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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, February 18, 1946, Image 6

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With Sunday Morning Edition.
THEODORE W. NOTES, Editor.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
The Evening Star Newspaper Company.
Main Office: 11thJBt. and Pennsylvania Ave.
New York Office: 110 East 42d St.
Chicago Office: 405 North Michigan Ave.
Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area.
Effective October 1, 1844.
Regular Edition. 4 Sundays. 6 Sundays.
Evening and Sunday. 90c per mo. $1.00 per mo
The Evening Star_ 00c per month
The Sunday Star .. 10c Per copy
_ Night Final Edition. 4 Sundays. 6 Sundays.
Night rinal and Sunday. $1.00 mo $1.10 mo.
Night Final Star_ 75c per month.
Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance.
Anywhere in United States.
_ , « 1 month. 6 months. 1 year.
Evening and Sunday.. fl.OO $8.00 $13.00
The Evening Star_ .76 4.00 8.00
The Sunday Star_ .50 2.60 6.00
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Entered at the Post Office. Washington, D. C.,
as second-class mail matter.
Member of the Associated Press.
^ The Aaaoclated Press la exclusively entitled to
the use for republication of all news dispatches
credited to it or not otherwise credited in this
paper and also the local news published herein.
All rights of publication of aPeclal dispatches
herein slso are reserved,
A—6 MONDAY, FEBRUARY, 18, 1946
Overreaching Himself
The report that Edwin W. Pauley
has gained ground in the Senate as
a result of Harold L. Ickes’ latest at
tack on the President may prove to
be well founded, for If Mr. Ickes con
tinues his attacks he is going to
make the President’s integrity, and
not the Pauley nomination, the real
Issue on which the Senators will
have to vote. '
In opposing the nomination of
Mr. Pauley to be Undersecretary of
the Navy, Mr. Ickes Is on sound
ground, out many of tnose wno sup
port him In this respect will find
themselves out of sympathy with
his intemperate and unwarranted
attacks on the President.
In his latest statement, Mr. Ickes
deplores what he regards “as Pres
ident Truman’s lack of adherence
to the strict truth.” To justify this,
Mr. Ickes cites two press conference
statements by the President. In the
first, Mr. Truman said Mr. Ickes had
not consulted him in advance con
cerning the testimony he was going
to give to a Senate Committee in
vestigating the Pauley nomination.
At a subsequent conference the
President conceded that he had
asked Mr. Ickes to “be kind” to Mr.
Pauley. And, although Mr. Ickes
does not mention it, the President
also told him that of course he
(Ickes) would have to testify truth
fully in his appearance before the
committee.
This is indeed a flimsy basis for
an attack on the veracity of the
President of the United States.
There is, to be sure, a certain ele
ment of inconsistency between the
two presidential statements. But
no fair-minded person would say
that the President was guilty of a
falsehood in saying that Mr. Ickes
had not discussed his testimony
,jvith him, for the fact is that al
thmicrh thp fivmpr Tntprinr Spnrp
nary, by his own statement, did
show the President a telegram di
recting him to appear before the
committee, he did not at any time
“discuss” with Mr. Truman the testi
mony he was going to give.
/If Mr. Ickes harbors a certain
bitterness toward the President, that
is understandable. But this does
not justify the irresponsible char
acter of his utterances, nor will it
strengthen his position in an other
wise commendable effort to prevent
tfie confirmation of Mr. Pauley.
Egypt's Student Riots
The Egyptian student demon
strations, climaxed by riots involv
ing numerous casualties and neces
sitating severe repressive measures
by police and troops, seem to be
symptomatic of more than merely'
nationalistic emotion. The demon
strations were undoubtedly touched
off by protests of ultrapatriotic
university students against what
they deemed to be the government’s
lack of firmness in current negotia
tions with Britain for a revision of
the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty defining
the relations of the two countries.
Yet, mixed up with this nationalist
issue, the character of the demon
strations—which heiped force the
formation of a new cabinet—indi
cates the presence of other factors,
such as domestic politics and social
discontent.
What the students demand re
garding foreign policy is an unyield
ing government stand for both the
complete abrogation of Britain's
rights to maintain its armed forces
on any part of Egyptian soil, includ
ing the line of the Suez Canal, and
an end to the Anglo-Egyptian “con
dominium” over the Sudan by its
unqualified return to full Egyptian
’ rule. This latter issue involves such
far-reaching consequences that
Britain is most unlikely to concede
Egyptian claims. And the govern
ment presumably realizes that in
sistence upon this might result in a
deadlock over the evacuation prob
lem, upon which Britain would
probably be more amenable.
The question now arises as to how
much the nationalistic emotions of
the students have been incited and
Inflamed by political agitators seek
ing to use them in order to discredit
the government for domestic rea
sons. Egyptian politics are compli
cated, with bitter interfactional
quarrels that are, to a considerable
degree, bound up with the clash of
rival personalities. As in most coun
tries outside English-speaki lg lands,
students are politically minded and
exert an important influence upon
political activity on both foreign and
domestic issues. Incidentally, it
should not be forgotten that Cairo
is the main cultural center for the
whole Arabic world, so many of the
students are not Egyptians. This
gives a pan-Arabic and even a pan
Islamlc tinge to their mass think
ing.
The tendency of the student dem
onstrators to seek support in the
*
working-class quarters brings in the
factor of social unrest. Although
Egypt went through the war materi
ally unscathed and profited greatly
from the war in an over-all sense,
this prosperity is most unevenly
distributed, relatively little of it
reaching down to the masses, urban
or rural. Also, Egypt is backward in
its system of social security. The re
sultant popular discontent is a fac
tor which must be considered in all
political manifestations.
Reports from Manchuria
General Wedemeyer, commander
of our American forces in China,
makes a good point in cautioning
against premature conclusions re
garding friction in Manchuria. Cur
rent reports on the situation are
disturbing enough, however, to call
for an official clarification at the
earliest possible moment to deter
mine just where Russia stands in
the matter. At the moment, accord
ing to the somewhat confused news
dispatches, there appears to be more
than a little ground for misgivings.
Thus, the Chinese Communists
and Chungking’s troops are said to
have clashed again in Manchuria
despite the truce existing between
them. Simultaneously, there has
been a sudden flurry of reports to
the effect (1) that the Russians are
hauling away as much Manchurian
industrial, equipment as they can
without bothering to consult us or
other Allied powers with an interest
in reparations; (2) that they are
beinf^ very slow about withdrawing
their forces from the country and
that they may keep them there long
after their pledged departure date,
and (3) that they are pressing the
Chiang government for concessions
going far beyond the provisions of
their 30-year treaty with China and
that these concessions, if granted,
might give them economic and other
dominance wholly at variance with
our historic “open door’’ policy in
the Far East.
These and similar reports cannot
fail to create concern and suspicion
over long-term Soviet intentions in
that part of the world. Possibly
they are exaggerated, but they will
become increasingly worrisome unless
and until official facts to the con
trary are set forth. In the cir
cumstances, the State Department
has acted wisely in sending notes to
Chungking and Moscow requesting
specific information on the situation.
The replies, if any, will be awaited
with understandably keen Interest
in this country.
A bill has been Introduced to pro
vide for an official photographer for
the Senate. His work would include
m a Inner nlrfnroc ■fV-.o lammnirAr*
In full session, at committee hearings
and other functions. The snapshot
that would delight voteless Wash
ingtonians would be one of the
Judiciary Committee with every
member present.
Journalism School in China
Dr. Carl W. Ackerman, dean of
the Graduate School of Journalism
at Columbia University, has released
for publication his report on the
Chinese Post-Graduate School of
Journalism. This means that for
the first time, free from censorship
and from all policy considerations,
the public at large may know about
one of the most notably interesting
developments in international news
paperdom in recent years. It was
brought into being by World War II,
but its origins lay much further
back—in the China of antiquity out
of which the China of tomorrow
gradually is emerging.
Madam Chiang Kai-shek was a
sponsor of the enterprise. The in
auguration of it was managed by
Dr. Hollington K. Tong, her press
relations chief in the United States
in 1942 and 1943. Dean Ackerman
drew up the formal plans on March
18 in the latter year. It .was set
forth in the outline of the project
that the new school would attempt
“to prepare Chinese journalists for
services to the government in Chinese
Embassies and Legations throughout
the world, to the ministers of state,
the commanding generals, and to
establish, publish and edit daily
newspapers in the provinces.” The
purpose thus described received the
approval of the Department of State.
Four American newspapermen, all
graduates of Columbia, were re
cruited as teachers. After a tedious
voyage across the Pacific and
through India and over the Hump,
they reached Chungking ready for
work when the first term opened on
October 11, 1943. Two additional
instructors Joined the faculty at the
start of the second session.
The number of pupils “processed”
was fifty-seven—forty-six men and
eleven women. Before the school
was “indefinitely suspended” when
the Japanese surrendered, these
young people had been provided with
a good, practical foundation for pro
fessional careers in journalism.
They had been taught the latest
American patterns and methods in
news reporting, writing and editing,
in radio broadcasting, editorial and
feature writing, newspaper law,
public relations, the use of illustra
tions in newspapers, the history of
journalism and the growth of the
free press in the English language
nations of the globe.
It indubitably is part of the story of
the school that the student body and
their instructors labored under con
ditions of “unimaginable* * * severity
and hardship as compared to those
* * * in the United States.” Cruel
cold in winter and blistering heat
in summer were but minor difficul
ties. Overcrowding, vermin, epidemic
disease, poverty and certain political
obstructions made the maintenance
of the enterprise a challenge to the
heroism of its personnel. Tfte net
result of all the effort is what Dr.
Nicholas Murray Butler considers “a
profound influence on the future of
journalism in Asia.” Every reader
of Dean Ackerman’s pamphlet will
hope that the work will be resumed
In peacetime.
Retiring Building Inspector
Brigadier General John W. Oeh
mann has well earned the rest and
relaxation to which he is looking
forward as a result of his decision
to retire as District of Columbia
building inspector at the end of
this month. Since returning from
active military service a year ago
his health has not been of the
best and there was little chance of
Improvement under the steadily in
creasing burden of work confront
ing the building inspector’s office.
It is with a sense of real regret that
the citizens of Washington received
news of his impending departure
, from the important post he has oc
cupied for more than Jfwo decades.
One of the reasons why General
Oehmann will be missed is because
he has been a firm defender of the
public’s interests in the matter of
formulating and putting into effect
building regulations designed to in
sure the safety and health of the
people, to protect property rights
and to provide for orderly, up-to
date building development of the
city. He has stood staunchly for
maintenance and strengthening of
building ordinances, as against any
weakening of them at the behest
of special interests. And he will be
leaving office at a time when there
are indications of a renewed demand
in some quarters for modification of
existing building restrictions.
There is probably some need for
a review of regulations, to bring
them up to date in the light of im
proved construction techniques and
materials, and such a study has
been ordered by Engineer Commis
sioner Young. Great care should be
exercised in such a modernization,
however, to make certain that any
revisions made are in the interest
of the general public rather than of
some particular group—in short, to
make sure that under the stress of
emergency conditions no building
practices will be condoned that may
have a permanently blighting effect
on the city.
The followers of certain sports do
not like to have their enjoyment
spoiled and are comforted by such
statements as a recent headline
reading “Most horse races are
honest.” Baseball fans demand
much more than that in the way
of assurance. •
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
“MT. STERLING, Ky.
"Dear Sir:
“Have you ever seen what I call polar
bear sparrows?
“Numbers of times this winter, when
it was too cold to melt snow or ice,
except in the sun, I’ve seen sparrows
bathe in the water by the side of a
cake of ice.
“Our bird bath is on the ground with
a background of shrubs and is always
in the sun when it shines. They bathe
only on sunny days regardless of the
temperature. Today is 69 degrees, and
cloudy, so they haven’t gone near except
to drink.
“My husband and I enjoy your column
very much, but until this winter, when
we began watching the sparrows, we
thought you were Just going to bat for
the under dog (bird) when you praised
them.
“Now we have come to the conclusion
that one misses a lot by not watching
them, too.
“The birds hereabouts seem to be the
same species you have in Washington.
However, our squirrels are different,
because they never bother the birds’
food.
“We have no special feeder, but use
a stone slab that tops a closed cistern,
which puts it only a few inches from
the ground. We have both squirrels
and rabbits and had to give up raising
-corn because they climb the stalk and
eat it before we know it is ready.
“Prom birds to fish:
“How does 10 years for the life of a
tropical catfish stack up against the
average age? I lost one that to my
knowledge was more than that—how
much more I don’t know, because I did
not know his age when I got him.
“Sincerely, L. D. H.”
* * * *
“ARLINGTON, Va.
“Dear Sir:
“Last year the mockingbird gave me
the same trouble that so many others
report and I was so red in the face that
I could cheerfully have wrung his neck.
“Last fall I put another feeder on the
opposite side of the house as you sug
gesiea. /u nrsi me mocser guarded Doth
places by finding a perch where he could
watch the old feeder—and see birds going
toward the new one.
“This new one is in a fir tree, just
outside the dining room window, and
hidden from all other directions.
“Even the blue jays had always al
lowed themselves to be driven away from
the old feeder, but at the new one the
mocker could get so close before being
seen by the other birds that one day he
made the mistake of catching a jay and
they fell down in the snow fighting furi
ously.
“The bully mocker was no match for
the blue jay at infighting and seemed
glad to escape with his life.
“Since then Mr. Bully stays at a re
spectful distance while the jays are feed
ing. Also he has given up trying to
keep the sparrows away—although just
as savage as ever toward the starlings,
who have completely deserted both
feeders.
“The latter feed freely on bread and
scraps thrown in the yard.
“Very respectfully, R. W. L.”
* * * *
English sparrows are among the
“bathingest” of birds and this trait
ought to endear them to bathing hu
mans. Truly, when they are watched
carefully, they turn out to be very in
teresting.
The spleen often shown against them
is the result, mainly, of the bird books,
whose writers, to follow a “line,” re
fused to look at them.
Properly regarded, these sparrows are
birds as well as any. If they run native
species out of our yards, it must be .re
membered that the landscape contains
much more than the individual’s garden
and that if bluebirds and others are
driven away, they go to the woods,
where they probably are better off.
Ten years is about the limit of life
for the small tropical catfish kept in
an average home aquarium. Such an
age shows very good care, a real knowl
edge of good tank management.
Feeding on the ground is one of the
best ways. Certainly the birds find the
good earth as good a dinner table as any.
t
(
Letters to The Star
Defends Child Care Centers
As “Social” and “Essential”
To th* Editor of The Star:
To a native and voteless taxpayer It
would appear that Commissioner Guy
Mason’s reasons for deciding against
seeking a supplemental appropriation
to continue present Day Care Centers
for children of working mothers now
operated by the Board of Education calls
for both scrutiny and challenge. In
effect, he argues that in turning down
the continuance of this socially con
scious community welfare technique
which currently serves the children of
472 families, the real question was not
finding the necessary $50,000 but “the
principle involved.’’ Apparently, it is
the thesis of our Commisisoners that
the project was a war-time expedient
to stimulate war production and, if
continued, would be a dangerous ideo
logical precedent and a needless subsidy
to mothers of an economic grouping who
could finance their own solution of day
nursery care because their average in
come bracket is estimated ^t $2,600.
Then, too. they suggest that if a work
ing mother really is indigent she can
elect to remain at home and collect the
$65.67 average monthly grant of the
Board of Public Welfare which is cost
ing a mere $861,000 a year.
But as a confessedly amateur econo
mist, this writer presumes to question
the essential wisdom of an administra
tive policy which would rebuke working
mothers who aspire to a living standard
above the indigency level and which
cruelly discourages and handicaps the
working mother who is enough of a
rugged individualist to insist upon work
ing out her own economic survival
rather than predicate it on the pre
carious makeshift of an unpredictable
suosicy. wnat assurance does the de
pendent working mother have that on
a similar plea of "the principle In
volved” the honorable Commissioners
may not arbitrarily decide to curtail the
monthly grant now available or default
altogether for reasons of a purely fiscal
nature? Even In such matters as teach
ers pay the honorable Commissioners
have had their fiscal difficulties, so
what could happen to a subsidy?
Obviously, the Commissioners have a
duty to establish and maintain those
social welfare mechanisms and tech
niques purposed not only to encourage
higher standards of living but to lighten
the burdens of the taxpayer. Even if so
purposed, an experienced public admini
strator like Mr. Mason must realize
that his pious hand-washing decision
will not interdict a single selfish or de
linquent working mother who In his
opinion better might dedicate her full
time to the kitchen and children. By his
own observation this group Is capable of
subsidizing and implementing their own
day nursery problems. Rather this do
nothing policy unfairly will penalize
the truly deserving working mothers,
heroically striving to achieve their own
'* economic stability and independence.
Surely, we can not let them down.
In comparison with other large metro
politan areas, the voteless Capital of
this Nation Is woefully behind the times
in essential social welfare techniques
dispassionately dedicated to unselfish
principles of social justice. The day
nursery problem for preschool-age chil
dren of needy working mothers Is one
that every socially conscious community
must work out. An alternative is larger
subsidies designed to impose upon fam
ilies wherein the mother Is obliged to
work a standard of living bordering on
the indigency Kvel and dependent upon
the unpredictable mercies of those who
must subsidize the subsidy. During the
war this community through trial and
error acquired the know-how. is it
either wise or profitable summarily tn
abandon an essential social welfare
technique which encourages working
mothers to work out their economic sur
vival rather than to depend upon the
wavering benevolence of economy-mind
ed administrators who frequently con
fuse “principle" with “principal?"
THOMAS E. MATTINGLY, M. D.
Opposes District Franchise
To the Editor of The Star:
If all these Washington people that
are complaining about not having a
vote want it as badly as to warrant
all this activity and energy toward that
goal, why have they continued to re
side in the District for these many
years?
For more than a century, prior to the
recent housing shortage, building re
strictions, etc., there was plenty of room
for them in Virginia, or Maryland—or
in any of the other 46 States.
There s a pretty obvious reason why
the fathers of our Government thought
it best to exclude the District proper
from voting privileges, and that reason
is a better one today than it was then.
How, after a Democratic reign of 16
years, and with the hiring of Govern
ment employes for that period, could
there possibly be a balanced vote here?
The establishment of the voting priv
ilege in Washington would cause chaos
Jit’, thp hallnf K#»v _* _
-——— •***'• A VI |4|C
Republicans. Maybe the Democrats
think that would be just and fair.
If there must be voting here, let it
be confined to District management
alone- MRS. F. C. MAY.
Those Lost Chords
To the Editor of The Star:
Last evening I tuned in some radio
follies—my eyelids had started to nod,
as “Jose Gonzales’’ was “selling tamales"
and “Chickery Chick” challa’d! But
somehow or other I slumbered away to
the land of “Can’t Forget,” and I heard
those songs of another day—that old
barber shop quartet.
They sang the ballads of long ago,
those minstrel boys of my dream—
“Bjmks of the Wabash,” “Sweet and
Low?’ “Down by the Old Mill Stream,”
“Drifting and Dreaming,” “Clementine,”
“Dinah” and “Harvest Moon”; a final
encore, “Sweet Adeline”—quintessence
of harmony tune.
Some day, perchance, 'neath the rain
bow sign as we enter the heavenly lanes,
let’s pray that angelic harps divine will
remember those old refrains!
RAY H. EVERETT.
Editorial Criticized
To the Editor of The Star:
This is a protest against your unfair
editorial regarding that fine honest
American, Mr. Ickes, who has given
America such splendid service for so
many years. The people who feel as I
do, but may not write, are legion. I am
truly amazed at The Star.
MRS. R. W. CARSON.
Merger Simplified
Prom the St. Lout* Post-Dispatch.
Mr. Truman’s opinion seems to be
that the armed forces should fight the
enemy Instead of each other.
,A
This Changing World
By Constantine Brown
In the forthcoming trial of the Cana
dian officials who were arrested l«st
week on charges of transmitting highly
secret information to a “foreign power,”
the question of the atomic bomb formula
is expected to be less sensational than
other espionage matters which are
threatening the security of Northwest
ern Canada and adjacent territories.
It is considered possible in some well
informed Washington quarters that dur
ing the cross-examination of the sus
pects names of some Americans in offi
cial positions might become connected
with the spy ring.
A number of instances of Russian
espionage in the United States and
Canada have been known to the
American-Canadian security services
for some time, but it was only when a
Russiftn officer employed in the Cana
dian communication services surren
dered to the mounted police last Decem
ber that the full story developed. This
man, who went to Canada accompanied
by his family, became guilty of a grave
delinquency and was ordered back to
Moscow.
The delinquency is said to have been
that he had met several Canadians
socially against orders given to Russian
officials at home and abroad to meet
foreigners only "on business.” In Wash
ington, the several hundred Russian
families live in apartments by them
selves, attend only strictly official func
tions and do not permit even their chil
dren to associate with American play
mates. They have their own schools
and their own playgrounds.
Soon after the surrender of the Rus
sian communications officer, the Cana
dian authorities informed Washington,
and agents of the War and Navy De
partment security services and FBI
representatives went across the border
to look into the "American angle” of
the case.
* ¥ * *
But unless the facts are divulged by
the Russians by means of a trial or
dismissal of some high-ranking officials
here, it is not likely that much will be
come known about the spy ring in
America; that is, unless the Canadian
suspects themselves are willing to ex
pose their American colleagues. The
statements of the Russian officer re
garding the American officials were
checked with the available flies in the
various security services. In the past
the American government has been re
luctant to bring to light any espionage
matter became the State Department
regarded such action as interfering with
our good relations with Russia.
For more than two years the various
security services, and particularly the
FBI, have suspected Important “leaks”
of top secrets of a military and diplo
matic character to a foreign power.
Last year the FBI, after months of
investigation, thought it had an air
tight case against several American
citizens, including John 8. Service, an
official of the State Department; Lt.
AndrlW Roth of the United States Naval
Reserve and Philip J. Jaffe, publisher of
the magazine Amerasia.
The FBI, mindful of the possible in
ternational repercussions resulting from
a public trial, is said to have presented
the entire evidence to the White House.
According to reports from responsible
quarters, it was told to “go head” and
make the necessary arrests once it re
solved Itself into a matter concerning
only America.
v •# * a
The evidence presented by Justice De
partment attorneys before a grand Jury
was such that the jury refused to in
dict Mr. Service, who subsequently was
reinstated and later promoted to politi
cal adviser to Gen. Mac Arthur.
The case against Mr. Jaffe was dis
posed of by a fine of $2,500. while the
case against Lt. Roth was "nolle prossed”
last Friday because of “insufficient evi
dence.”
Prime Minister W. L. Mackenzie King
was so disturbed by the reports of the
Canadian intelligence services in thfir
spy ring investigations that he is said
to have quietly come to Washington
about 10 daya before Prime Minister
Attlee’s visit last fall, although the
White Home press secretary said he had
no knowledge of such a visit. The Ca
nadian leader is reported to have told
President Truman of his grave concern
over espionage activities of the hired
agents of one of our major allies.
He also brought the matter to the
attention of the British cabinet in order
to acquaint Foreign Secretary Bevin
with the situation and obtain his reac
tion on whether or not public disclosure
on this delicate matter would strain the
relations between the British Empire
and Russia.
According to dispatches from Canada,
it appears that Mr. Bevin, like Mr. King’
considered this to be a security and
police matter.
On the Record
By Dorothy Thompson
*4U,lus icturned irom uie west
Coast, former Secretary of the Interior
Ickes’ reference to the "cloud no bigger
than a man's hand” seems a gross un
derstatement. The cloud is as big as all
get out. The proposition to make Edwin
W. Pauley Assistant Secretary of the
Navy and by implication and circum
stance Secretary Designate—in a posi
tion, therefore, to exercise vast influence
on world affairs—is something that,
whether or not it is adequately noted
and opposed at hon>e, is already being
noted abroad, in Asia, the Middle East
and the Soviet Union.
The “system of private enterprise” is
already in a precarious position in the
world. Never was there a greater need
for political, social, and economic states
manship among its supporters. To as
sociate it now with a system of private
graft reminds one of the ancient prov
erb, "Whom the Gods would destroy
they first make mad.” If Mr. Pauley’s
nomination is ratified, we shall hear
repercussions from it throughout the
globe. It will prejudice our case in
Iran and4he Middle East; it will support
every foreign attack on the American
international position.
* * * *
Mr. Pauley's record in California is
well knowm, and apart from congres
sional investigations there are plenty of
members of the Democratic State Com
mittee who are willing to spill the
beans—and they are not all New Deal
ers. either.
Mr. Pauley’s qualifications for so im
portant an office are a smattering of
economics, a few years of success in
California Legislature. He began by rep
resenting independent oil companies and
rose to represent the major ones. He
began in debt and ended rich. He
climbed into national politics, went to
Europe to handle international economic
situations in which American oil com
panies have great stakes, and returned
to become one of the big three around
President Truman. That he has ability
is showm in his record—just the kind
of ability w’e don't need; there is no
evidence at all of comprehension of
those matters vital to America and all
humanity in a world of poverty and
the struggle of nations and classes for
power.
Mr. Pauley took the Democratic party
out of debt—for a price. The New Deal
in California waa supported by the radi
cals, but financed by the interests—
counting on the possibility that Mr.
Pauley’s man for vice president would
be in the White House before 1948.
Sure enough America lost Mr. Roose
velt, and Mr. Pauley had, on the na
tional scale, the chance he had ex
ploited in California.
The analogy between California tide
lands oil and Mr. Pauley, and Sinclair
Oil and Teapot Dome is exact. Mr.
Pauley has the California legislature
in his pocket. If the tidelands belong to
the State, he and his bosses will control
them.
* * * *
The issue transcends ’'liberalism." The
crowd around Mr. Pauley is liberal when
liberalism means votes and liberal on all
matters except its own interests, these
being oil. Par better an honest conser
vative than a liberal in the pockets of
predatory interests. The interests Mr.
Pauley represents would like to controi
the oil of the world, not only the tide
lands of California. An Assistant Sec
retary of the Navy with Mr. Pauley’s
record will be regarded with more sus
picion and distrust than the atomic
bomb, and any move made by our Navy
will be regarded, not as an action of the
United States, but as an oil action. A
friend of mine who met the Soviet Am
bassador, Mr. Gromyko, at the San Fran
cisco Conference, found that he knew
much more about Mr. Pauley than the
average American does.
The Soviet theory about the “bour
geois" state is that it is always an instru
ment of predatory capitalist interests,
never of the people, and that such states
are the cause of wars for loot. This was
a theme of Mr. Molotov’s address on
November 6, 1945, and of Stalin s on Feb
ruary 9. 1946. Mr. Pauley's confirmation
v»uld lend evidence to this thesis, and
go far to destroying morale among our
people and armed forces.
As for Mr. Truman—his association
with the Pendergast gang was explained
on the argument, probably true, that he
was an honest man among thieves. That
is not a good enough description of the
President of the United States.
(Released by the Bell Syndicate, Inc >
More Luck Than Plan
By Raymond Moley
The new Truman wage-price formula
is substantially a revival of the Little
Steel formula, revised to fit Big Steel.
For only as the general pattern of the
Little Steel formula is enlarged will the
OPA permit price increases. So the
wartime pattern of wage-price adjust
ment is with us again.
The political hand of the Truman re
gime is written between the lines. There
is the assurance that rollback" subsidies
for consumer goods will be continued for
a year. And every effort is made to cre
ate a situation which will assure the life
of the OPA for another year.
The political significance of the plan
has another side. It is clear that what
ever stability natural causes give to
prices by September will be claimed by
the Democratic party as a result of this
formula. This will be claimed, although
the effect of the order on prices will not
be very great.
The greatest increase in prices under
the formula will be in steel. Here, the
real rise will probably be slightly over
8 V2 per cent. This will not only cover
the wage increase, but will take care of
almost all former increases in cost during
the war period. «
Price increases for meat, under a 15
per cent wage increase, may not exceedv
2 per cent in the retail price. With au
tomobiles, additional increases may not
exceed 3 per cent or so above the present
price. In many cases, however, a 4-8
per cent increase may come. And large
parts of the economy, such as agriculture
and rent, will not be touched.
Over all, the cost of living attributable
to these adjustments will theoretically
rise about 5 per cent.
* * * *
The consumer, however, will benefit
by other factors. The black market will
be reduced, perhaps eliminated; deteri
oration of quality will fall, especially
in textiles, and low-price commodities
will reappear.
If, as is likely, no great inflation comes,
this formula will get a lot of credit which
does not belong to it. As the strike wave
passes, markets will grow more ample
and production will start working against
higher prices. The effect of this will
gather momentum during the next four
months and be noticeable in seven
months.
Politically, all this will help Mr. Tru
man. It is another instance of Truman
luck. He has been fortunate more be
cause his ill-considered legislation has
A
not been passed than because of any
thing he has done.
Consider, for example, what would
have happened If Mr. Truman’s original
full-employment bill had passed. He
would have been required to produce a
national budget of predictions for the
current year, almost every element of
which would have been knocked sky
high, not only by the strikes, but by
his present wage-price measures. He
would have had Congress enact unem
ployment benefits for a period of little
Unemployment. Every prediction he
would have made would have lived to
mock him. His national budget would
have been a comedy of errors.
* * * *
Moreover, it should not be forgotten
that recent strikes have not really been
against employers. They have been
against the OPA. And at long last,
Government has retreated, after many
brave words last year about holding the
line.
If, as seems likely, this relief means
some months, perhaps a year, of rela
tive industrial peace, Congress and Mr.
Truman should use the time to provide
the laws and machinery which will pre
vent such misfortune from coming again.
The Case Bill, now buried in the Senate,
might well be the basis of some really
important consideration of permanent
means of applying Government relief in
future emergencies. Here is one way by
which Mr. Truman could stop his loss
in public favor.
Luck has helped him so far, but luck
is no substitute for statesmanship.
(Released by the Associated Newspapers, Inc.)
Plea for Spelling Reform
Prom the Wall Street Journal.
Too many wurds in the Inglish lang
wige are spelled diffruntly from the way
they are pronownsed. There hav bin
sum faintharted attemps to improov the
sltuayshun but thay don’t get very far.
It isn’t only the spelling; it’s also the
way wurds are used. If you say "frees”
and “froz,” why shuldn’t you say
"skweez” and “skwoe”? And if it’s
“mowse” and “mlse,” why not say
“hows” and “hise”? A wurd such as
“cough” reely ort to be spelled “koff,”
and if ther’s enything to the ideer that
usage gives athoraty, then “govern
ment” should long have becum “guvver
munt.” Specking in general turms, we
ar in fayvor of a spelling sistem that
machea the ufonistic ellements of our
muther tung.
A
Writer Sees Bowles
As Policy Watchdog
Says Porter Probably Will Be
Less Rigid in Wage-Price Plan
By David Lawrence
The true meaning of the Govern
ment’s wage-and-price policy is not ap
parent on the surface. Actually the
language of the new executive order
reasserts the authority of the executive
branch of the Government to impose
both wage and salary controls overnight.
To a certain extent the authority
which was relaxed last year just after
V-J day has been recovered. In a
sense, too, the administration is retrac
ing its steps, and doing so very wisely,
because the country was approaching a
state of economic anarchy as a result
of the irresponsibility of economic
groups in demanding wage increases
without compensating price increases
and the failure of Government to pennit
price increases necessary to absorb in
creased costs.
Under the old order, no company
could come to the OPA to seek price
relief until six months after its price
had been tested following a wage in
crease. Then if its profits equalled or
approached its 1936-39 base period, it
could get no relief. What has happened
now is that when an industry faces a
prospective reduction of profits to nor
mal level it can begin to argue about
price relief.
Concern About Profits.
Up to now, the OPA has been denying
that it was fixing profits by requiring
price increases to be absorbed in whole
or part. But under the new formula
there is an avowed concern about nrnflts
from the standpoint of the business
enterprise itself.
The language of the new executive
order on this point is worth examining
carefully. It says: “The adjustment (in
price! to be provided, shall be such as
in the judgment of the price adminis
trator will be sufficient for the 12
months following the adjustment, to
enable the industry, unless operating
at a temporary low volume, to earn
an average rate of profit equal as nearly
as may be to the rate of return on net
worth earned by the industry in the
peacetime base period applicable to that
industry, and, in the case of commodi
ties which are the subject of special
statutory^requirements, to a rate of
return sufficient to satisfy such re
quirements.”
The latter section refers, of course,
to transportation companies, electric
and gas utilities, and other legal mo
nopolies whose rates are fixed by stat
utory bodies either in States or cities.
Flexible Formula.
As for industries and business gen
erally which are in the competitive class,
there will be a rush to increase prices
and get under the new plan wherever
wage increases have been or are about
to be granted. There can be no doubt
that the immediate effects will be in
flationary but the formula which has
been evolved is sufficiently flexible to
hold future increases in price down and
perhaps to prevent any runaway price
situation for a while at least.
If the unions, which started out to
get a 30 per cent increase, are content
for a year or two to stay at a level
of 15 to 18 per cent increase, which they
now are getting, there may be some
chance of stabilization. If. however thp
whole process has to be repeated in a
year or so in order to grant the balance
of the 30 per cent demand, the vicious
circle of prices rising and purchasing
Power going down will be felt even
more keenly than today.
What has happened is that a new
principle or formula has been evolved,
with Chester Bowles as the policy-maker
but with Paul Porter as the actual ad
ministrator of the formula. Mr. Porter
doubtless will prove less rigid than Mr.
Bowles and that's what the White House
wants; but Mr. Bowles will be watching
to see whether his principles are being
safeguarded. It is not such a bad idea
to have such a check, for the inflation
dangers are greater than most people
realize.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
The Uncommon Lady Astor
From the 8t. Louis Post-Dispatch.
Lady Nancy Astor was playing with
words rather than expressing ideas
when she said that she was tired of
hearing of "the common man" and that
"it s not the common man who gets on,
it’s the uncommon man."
True, "the common man" is not a
very good way of saying "the most of
us” Neither 15 "the man in the street,”
or "the public,” or—perhaps the worst
of all—"the masses.” But every one
knows what the expressions mean.
They mean, at rock bottom, that a
decent living must be the rule rather
than the exception. They mean that
while, of course, the uncommon man will
get on best, the common man must at
least get on. They mean that enjoyment
of the good things of a democracy is
not to be limited to geniuses, or even
to the brilliant, but that people of
ordinary abilities are to have the op
portunity to live, too, and to live like
men.
Lady Astor may nave her view of
these self-evident tenets of democratic
life somewhat obscured by the fact that
she is ATI llnPAmmfvn nrrtmov* * l
is, perhaps, the reason why she some
times. as in the present case, speaks
such uncommon nonsense.
Understood Him
Prom the Pittsburg (Kans.) News.
Mrs. Roosevelt says she will sponsor
a movement in the UNO to require the
teaching in the schools of the world of
one internationally understood language.
Should not some one suggest to her the
adoption of the Kansas language for
this purpose? Gen. Eisenhower, it can
be pointed out, was easily understood in
numerous countries when he talked.
Memory
Solitude is when the several silences of
evening fall
And light fades from a bowl of yellow
roses on the sill,
When the notes blur on the Haydn
score at the keyboard,
And a bird outside chirps once and
then is still.
Ice melts, in the glass that will not be
refilled:
This is the hour when the footstep
would be coming to the door,
But it is only the evening paper falling
with familiar thud;
The remembered step will come this
way no more.
Memory is when a page is turned with
careful hush
test it disturb • presence where
there is no other one;
It is a glance at the calendar though
there is no need;
A clock-stroke, loud, loud, loud, like
the crash of gun.
FREDERICK EBRIGHT.
*

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