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With Daily Evenini Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, D. C. The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Offlce: 110 East 42d St. Chicago Offlce: 425 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Effective October I. 1944. Regular Edition. 4 Sundays. 3 Sundays. Evening and Sunday 90c Per mo. $1.00 per mo. The Evening Star— 60c per month. The Sunday Star 10c per copy. Night final Edition. 4 Sundays. 6 Sundays. Night Initial and Sunday. $1.00 mo. SI.10 mo. Night Pinal Star_ 75c per month. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere In United States. 1 month. 6 months. 1 year. Evening end Sunday... $1 .on $0.00 $12.00 The Evening Star_ .75 4.00 8.0o The Sunday Star_ .60 2.50 6.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Offlce. Washington. D. C.. as second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use tor republication ot all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein All rights of publication ot special dispatches herein also are reserved. C-2 SUNDAY. August 19, 1945 Day of Dedication The services of prayer to which President Truman has summoned the American people today are not merely occasions for returning thanks for ‘ the help of God" in the winning of the war against the kxis. Instead, they are—and definitely must be—rites of consecration. The accredited spokesman of the Nation declares: "We have now' dedicated ourselves to follow in His ways to a lasting and just peace and to a better world." Implicit in those w'ords is a com mitment of the whole American community. The President does not refer exclusively to the Government W'hich he heads, the Congress, the Army and the Navy of the United States. He pledges his fellow citizens—all of them, without ex ception—to the proposition that they shall deservg the victory which they have wron in terms of living for it as their sons and daughters toiled, suffered and died for it. Mr. Truman has ample precedent for making such a promise. Abra ham Lincoln set him an example at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863, when he rededicated his countrymen to “a new birth of freedom.” The sacrifices of the American people generation after generation for more than a century and a half in variably have been to the same end—the development of a civiliza tion of which God should not be ashamed. The current effort in that direc tion has been undertaken in asso ciation w'ith other nations similarly motivated. It contemplates the eventual inclusion of every com munity of the earth, and it em braces not simply absence of war, but the elimination of the funda mental causes of armed conflict. In other language, it seeks the fulfill ment of. the ideals of the Sermon on the Mount. And if that be not the goal day by day in the years that lie ahead, there is no hope. Man now knows how to murder himself by mathe matics. He also understands how to save himself by faith and devo tion, by loyalty and tolerance, by fellowship and mercy. President Truman, in the name of America, makes the only feasible choice. Now is the hour not merely for being thankful, but most particularly for being hallowed of heart and mind. Crisis Within China The collapse of Japanese rule over 11 extensive Chinese areas intensifies the crisis between the Kuomintang government at Chungking and the rival Communist regime centering at Sian. So chronic and embittered is the quarrel between the rivals that timely action on the part of China’s Allies would seem to be the only means of avoiding large-scale civil war, with all its tragic consequences for the Chinese people themselves and for the general postwar settle ment of the entire Far East as well. That both Chungking and Sian should have moved promptly and aggressively was inevitable, for the contingent prizes are enormous. And it is interesting to note that the richest prizes are geographically closer to Sian than to Chungking. This is because the whole of North eastern China, a broad belt of terri tory connecting with Manchuria and stretching laterally from the sea to the bend of the Yellow River and reaching southward to the lower and middle Yangtse River, has been almost wholly under effective Japa nese rule for the past five years. This territorial block is the richest and most developed part of China, including the great cities of Peiping, Nanking, Hankow and Shanghai, connected by an excellent network of railways and highroads. It has been the seat of the Japanese in spired “puppet” regime with its army of at least 500,000, armed with Japa nese equipment on a lavish scale. In addition, there is the even greater store of equipment of the surren dered Japanese occupying armies, with their reserve depots and muni tions plants. Obviously, the Chinese ' faction which gets control of the . greater portion of those enormous war stores and gains the allegiance of the puppet armies will have a decisive advantage over its rival. A glance at the map will show that the Communist sphere runs roughly west of the Yellow River, and a short advance eastward would give the Communists control of the main “fiorth-south railway network with j its lateral branches leading to the coast at several points, notably to l Shanghai at the mouth of the 1 Yangtse. This explains why Chung y king peremptorily ordered the Com jmunists to halt such advances, and j[why Sian has defiantly rejected this •command. If the race between the <5» rivals once gets fairly under way, a general mixup is almost certain. The best way to stop such a clash before it really starts would seem to be Joint restraining action by both Washington and Moscow. We do not know what arrangements, if any, have been negotiated be tween the Chungking mission to Moscow and the Soviet government. But we can be reasonably sure that the Sian regime would not defy rep resentations from Moscow, while American influence on Chungking is strong. A “standstill” arrange ment during the liquidation of Jap anese control in China would seem to be imperatively called for. Freedom From Fear It was four years ago last week that President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill signed the joint declaration which has become known as the Atlantic Charter. Its sixth point expressed the hope that after final destruction of the Nazi tyranny there would be established a peace “which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries and which will afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want.” The Nazi tyranny has been de stroyed. The San Francisco Char ter has at least outlined the design of international machinery which, wisely and capably maintained, may furnish nations the means of dwell ing in safety within their own boundaries. But it remained for Winston Churchill, in his speech to the House of Commons on Thurs- ! day, to put into these moving words j the real meaning of that “freedom ! from fear” which, to so many people in so many lands, remains only an aspiration: “Our idea is government of the people, by the people, for the peo ple—people being free to express by secret ballot without intimidation their deep-seated wish as to the forms and conditions of government under which they are to live. “At present a family might be gathered around the fireside enjoy ing the fruits of their toil when suddenly there is a knock at the door and heavily armed policemen __ appear. It may be that the father, ' son or friend sitting in the cottage is called out, taken away into the j dark, and no one knows whether he would ever come back again or what is his fate. All they know is that they had better not inquire. There are mil lions of humble homes in Europe— Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugo slavia—where this fear is the main preoccupation of family life. Presi dent Roosevelt laid down four free doms, and these are extant in the Atlantic Charter, which we agreed together. Freedom from fear—but this has been interpreted as if it were only freedom from fear of in vasion by a foreign country. That is the least of the fears of the com mon man. His patriotism arms him to withstand invasion. “That is not the fear of ordinary' families in Europe tonight. Their fear is of the policeman knocking at the door. That is not fear for country. All men can be united in comradeship in defense of their native soil. It is fear for the life and liberty of the individual, for the fundamental rights of men now menaced and precarious in so many lands where people tremble.” It was that fear which made the Nazi tyranny possible, and if we have fought this war to remove merely one source of fear, in order that another may be substituted, we will have fought—aside from assur ing our own safety—to a large ex tent in vain. Mr. Churchill recog nizes that authoritarian govern ment in some countries is, in the immediate aftermath of war, the alternative to anarchy. The real test will come later, in whether authoritarianism can be put aside by men whose love of individual freedom is greater than their fear of the policeman knocking at the door. In the meantime, as Mr. Churchill said, “we must know where we stand, and we must make clear where we stand in these affairs. Food as a Weapon Some one once said that food would win the war and write the peace. The statement is an exag geration, of course, but that food can be a potent weapon for the coercion of hungry men and women is plainly shown by the contro versy which has split the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. Representatives of four of the twenty-eight UNNRA member na tions—Russia, Yugoslavia, Poland and Czechoslovakia—want to use food as an instrument for com pelling their absentee nationals to return home. Presumably these countries fear that the absentees, if allowed to remain at large, will serve as rallying points for all those who are hostile to the political regimes at home, and it can hardly be said that this apprehension is entirely lacking in substance. Nevertheless, the refusal of the twenty-four other UNNRA members to go along with this plan should be welcomed. Stated bluntly, the objective of the dissenting four is to starve their nationals into sub mission, to compel them to return to their home countries by denying them access to food or other aid in their places of refuge. This would make of UNNRA a political weapon, and would make this country, as well as all participating countries, parties to the implementation of political programs over which' we have no control, and the ultimate 1 consequences of which, so far as the refugees are concerned, might well be wholly at variance with our conceptions of humanity and jus tice. UNNRA was not created to serve such a purpose as this, and the ma jority members are to be com mended for this refusal to subscribe to it. The Russo-Polish Treaty The treaty just signed in Moscpw between the Soviet and Polish gov ernments may be regarded as the first major definitive settlement of European problems. The settlement is both territorial and economic in scope. Apparently there was a com plete meeting of minds, the pact having been signed in what is de scribed as an atmosphere of "hearty and mutual understanding.” There is nothing unexpected in the territorial clauses, which conform to the agreements arrived at alike at the “Big Three” meetings and be tween the Soviet government and the present Polish regime ever since iU inception as the Moscow-spon sored Lublin Committee. Broadly speaking, the historic "Curzon Line” forms the new Russo-Polish frontier throughout the debatable region from Czechoslovakia to Lithuania, with slight deviations in favor of Poland. In the south Lwow goes to Russia, while in the north Grodno is assigned to Poland. By previous arrangements, exchanges of popu lation have already been arrived at, whereby the political frontier will tend to become the linguistic and ethnic border as well. .since, according 10 tne tug Three” Potsdam Conference, final disposition of former German ter ritories in the east is left to the decision of a subsequent peace conference, the new Russo-Polish border bisecting East Prussia is technically ‘ provisional.” But the respective portions are already un der Russian and Polish occupation, and there is little doubt that the peace conference will confirm these occupation zones. Therefore, it can be taken as established that Russia will acquire the northern part of East Prussia, with the port city of Koenigsberg and most of the sea coast, while Poland gets the hinter land. Incidentally, it should be noted that the Russian section of East Prussia abuts on Lithuania, which is considered by Moscow as a member of the Soviet federation, though this status has not been for mally recognized by either Wash ington or London. The economic clauses of the new treaty assure Poland 15 per cent of all reparation deliveries from both the Russian zone of occupation in Germany and the capital equipment due to Russia from the American and British occupation zones. This should prove an important item in Poland’s economic reconstruction. In return, Poland agrees to make to Russia certain deliveries of goods and raw materials, especially coal in large quantities over a period of years at a special agreed price. This is likewise in accord with economic realities. Even before the war Poland was a coal-exporting coun try. With the acquisition of the rich mines of former German Silesia, Poland becomes the leading coal producing nation of Eastern Europe. Obviously, the national economies of Poland and the Soviet Union are intended to be closely co-ordinated for the future. Little Minnesinger Mr. Webster hardly does justice to the most popular of all Insect musicians when he tersely says of the black cricket: “Any of the sal tatorial orthopterous insects noted for the chirping notes produced by the males by rubbing together spe cially modified parts of the fore wings.” Down through the years the little minnesingers have been associated with human experiences. As “merry as a cricket” is a tra ditional standard, and undoubtedly the cricket’s optimistic fiddling has mingled many times with the joy ousness of outdoor dancers and merrymakers. One of the pleasant aspects of Gryllidae’s all-around personality is that he fits with our moods. His music plays the range of human ex periences. The cricket’s “plaintive cry” is a favorite of the poets. In the late autumn, when the cycle of fruition has passed and plants are sere and dying, single cricket on the hearth has all the utter loneli ness and finality of the closing season. He is a sturdy, self-sufficient little fellow in his patent-leather, shining outfit. He likes to dig a miniature cave for himself beneath a stone or clod and sit in the sunshine before his home. His six sturdy legs and ! two long antennae somehow give one the impression of an efficiently built tiny tank. Gryllidae cannot fly because he has no wings under his wing covers, but as a jumper he qualifies very well. Toward the end of an August afternoon, when the day’s heat is lessening and the sun is getting toward the horizon, the little minne singers start their concert. Crickets in literature are more frequently associated with autumn, but in Augustus Caesar’s month they begin to tune up. Soon they will be chirp ing away all night. The country man, coming in from his last look at the livestock, pauses at the kitchen door to listen to the minstrels sing ing in the dark. It is good to know that as the hours of darkness pass the little fellows will be saying to the stars: “All is well. All is Well.” A Chinese hotel keeper killed 78 guests within a period of a few weeks. The guests might have known there was a catch in it somewhere [ when they found vacant roams. Science Will Decide Wars of the Future Funds for Research Essential To Security of This Country By John H. Cline. A recent report entitled "Science—The Endless Frontier” contained this state ment: "In this war it has -become clear beyond all doubt that scientific research is absolutely essential to national se curity.” It is to be hoped that this literally has become clear and that it will continue to£e clear. But the mat ter is not free of doubt. In January, 1942, a prominent and respected member of the Senate charged that the United States had failed to keep abreast of world progress in com bat aircraft development, and that this was due to "blindness” on the part of ! military and naval men. The first part of this accusation was regrettably and : dangerously true. The second was not i true at all, for it was not the blindness | of military men, but the blindness of ! Congress and of the people of the 1 United States which was responsible for our backwardness in development of the military airplane. The facts are that despite urgent ap peals from the armed services to Con gress for more funds for aeronautical j research, the Government’s total in vestment in that vital field of aviation development was less than $10,000,000 during the two decades that elapsed during the close of the First World War and the beginning of the second. When the Germans marched into Poland on j September 1, 1939, the United States had but one basic air research labora : tory, as compared with eight in Britain and many more in both Germany and Italy. Three weeks before the out break of the war in Europe, Congress, prodded by the urgent, almost frantic, appeals of the Army and Navy, reluc tantly granted $10,000,000 for a second research laboratory, having previously refused on two occasions to make this appropriation. And finally, after France had fallen, the services were at last able to get an appropriation for an engine research laboratory. The facts of this unenviable record are not recited now to criticize for the sake of criticism. But the record is important, if for no other reason than that it is apt to be forgotten in the flush of victory. Our danger lies in the ease with which Americans, when there : is peace in the world, have always for ; gotten or refused to recognize the real ; ities of war. And this is a failing for which Congress can by no means be : held exclusively responsible. It is a ! national failing, a trait which is tra ditionally American: but it is also a j trait which in the future, to an infinitely greater degree than in the past, cannc be tolerated unless we intend to trifle with our national destiny. ★ * * We have won this war despite our ; blindness. But we have won it by the narrowest of margins, and only then because indomitable allies, at the cost of millions of lives, held off the enemy for years while we redeemed our earlier failures. If there is to be another war, common sense and the experience of this one tell us that it will begin with a supreme effort to destroy the United States. There will be no period of years in which we can prepare ourselves after i hostilities begin. We will be ready on ! the first day of a future war, or that war will end for us in ruinous defeat. It would be presumptuous for any layman to undertake a definition of j the character of a future war. But if ! there is another conflict between great | powers—and the progress which we have made at this time toward collec tive security falls far short of guar | anteeing that there will not be another ! such struggle—the extraordinary de ! velopments of the war which has just ended justify certain broad conclu j sions. The most spectacular development, j and the most significant, has been the use of the atomic bomb. We know to I day that one of these bombs can devas ! tate a city. And we have been assured on the highest authority that this is only a beginning, that the atomic bomb of tomorrow will be a thing of vastly greater destructive power. Then there I is radar, the magical weapon which | gave us a "dangerously small” margin of victory over the U-boat. And there i is the stratospheric rocket, which the Germans developed in the closing stages of the war, and against which we had no defense except to capture ; its launching sites. That there were I other new and deadly weapons in the laboratories which were never used in : this war, and that still others, newer and more deadly, will be developed for the next, cannot be doubted by any sensible person. For the moment, how | ever, it is enough to visualize a giant i rocket, with an atomic warhead, capable | of being guided to its target across an ocean by radar. This is not fantasy, but a thing which the scientists know to be possible, and if it is not feasible ’'today it will be feasible in a few more : years. When that time comes there will be no hope for the nation that has I lagged behind. * * * * It is obvious that the developments of science are going to compel the most drastic revision of all traditional con cepts of national defense. Again, the layman should not presume too much. But we ought to be asking ourselves whether, in another war, there will be more than a minor role for navies and armies and air forces as we know them today. The evidence, or such of it as has become public property, is not yet : conclusive. But the facts that are known point to the conclusion that the next war will begin and end suddenly, that it will not be waged by masses of men and fleets of ships, but by fan tastic creations of science which we will j neither see nor hear, but which will strike without warning when some man presses a button in a control room thou sands of miles away. This may sound exaggerated, but if we are to err at all in our appraisal of the future it is better to err on the side of exaggeration, for the facts, whatever they may prove to be, will seem awe some enough. Beyond a shadow of doubt, we are in an age in which science will shape our destiny, and the type of thinking which was content to spend only $10,000,000 in 20 years on avia tion research before this war will be ' fatal to us in the future. For pur poses of defense alone, we must be pre pared to spend hundreds of millions of dollars on applied and pure research. In this connection, the Office of Scien tific Research and Development, which has done so much magnificent yet little known work in this war, has prepared a plan for the future, other plans have coma from other sources. And I $ This Is the Victory By the Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, D. D., Chaplain, United States Senate; Minister, Foundry Methodist Church. Flashing around this torn and tor tured world is the great glad tidings for which anguished hearts have eagerly waited—Victory! The vic tory symbolized for threatened or enslaved multitudes by two fingers held high, shaped as a V. That con quering sign has spelled Victory in darkest days, across all barriers and in all languages. That victory for which free men have agonized through ghastly years of blood and sweat and tears is here—the victory for which valiant young knights by the millions have dared the skies and seas, stormed the beaches and gal lantly marched into the jaws of death. At awful cost, it is a victory both total and complete. The irresistible might of AlMed arms has forced the unconditional surrender of the bar barous powers of darkness whose symbols were a twisted cross and r rising sun. It is over, Over There, across both the Atlantic and the Pacific, and the embattled youth — those for whom blue stars have not changed to gold are coming home. Of course, the first ecstatic note lr, jubilation. Dated today seem the words of the ancient prophet to those who boasted that they were safely barricaded behind a lie: "Your cove nant with death shall be annulled, your agreement with hell shall not stand, your refuge of lies shall be swept away—you shall be trodden down. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." More people, under all skies, will rejoice at the carrying out of that righteous sentence than ever before have found their cup of grateful Joy so filled to the brim since the morn ing stars sang together and all the sons of God clapped their hands for joy. * * * * But after jubilation another mood must capture our hearts, if this is in deed to be the victory. It is contri tion. For not by our own merit and strength have we gotten us the vic tory. To thy knees, O Israel! For God's is the kingdom and the power and the glory. Victory is a holy and solemn hour in which to prostrate ourselves in the dust of our own unworthiness and bow meekly at the altar of confes sion. This is the victory—that we be giv en the grace of penitence. For we have missed the shining mark. We have denied and betrayed the very principles we profess. We have played Judas to democracy. Our ragged pride and our senseless prejudice have been megaphones through which we thanked God that we are not as others. If we are to survive our own tri umph, here is God's recipe for en during peace: "If my people shall humble themselves and pray, and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then will I hear and will forgive their sins and will heal their land.” Then out of contrition must spring a dedication which will answer the one vital question: What shall we as victors do with this victory? What of the future for the United Nations, for the defeated nations with their warped minds, and for the uprooted multitudes groping blindly across old divisions and frontiers, feeling their way in the dark with two fingers in the air? What is the victory to mean? * * * * Victory brings us not to Utopia's golden goal, but to the crossroads of destiny and to a Cross of vicarious sacrifice. We must choose now, for ourselves and our civilization, life or death, the blessing or the curse. Only moral and spiritual resources now can save us from national and global suicide. If we go on with conscience split from science and morals split from knowledge, then the split atom in the hands of godless men may yet blow our world to bits. We must take sides with that which is morally excellent rather than with that which is politically ex pedient. When great ideas whose hour has struck beckon us to be their servant we must give ourselves not to the dead past but to the living future, when in the shared plenty of the good earth social and industrial relations shall lose their hard an tagonisms and become the hallowed co-operation of comrades for the weal of all. For if this really is the victory, it must prove itself at last to have been victory not only for the united and overrun nations, but for all the peoples of the earth. So may it be fulfilled that this is the victory that overcomes not just the Japanese and the Germans, but overcomes the world, even our faith in the vision splendid for which brave men have died. Thus may we bear our full part in freedom's crowming hour that wre may tell our children's children, w’ho will live in the light of the new day that we shall not see at its zenith: "I saw the powers of darkness put to flight! I saw the morning break!” Capital Sidelights By Will P. Kennedy. During the print paper rationing the/e has been much discussion in the Capitol cloakrooms regarding the early history of wood pulp manufacture. From that discussion these facts are gleaned: The first paper mill in Amer ica was erected in 1690 near Phila delphia by William Bradford and asso ciates, including a Dutch papermaker named William Rittinghuysen (Ameri canized as Rittenhouse). In 1756 the first pulp engine was imported from Holland, Representative Matthew Lyon of Vermont, the man whose single vote elected Jefferson, made pulp paper in 1794, from bark of the basswood tree, for his own presses—‘‘the first establish ment in the United States to attempt to make use of anything but rags in the making of paper pulp.” Thomas Gilpin in 1817 set up the first cylinder machine for making paper in his mill on Brandy wine Creek. Wooster & Holmes of Ohio manufac tured, in 1830, paper made from wood shavings and a single edition of the Crawford Messenger was printed on it. The Boston Journal, on January 14, 1863. printed an edition on a wood fiber paper. The last handmade paper plant was operated in Adams, Mass., until 1906. Manufacture of straw paper, with about a fifth of the pulp composed of rope and bagging, was started in 1830, in Columbia County, N. Y. A wood pulp paper mill was built at Appleton, Wis., in 1853. The honor of making the initial run of paper from wood pulp as a successful commercial venture, on March 18, 1867, ■goes to Wellington Smith, sr„ for 40 years the active head of the Smith Paper Co., Lee, Mass., in the Berkshire district now represented by Represent ative John W. Heselton. This company was founded by Elizur Smith at Tyring ham. Mass., in 1835, under the name Platner & Smith, with Cyrus W. Field, - who later instigated the laying of the first Atlantic cable, as a partner. Lee's surrender to Grant, in the Civil War, was wTitten on Platner & Smith's water-marked paper. In 1885 George W. Plainer died and i Elizur Smith bought out his interest. Ten years later he took his nephews, Wellington Smith and De Witt Sheldon Smith, into partnership and changed the name to the Smith Paper Co. In terested House members have heard the story of this great American industry from Elizur Yale Smith, historian of the Federal Hall Memorial Museum, and executive secretary of the Bill of Rights Commemorative Society—who heard it .directly from his father, Wellington Smith and the late Frederick Wurtz bach, who was brought from Germany to perfect the process of making the pflp. Wellington Smith had first been inter ested in the possibilities of making paper from wood by Prof. Paul Ansel Chad bourne, professor of chemistry at Wil liams College, and later its president. Two famous journalists were among the first to try out the Smith product— James Gordon Bennett, owner of the New York Herald, and Samuel Bowles, owner and editor of the Springfield (Mass.) Republican. When it was dem onstrated how successful was the hew process, the Smiths purchased from Theodore Roosevelt in 1876 the plant of the Lenox Plate Glass Co. and made it their pulp mill, naming it the Centen nial Mill. Can't We Get Used to Them? From the Ottawa Citizen. British and United States political ructions “astonish” the Russian people, according to a Moscow dispatch. They frequently astonish the British and American peoples. while the people of this country cannot make the choice between them, they can, and they must, insist that a choice be made, and that ample funds be pro vided by Congress to carry the chosen plan Into effect Fifty Years Ago The Star for August 10, 1895. con tanied a personal tribute which perhaps now’ may mean Who Remembers something more Him? than ever its author expected since in a sense it serves as a memorial for one who otherwise might be forgotten. Hon oring a youth whose name was Porter Heap, it says of him: "Well born, well bred, remarkably handsome, possessed of ample means, the idol of his family, he was utterly unspoiled. His modesty and perfect manners charmed all with whom he came in contact. From his two great grandsires. Commodores Truxtun and Porter, he inherited in a high degree that subtle essence which must be inborn, for it can never be grafted, best understood by ‘noblesse oblige’ • * • He loved the sea * * * and looked forward with delight to his summer vacation, to be spent in the enjoyment of his boats, provided for his amusement by an indulgent father. He was fond of athletic sports, was a generous victor and bore defeat with good humor. His horse and dogs bore witness to his humanity in evincing their joy whenever he appeared. After an illness of only four days, he w’as suddenly, painlessly and unconsciously removed from earth to another and better world. After eighteen happy years, •He left the warm precincts of living day, nor cast one longing, lingering look behind'.’’ * * * * Half a century ago, the firm of Booth & Flynn was famous among contrac tors in Western Pennsyl Squirrel Hill vania. Literally thou Rjot sands of miles of new streets and highways in and near Pittsburgh were paved under the direction of the partners. The Star of August 12, 1895, reported an oc casion when they had trouble with their laborers. One hundred Italian workmen, it was explained, went on strike for "an advance of 25 cents a day,’’ were dis charged and, returning to the scene and finding themselves replaced on the job, attacked the "scabs.” What happened next was that: "Police charged the mob and captured 21 of the rioters, who had marched into the melee under a red flag.” Work thereafter was "carried on under police guard," and the fashionable Squirrel Hill neighborhood of the Smoky City was normally quiet again. In other words, the strike was broken. A front-page article In The Star for August 13, 1895. publicized the fact that a portrait of Mr. Horrison's former President Ben Portrait jamin Harrison "was today added to the gallery of paintings in the White House. It is the work of Eastman Johnson * * * a specimen of whose work was already in the White House gallery in the portrait of President Cleveland.” Both pictures, it was indicated, would hang in "the Red Parlor”; and one is there today—the picture of Mr. Cleve land bearing a label declaring that he was both the twenty-second and the twenty-fourth President of the United States, a stipulation which makes President Truman the thirty-third Chief Executive and not the thirty-second as some mistaken commentators have supposed. * • * * Tragedies of many different kinds were chronicled in The Star of August 14, 1895, the number in Lotsof eluding: Two firemen Troubles killed in a runaway at Cincinnati; the entire business section of Pikeville, Tenn., de stroyed by fire; many persons burned or otherwise injured by explosion of fireworks at Thornton, Ind.; great dam age to buildings and crops caused by hailstorm at Rush City, Minn.; former mayor of Denver killed in fall from third-story window of his hotel; woman burned to death at Watertown, N. Y„ when oil stove blew up; four women Millions Jobless Seen In Demobilization Commentator Expects Unem ployment to Be Political Issue By Owen L. Scott. Almost all of the problems that were so bothersome before the war will be back on this country’s doorstep in a few months now that fighting has stopped. The present administration is without settled plans for dealing with those problems. Demobilization of both war industry and the armed services is to be carried out at a rate much more rapid than the rate at which peacetime industry can expand to take up the slack. The result is that as many as 7,000,000 men may be out of work by the end of 1945. That number may reach 10,000,000 before ex panding industry catches up with the full effect of demobilization. Some con servative officials are estimating that there will be 7,000,000 unemployed even in the boom period of postwar recovery. A few big but important figures reveal what the trouble is to be. Total war expenditures have been around $89,000, 000,000 a year. But this is being reduced quickly and drastically. There is to be a great shrinkage, too, in the number of men in service. At present the armed forces contain 12,000.000 men. Under the law, once hostilities offi cially are terminated, the services must discharge men within six months. That may be f. physical impossibilitv unless the White House and Congress delay a formal declaration that the war is ended. Under any circumstances, at least, 6,000,000 men should be out rf service within six months and most of the remainder within another six months. It is going to be difficult to hold in service the nearly 5,000,000 men in the Army and the Navy now in this country. r Private industry hardly can be ex pected at once to absorb into its opera tions the 5.000,000 or 6,000,000 men who are to be let out of W’ar plant opera tions, plus the millions to be let out of service. Industry will be having its own troubles during the first postwar months. All of the heavier industries have been fully occupied with war work, with little chance to make progress in reconversion, right up to the end. There is the basis, however, for a rapid recovery in industry and a record hign level of peacetime activity. In fact, it is entirely possible that this country will enjoy several years of apparent pros perity for persons with jobs while there will be a large number of persons out of work and dependent upon Govern ment for a livelihood. Demand for civilian goods of all kinds and for new' homes will be at a very high level. That demand, in turn, is to be backed by an immense supply of dol lars in the hands of indidviduals. At this time individuals have about $66,000,000,000 in cash and in deposits in banks. They hold another $44,000 - 000,000 in Government bonds, most of them savings bonds which can be cashed readily. That makes a total of $110. 000.000,000 W'hich could be spent from savings in addition to spending from current income. On top of that is to be a large volume of credit. Installment credit has contracted near to the van ishing point during the war. It now is open to wide expansion as people finance purchase of new cars, new re frigerators and other household equip ment. Mortgage credit, too, has been paid down during the war. Construc tion of new homes has been stopped for more than three years and there now is to be a big volume of construction financed on easy terms. Veterans, too, can borrow' up to $2,000 each for a variety of enterprises. All of the elements of a consumer buying boom now are present. To get ready to supply the demands that will grow out of postwar spending industry has about $20,000,000,000 of cash and ; Government bonds of its own. part of which can be turned into new plant and equipment. i It is probable that next year will be a very active year in industries that i supply civilians. People during 194R and 1947 will be stocking up on articles that they were unable to obtain during the war years. After that things may level off. It is expected that before the peak is reached in buying by consumers in the United States export trade will be expanding rapidly, financed by large scale loans that now can be offered. Despite all of this activity there still will be some idle plants and idle men. Unemployment almost surely is to be a postwar political issue. Out of unem ployment will grow’ demands for Gov ernment operation of some war plants and for guarantees that will assure ail individuals who want to w'ork a chance to work. The prospect is strong that the Tru man administration, w’hich now ap pears to be conservative in its basic attitude, will swing somewhat to the left as election time comes both in 1946 and again in 1948. It will seek to hold the labor support that assured the reg ular re-election of former President Roosevelt An end to war is not to bring w’ith It an end to problems or an era of good feeling either at home or abroad. The war settled the fact that Germany and Japan are not to be the No. 1 nations of the world, but it has not settled a good many other issues of very great im portance. Close Shave From the New York Herald Tribune. A Royal Air Force bombing of a Ger man experimental plant on the Baltic two years ago saved our eastern sea board from a blitz of V-2 rocket pro jectiles. German scientists then had reached the blueprint stage In the pro duction of a missile which they believed capable of a flight of 3,000 miles and of descending on its target with precision. But the RAF attack killed 800 of their leading experts and so set back their work that they couldn’t get into mass production of the thing until next No vember. The margin of safety, there fore, is six months, a close enough shave in a war of the dimensions of the one which ended on V-E day. and a boy hurt in driving accident at Portsmouth, N. H.; at least eight work men drowned when gangway at Kiel, Germany, collapsed; German Lloyd ship Stuttgart in collision with another steamer in New York harbor; watchman at paper mill in Castleton, N. Y., killed in boiler explosion; ocean tug burned at dock in Philadelphia; factory de stroyed by fire at Leominster, Mass., and undetermined number of passengers and crew members lost when ferry boat crashed into barges loaded with iron near Galetta in Tunis. The world al legedly was larger in those days, but it l was not much safer.