major powers is both in the field of their con ception of how the world peace should be organized and also in the matter of practical politics. The center of the political storm is the U. S. S. R., whose future attitude is the key to whether the world will revert to a peace status or remain “on the alert” for an indefi nite number of years. * * * * t None of the agreements which were signed by President Roosevelt, Premier Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill— as a preliminary practical operation on which the success of the San Francisco Conference depended—is now being ap plied. Unilateral actions in regard to the former satellites of Germany have not been abandoned. Moreover, the treatment of defeated Germany is not applied uniformly by the three principal partners in this war. The administration in Washington says the rift is not of its own making. The question of the governments estab lished unilaterally by the U. S. S. R. in Romania, Bulgaria and Austria could have been easily disposed of if Russia, in accordance with the Yalta agree ments, had only consulted its partners on its plai.s to organize governments under the leadership of people the Kremlin recognized as "friendly.” The American government, according to highly responsible officials, would not have objected to either Premier Groza in Romania or Dr. Karl Renner in Aus tria. The American political interests in the Balkans are very limited. Presi dent Roosevelt in 1943 informed Prime Minister Churchill of this fact and his policies on that score are strictly ad hered to by his successor. * * * * The Polish question could have been settled in a similar manner. The Yalta agreement provided for an "expansion" of the Lublin Committee. It would have been very easy for the Soviet govern ment to Include one or two “names” such as former Premier Mikolajczyk, who was well regarded by the Kremlin, and thus find at least a temporary solu tion to the Polish problem. Some American diplomats, who at one time were hopeful that this solution would be adopted by the Russian gov ernment on the eve of the San Francisco Conference, based their hopes on the somewhat cynical diplomatic experience that an individual* need not remain in office longer than it is desired. Yet the U. S. S. R. government preferred to re main adamant and create a crisis which otherwise would never have hit the pub lic eye. Because of the uneasiness created in this country and in Great Britain over the disregard of formal agreements, the American and British governments "called” Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia when he also attempted to take a uni lateral action in regard to Trieste, Venezia Giulia and Carinthia. The strong measures adopted by the American and British governments stopped Tito. He is said to have been advised by Moscow to change his atti tude toward the Allies who supported him and provided his troops with arms and ammunition. * * * * The entire picture of postwar collab oration among the major Allies is caus ing the greatest concern. President Truman and Prime Minister Churchill are fully aware of the dangers ahead and both agreed to have another meet ing with Premier Stalin to discuss, and if possible settle, the various matters which are causing the rift. Mr. Hopkins knows Premier Stalin well. Besides having attended the Te heran and Yalta Conferences he has accomplished two personal missions in Moscow. It is true that on both these errands he went to discuss Ihe amount of supplies the Red armies and the Rus sian people required from lesRe-lend funds. Nevertheless, he is considered by the administration as the best man to "explore” the mind of the Soviet leader. His exploratory trip will determine whether a meeting of the Big Three, after the elections in Great Britain, will be likely to yield positive results, and the future parley will depend largely on his reports to President Truman. On the Record By Dorothy Thompson ROME —It is essential to try to see the political plan behind Tito’s action in Istria and Slovene Littoral around Trieste. In my opinion it cannot be regarded as a move for Yugoslavia, but is part of an all-embracing Soviet plan In the Danubian Valley. As a port for Yugoslavia, Trieste is useless. Fiume is far better, as is Salo nika on which Tito also has his eye aided by the disgruntled Elas. Trieste also, though unquestionably an Italian city, is of little value to Italy. And since the last war which | awarded it to Italy, with the breakup ' of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it has been half dead. But it is a normal port for the Danubian states of Aus tria, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. If we conceive the Soviets holding Vienna, Budapest and Prague, we must contemplate a federation of Soviet dominated states from the Baltic to the Adriatic with Trieste essential as a southern outlet, and Tito not acting for Yugoslavia but as the instrument of a larger scheme for the acquisition of Trieste as an outlet for central Euro ; pean states. This is bound to be an immensely popular scheme in Prague, which be fore this war had to ship goods via Germany or through Austria and Italy. ' Also Hungary for which Trieste was a pre-1918 port and Austria which pos , sessed the port in the days of the Aus trian Empire would favor such an i acquisition. * * * * Prom the economic viewpoint and as a hold on the gateway to Western Eu I rope, the plan is logical and construc i live. Previous to the World War the ! Austro-Hungarian Empire embracing present Czechoslovakia, much of Ro mania and almost all of Yugoslavia j except Serbia with an outlet through ; Trieste was a thriving economic com i plex. It was more than self-sufficient in food, with a good merchant fleet plying out of Trieste. Tito himself Is no Yugoslav national ist. He was born fn Slovenia, educated at Vienna University, both within Aus tro-Hungary, and spent years of his life training in Moscow as a most vig orous Russian agent for Central Europe. It is surely not without importance that he has built up as the strongest those parts of Yugoslavia formerly embraced by Austro-Hungary, putting aside Ser bia and even treating with extraordi nary tolerance the former Hungarian Ustachl. Also unconfirmed reports disclosed at the Austrian capital, Vienna, say the ; Russians brought in food with no ra- ! tioning. Their occupation is aimed to win over the population. The Renner government is a coalition, though Com munists significantly hold the port folios of education and interior thus con trolling propaganda and the police, while a Hungarian emigre from the north of Hungary of undetermined 'politics holds the ministry of defense. If an enlarged version of the Austro Hungarian Empire is created under So viet dictation and allied with Eastern Germany, Berlin Soviets will make a political coup which will resound through the continent, offset by literally no constructive European program of the western Allies who, from the At lantic Charter onward, have preserved the outworn principle of restoration of sovereign autonomous states, advancing no European concept, either political or economic, an^j offering no strong sup port to those European parties which advocate a European federation. # * * * In Italv there are three parties— Action, Lioeral and Socialist. All three advocate a federal union in Europe, which has followers also in France, Austria and Germany and which alone would permit the creating of several German states from the Reich without Balkanizing and disintegrating Europe. But they have had no vigorous support from us, whereas the Soviets with a clear European plan imposed by a combination of intelligence and force have the ex clusive support of personalities favoring an immense and seemingly Moscow financed propaganda campaign. Military Necessity By Maj. George Fielding Eliot The conduct of military operations on and through the territory of an allied state always produces a con siderable crop of irritating problems and minor frictions. It was so in 1914 18, when British and later American troops were operating in France, and dependent for their supplies on the use of French ports and railways. It has been so on the western front in this war, with the added difficulty that the taking over of authority by the newly created French government and by thg Belgian and Dutch governments in exile had to be accomplished while active military operations were still in progress, and had therefore to be ac commodated to military necessities. We should, therefore, be ready to understand that the Russians operating in and through Poland, Romania, Bul garia, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Hun gary and Austria have had similar diffi culties and been under similar necessi ties arising from the military situation of their armies. We should likewise understand that Russian political ideas being different from our own, the Rus sians have found solutions for the politi cal part of these difficulties along dif ferent lines than those which have seemed suitable to the American and British governments. For one thing, they did not have to take into account a critical press and a sometimes super sensitive public opinion * * * * In Poland, the Russians entered a country which, for all its hatred of Germans and its record of gallant re sistance to them, for all the fact that not one Quisling was ever found to aid them, yet was inhabited by a popu lation which has no love for Russians either—and has in the past had little reason to love them. In Bulgaria the Russians had to deal with people who had been fighting Russia’s' allies though not at war with Russia itself, and who have a particularly unsavory record in international dealings. Only in Bohe mia and Moravia and in some parts of Yugoslavia could the Russian troops and officials feel that they were really on friendly territory and among a friendly people. It might, therefore, be a good idea to keep in mind these military diffi culties in considering what the Rus sians have done in Eastern Europe. Up to V-E day—which was only a little over two weeks ago—the Russians were engaged in a bitter struggle with the German armies of the east. The Germans were surrendering to the western Allies, army by army, wherever they could; but they were 'not sur rendering to the Russians, they kept up their resistance in the east to the bitter end. The Russian armies were supplied by long land-borne lines of supply stretching across all the lands intervening between Russia apd Ger many—notably through Poland. These lines were partly rail lines, and partly they were just the rather poor roads of the region, few of them surfaced with anything but dirt. While the western Allies, toward the end of the fighting, had good ports, a rapidly improving railway system and an excellent network of hard-surfaced roads, the Russians had to get along under far greater handicaps. These handicaps could be overcome only by greatly increased manpower along the lines of supply. Hard manual labor had to take the place of machine labor at depots, transfer and refilling points and regulating stations, and in the constant repair and improvement of the roads. A strict control of the whole area, including its civilian police and econ omy, becomes much more essential un der these conditions than when modern methods of transport are available. Our own experience in North Africa is a case in point. But in no case can an army commander afford to have dis order and uncertain political condi tions in an area through which his line of communications passes. * * * * The judgments that some American observers have been so ready to pass on Russian proceedings in Eastern Eu rope are, considered by these stand ards, decidedly premature. It is only now, when the war in Europe is over, when the pressure of military neces sity has been largely removed, that we may begin to examine Russian policy in Eastern Europe more critically, and may begin to draw purely political in ferences from Russian acts or omis sions. The Russian practice of making uni lateral decisions has always been de plorable, from our point of view, but it has had its excuse in military neces sity, and both we and the British have done the same thing under the same spur. Now, however, military necessity no longer exists in Europe. We may hope—and this writer believes there is good reason to hope—that there will be a greater tendency all around to arrive at concerted and agreed de cisions after due oonsulttalon. (Coprrlfht, te«s.> Jap Surrender Offer Held Probable Soon Russian Entry in War Would Seal Fate of Nippon, Says Observer By David Lawrence Will Russia enter the war against Japan? This ques'tion is often discussed In various quarters at San Framffisco and it is a subject of considerable spec ulation here, too. Officials of our Gov ernment refuse to Indicate, either pub licly or privately, any predictions, and the same thing is true of officials of the British government. The speculation, therefore, outside the Government often takes the form or analyzing what might be Russia’s ad vantages fn going in or staying out e the war and what reaction possibly is developing in Japan on the same sub ject. For certainly the possibility of Russia’s entrance into the war is as much considered in Tokyo as it is else where and it cannot be overlooked that Russia, in denouncing her neutrality pact with Japan, specifically referred to the latter as an aggressor state. There have been some significant dis patches from the Far East, too, in the last few weeks. One of them quoted a Chinese newspaper as urging the Rus sians to open a front in Siberia. An other dispatch was from Tokio and told of improvement in relations be tween Russia and Japan. Diplomacy Well Known. There can be no doubt that Japan does not want Russia in the war. At tempts by diplomatic action to persuade Moscow not to denounce the neutrality treaty when the time for such notice came last month are well known to have been made. Why, then, does Japan want Russia to stay out of the war in the Far East? One reason is the virtual certainty that Russia will ask for territorial conces sions at the expense of Japan. The acquisitions commonly suggested are those referring to Manchuria and the restoration of Dairen, or Port Arthur, which was wrested from Russia by Ja pan in the war of 1904. Also there has been talk that Russia would want to include Korea in her sphere of influence. The famous Cairo Declaration prom ised thj return of Manchuria to China and pledged the independence of Korea "in due course.’’ Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, the late President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill signed that pronouncement. It was made be fofe they went to Teheran, and natural ly, since Russia was still on terms of neutrality with Japan at the time, the Russians are not considered parties to the Cairo agreement. But, it may be asked, if Manchuria and Korea are to be taken from Japan anyway what difference does it make to Japan whether Russia or China be comes the new owner—both presumably bode ill for the future of Japan. Ac tually, how’ever, there are reasons for believing that the Japanese, if they had to choose between China or Russia in Manchuria, would prefer China. This ' is because the recent ‘history of China has shown her to be lacking in na tional unity and Japanese business in terests might feel that, while then country would be giving up sovereignty over Manchuria, a postwar partnership between Japanese and Chinese business interests with other foreign financing could not impede the economic recovery of Japan as much as could a Russian occupation and control. If Japan then sees advantages in keeping Russia out of the war and Tokyo knows that there can be no nego tiated peace and no terms except un conditional surrender, would Tokyo be inclined to consider a termination of the war before Russia could possibly enter the conflict? Offer Seen Likely Soon. There are some who know Japanese psychology and who believe this is a probability. Along with this is the be lief that an offer of unconditional sur render by Japan in the next 90 days or six months is well within the realm of probability. If Japan fails to surrender within that time it will be only because her businessmen who are influential have failed to persuade the military group that the entrance into the war by Russia would be ruinous for Japan. Then, if Russia did enter the war, clearly such a step would seal the fate of the Japanese for generations to come. Her plants and factories would | be completely destroyed beyond the | point of any possible restoration. | The main hope of an early ending of the war against Japan may be based at the moment on the belief that as danger to Japan of Russian entrance ; into the war increases, the reasons for a Japanese surrender grow more per suasive. As for Russia's intentions, the Japanese know it would take many months for a military supply system to be established to transfer the might of Russia from Europe to Asia and hence any action toward a surrender would better be taken in the near future. The present period or breathing spell is not difficult for the Japanese to estimate and only if they feel sure Russia will stay out of the war will they take the risk of prolongation. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) A Great Historian Prom the St. Louts Star-Times. With the death of Carl L. Becker of Cornell, the United States loses one of its most distinguished historians. He was a scholar who wrote with warmth and vision—a man who made the past serve the present and even the future. Deeply familiar with the founding fa thers. he believed that their faith In freedom was ever our best guide. Prairie Dream Here are the distances that lure the soul Across wide sweeps of prairie grass and sand; Make haste if you would reach the beckoning goal That lies beyond the touch of sky and land, For here are lengths that hold a siren’s call Imbued in wind and sunlight splin tered air; Be wary lest the clutching dusk shall fall And hold you captive in the prairie’s snare. Be not so sure the prairie land was kind. When you have reached the tranquil town at last; It sensed your presence in its ancient mind Yet failed to strike—a worthy foe and vast That slumbers now and dreams of those it knew Who forged old trails ... if has for gotten you. REID CROWELL.