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The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republtcation of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited In this ?spcr *nd also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved, _ A—6 » SATURDAY, May 11, 1946 Are We Square Now? One detects a petulent note in Budget Officer Walter L. Fowler’s listing of the commendable achieve ments of the District government, evidently designed as an offset to what he describes as the “overdose of crisis, scandal and investigation” which hits the headlines “generally at appropriation time.” Mr. Fowler, an excellent budget officer, wishes us to remember the good things about Washington as more deserv ing of praise than the bad things are of condemnation. Had Mr. Fowler’s suggestion come r little earlier, The Star might have complied by placing into effect, in its news columns, the following style of reporting: 1. Two condemned prisoners ca joled, their Metropolitan Police guards into a game of gin rummy last night and escaped from their death cells and the jail. It should be -remembered, however, that the city government has always been free from major scandal of corrup tion and is without a single penny of bonded indebtedness. 2. A Gallinger Hospital physician tells Congress that many infants there have suffered preventable deaths, result of a lack of nursing personnel. Yet 174 school buildings, erected at a cost of $52,000,000, have housed a shifting, rapidly growing population “in a most creditable manner,” with thirty-three of the buildings erected in the past fifteen years. 3. Experts in hospital care, after a careful investigation, say that the District’s voluntary hospital plants are the worst in any comparable area in the country and a national disgrace. It should not be forgotten, however, that although it caused terrific confusion and upheaval in the municipal structure, the city has absorbed the shock of reconversion to a 40-hour week and nearly 100 per cent of the real estate taxes assessed have been collected. 4. Experts in public health say that the District’s slum area condi tions are “really appalling” and “perhaps its major health problem of any kind.” The city mortality rate, however (according to Health Department statistics), was the low , est in its history in 1945 and the tuberculosis rate is dropping, the maternal mortality rate in 1945 was lowest among large cities of the country and only five large cities had lower pneumonia rates. Fur thermore, a civilian defense organ ization, led by District officials “who received no medals,” became a credit and a model for other cities of the Nation during the war. Getting Out of Egypt Winston Churchill, leader of the opposition, was right in stressing the momentous character of the British government’s intended with drawal of troops from Egypt. The nub of his criticism was that this will leave the initial defense of the Suez Canal wholly to Egyptian forces and expose the tenderest spot in the lifeline of empire which trav erses the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. The government's reply is that Egyptian nationalism has reached a pitch of self-consciousness which simply will not tolerate the presence of foreign troops in peace time, and that the only basis on ; which a new treaty could be nego- ! tiated is their withdrawal. The alternative would be a virtual im position of Britain’s will upon a recalcitrant Egypt, bitterly alien ating not merely the Egyptians but also all the other peoples of the awakening Arab world, already an gered by the Palestine issue. Such alienation would, in the opinion of the British government, be more dangerous than the strategic weak ness to the Suez Canal. The government goes on to point out that the decision does not spell immediate withdrawal, which would have to be done by stages over a considerable period of time, during which the Egyptian government, in Its turn, would have notably to in crease its military establishment and defensive installations. Fur thermore, British forces would be close at hand in Palestine, Trans Jordan and Iraq, where they are by mandate rights or by provisions of treaties freely entered into by the native governments. The significant feature of all this is the way in which political con siderations today outweigh purely strategic factors. The day when Britain was supreme and unchal lengeable in the Near and Middle East is long past. It must move warily to maintain a favorable bal ance in a complex and difficult po litico-diplomatic situation, wherein the challenge of the Soviet Union is becoming a major element. Another feature is the altered character of warfare. Mobility has become so stepped-up that British aircraft, including transport planes, I could reach the Suez- Canal in a matter of minutes from nearby Pal estinian bases, and motor convoys could arrive from the same source in a few hours. This is probably the reason why the British general staff gave its assent to the evacuation idea. —1—————— Barkley's Leadership Even those Senators who sought to talk the British loan to death must admire the determined and expert strength shown by Majority Leader Barkley in smashing the parliamentary log jam that had threatened to paralyze the Senate not only on this issue but on ex tending the draft as well. Last Saturday, after three weeks of repetitious debate involving tac tics not unlike those of a filibuster, the loan was clearly imperiled. Se lective service had to be extended before May 15 or it would auto matically die on that day and thus create a crisis for the Army. Ac cordingly, the opposition had 'good reason to believe that if it kept on talking long enough it could force a laying aside of the credit measure in order to clear the way for im perative action on the draft. This strategy, however, was met head on by Senator Barkley. Firmly, sincerely, with evident feeling, he served notice on the Senate that he would oppose “with all the power and influence” of his position any effort to suspend action on the loan, even if by so doing he helped to kill off selective service. He made clear, of course, that he considered the draft extension vitally necessary, but in his judgment the British credit in terms of world peace and pros perity—was more important still, and he did not want to lay it aside, because he feared that that might be the same as burying it. In taking this stand, Senator Barkley made a difficult and highly debatable choice between two meas ures of prime significance. But it was a bold move and its obvious sin cerity was impressive. More than that, it proved to be leadership of the most effective kind, for from then on the log jam began to fall apart and words gave way to action. Consideration of the loan, which happily has at last gone to the House with Senate approval, was interrupted only long enough to permit the enactment of a neces sarily makeshift resolution extend ing the draft on a stopgap basis. The majority leader, in short, came out of the fray with his colors flying on both counts. To be sure, he was helped some by the fact that the Senators, with John L. Lewis on their minds, began to realize they would have to act on the loan and the draft (which em braces the Smith-Connally Act and the power to seize mines) if they were ever to do anything about new labor legislation. Taken all in all, though, it may fairly be said that they finally got down to work on these two measures largely because the majority leader, by his drive, his ability and his own hard labors, set them such a good and praise worthy example. ^mm^—■———» Liquor License 'Racket' The Senate District Committee was correct in deciding that the re ported existence of a liquor-license selling “racket” in Washington was not a proper reason for further de laying approval of the nomination of Commissioner J. Russell YOung for reappointment. The license problem has no bearing whatever on Commissioner Young’s fitness to continue in office. The problem Is not of his or the other Commission ers’ making, but all of them have manifested concern about it, just as the Senate committeemen have done in ordering an investigation of the matter. The extraordinary situation which has developed here in connection with liquor license transfers thor oughly deserves the earnest atten tion of congressional investigators. The Alcoholic Beverage Control Board bluntly describes it as a “racket” that bodes no good for the liquor-selling industry in the Na tion’s Capital. It is a racket that has seen liquor licenses being sold at steadily inflated sums, until in a recent transaction an all-time peak price of $140,000 was recorded. Other licenses have been sold for $100,000 and slightly lesser sums, according to ABC officials. These sums represent the valuation placed on liquor licenses transferred in connection with the sale of liquor stores and are, consequently, in ad dition to the considerations given for building, stock and “good will." In other words, Government permits are being bartered at skyrocketing prices just as any scarce commodity might be in an unrestrained market. The question naturally arises as to why it is possible, or permissible, to trade in licenses issued to partic ular individuals on the basis of their qualifications to engage in the liquor business. Actually, the trans fer is made “subject to approval of the ABC Board,” but the board has no basis for refusing approval if the new applicant can qualify—as he usually does. And the courts have held that a liquor license is “prop erty” that is subject to seizure and presumably also subject to transfer, like any other property. ABC offi cials fear that the high prices in vested in licenses may have a bed effect in the event of a decline in liquor prosperity, with unscrupulous dealers resorting to unethical or illegal practices in order to recoup their losses. The ABC Board believes that removal of the ceiling on the number of liquor licenses would knock the props from under the in flated price structure, but the Com missioners, supported by many civic groups, oppose any lifting of restric tions on th* liquor business. One suggestion is that the District lm pose a heavy tax on license sales. This would require legislation. All in all, the problem is so complicated that only a careful study of all the ramifications is likely to turn up a practical solution, if practical solu tion there be. The Senate District Committee will render the city a valuable service if it can find a way to end this disturbing get-rich-quick 'traffic in official licenses. 'Nothing Criminal' James C. Petrillo and John L. Lewis have shown themselves to be resourceful in devising new and un usual ways of raising money for their respective unions. They have a worthy competitor, however, in the person of James Hoffa, business agent for the locals of the Team sters’ Union in the Detroit area. There are approximately 6,400 re tail meat and grocery stores in De troit and they rely on teamsters to haul the commodities which they sell. Heretofore they have been able to obtain the services of the team sters by paying the usual charges, but that is not to be the case in the future. Hereafter, Mr. Hoffa has decreed, th£ teamsters will haul food only to the shops of those grocers who agree to pay a monthly “permit fee’’ of from $2 to $5. The indignant grocers, asserting that this is a a form of “tribute," have said that they will not pay it. But the chances are that they will. At any rate, they apparently will not get much help from the law. An attorney for the grocers appealed to the city prosecutor, who, after reviewing the facts, came to the con clusion that there was “nothing criminal” in what Mr. Hoffa was attempting to do. In all probability the prosecutor’s decision is the cor rect one, for it can hardly be doubted that for a decade or more the leg islative policy of this country and the trend of judicial interpretation of the laws have been such as to permit, if not actually to encourage, the type of activity in which Mr. Hoffa is engaging. And the further probability is that this will continue to be the case until public opinion is sufficiently aroused to demand an end to such abuses. A Russian-born cockroach exter minator who rid the Capitol of these pests declares he did the job for nothing out of love for his adopted country. It is too bad his talents cannot be utilized to get the bees out of the bonnets of his former fellow natives. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. Shakespeare called attention to a bank where the wild thyme grew, but we know one where there are 16 different wildings doing well. While honeysuckle is the main prod uct, there are others, including dande lions, trumpet vine seedlings, wild straw berry, snow-on-the-mountains, barberry seedlings, privet sprout, maple, oak and cherry seedlings, ground myrtle. English ivy, violets, buttercups, clover and chick weed. It takes a bit of examining to And all these things, but the effort has its re wards, something on the order of put ting a puzzle together. The point is that there are thousands of similar places, where a little looking will reveal similar beauties, all the more pleasant because they are heaped to gether. Wild things look best in the wild. Birds played a large part in the planting of this bank, or steep terrace. It was the lush growth of honeysuckle fellC<>UrSe' Wh*Ch hCld th* SCedS whi<* Winds, too, played a part and, the wnole being on a bank, the rains had something to do with it, washing down a few seeds. The second point is that it takes a certain mind to see beauty in these confusions of nature. The mind so ad justed may feel sorry, and rightly, we believe, for the other type of mind which likes nothing but order. We can conceive an owner who look ing at his stcep terrace, would be horri Aed at such a list as we have presented. Immediately, he would take steps to tear out all except the prevailing honey SUCKIC, Tne rest would have to go. They would offend his ideas of neatness. The only thing that would save them would be the fact that he might not see them There are two ways this might happen. The plants would be concealed in the growtlw of honeysuckle, or the questing eyes would not be adjusted to strangers. The mind which likes such confusion "f*®' would rejoice at the way the little things hide among the larger. This is nature’s own plan. We have spoken of it as confusion, but it is not so much that, except from a human viewpoint as nature in the wild, which is the only real nature there Is. The careful householder knows how easily nature reverts to the raw. The raw, in nature, is not something in human, but simply “as is.” It is natu ral for small plants, such as buttercups, to find a bit of soil and come up. This coming up, among other things is at once the triumph of nature and the solace of the human mind, rightly adjusted. Some minds are not adjusted to the things around them. They find more grumble in gardening than happi ness. They ought to give it up. Let things come up as they please. In that way, without worry, one gets all that nature has to give. It is true that on the bank instanced some of the things must come out at last. No one wants cherry, oak or maple trees on a bank, as a rule. But for the time being, they are lovely, and deserve to have a place in the sun. We hope the chickweed will be al lowed to remain. And the ground myrtle, and the violets. A too tidy gar dener might think some of these smaller growths just weeds, but the birds like them. Birds love all wild growing places, whether in a corner of the yard, or on a bank. The fine growth makes up for other faults. Birds like berry bushes, tall things such as sunflowers, and low trees such as dogwood. Every home grounds, how ever small, should have a wild corner to appeal to the birds. Too much cleaning up is bad. It re places the way nature does things with the way the planning mind of man tries to do things. We are getting our fill, as a nation, of “planning” in the grand manner. All it leads to, evidently, is confusion and lack. Nature knows better. She is not too much set on planning. Growth is her ace up the sleeve. She did her planning so long ago that she has for gotten about it. * % Letters to The Star This May Clarify the Attitude of Indonesians Toward the Dutch To the Editor of The Star: I highly appreciate the publication by your paper of May 2 of your reporter’s talk with me about Netherlands-Indo nesian problems, but I beg your kind attention to some misunderstandings in the article and therefore trust your willingness to publish my correct views on the issue, which are the following: 1. Not because of anti-Dutch feelings but because of the combination of quick military success and the immediate and free distribution of rice, clothing, etc., the majority of the Indonesians cheered the Japanese military forces occupying Java. 2. Despite increasing anti-Japanese feelings due to their imposition of forced food deliveries and forced labor, there still is a marked lack of cordiality by the Indonesians toward the current Dutch troop arrivals, although an in crease of hostilities can hardly be fore cast. 3. I did not say that the Dutch pro posals for a Commonwealth of Indo nesia with a pledge that we may ulti mately decide freely about our own fu ture political destiny are unacceptable, but that, while I agree in principle with these proposals, I also have some reservations, particularly with regard to any loopholes permitting the re introduction of some aspects of prewar colonial policy. Civil administration, justice and hygiene can be run by the Indonesians themselves, but regarding foreign relations, in broader sense, In donesia still needs Dutch aid. The re sponsibility must lie with the cabinet of ministers and Parliament of Indo nesia to be established and no longer with the crown’s representative. Certainly, I consider the present Netherlands government and its nego tiators sincere with the proposals, with which the majority of the Dutch and especially the younger generation seem to agree. But many conservative Neth erlander still want to maintain pre war colonial policy, whereas numerous Indonesians aim at complete severance with Holland. So both Dr. van Mook and Sjahrir are now fighting on two political fronts. A. KOESOEMO OETOYO. First Secretary, Netherlands Embassy. Urges Aid for Needy Mothers To the Editor of The 8tir: America gradually is developing a so cial security program which will cover a majority of the people. But nothing adequate as yet has been done or even proposed in behalf of mothers who are not in position to sup port themselves. Most of them have worked hard from 40 to 50 years, bear ing and raising children, keeping homes together, being in fact the real human fabric of the Nation. Then, when at last their families are reared and "on their own.” these good women too often are left to shift for themselves with nothing to shift with or on. Or if a meager support is given them in grudg ing fashion, they are made to feel that they are ordinary objects of charity, without merit or desert. I urge Government aid for mothers who need it. We owe that much to the women who have done so muclj for us, both as individuals and as members of society. E. M., A 75-YEAR-OLD MOTHER WITHOUT rUNDS. Honoring Mothers With Charity To the editor of Tht Star: There Is a real connection, besides coincidence, between Mother’s Day and the National Emergency Food Collec tion both of which fall on May 12. Mother won't mind if we share her gift with the starving children of the world. I therefore would like to suggest that we turn a deaf ear or eye to the extrav agant, foolish gifts offered by commer cially-minded salespeople. Instead of purchasing that cocky froth of a chapeau tied to a box of candy for a mere $8 or similar hit-or-miss gifts, why not really honor mother’s holy way of life by giving her some flowers, a made gift, or prayers? What remembrance is sweeter than that offered at God’s altar, "Where re membrances are sweetest”? Use the rest of the money for the emergency. Any tender mother’s tender heart, liv ing or dead, will rejoice for our gen erous gift of cans or cash to those mothers who have suffered so cruelly, watching their children going without food. MARIE C. COMMINS. Suggests Study of Canadian Way To the Editor of The Stir: Canada has few, if any, strikes. This being true, I think the people of the United States ought to know why it is so. Specifically, I suggest that President Truman appoint a commission repre senting capital, labor and the general public and send this commission to Canada to study the Canadian system of maintaining industrial peace. Should Mr. Truman decline to take this step, I believe he would be open to criticism for not taking it. On the other hand, if he will take it immediately, I am confident that he will deserve and receive the grateful thanks of his coun trymen of all classes. . J. ARTHUR NEWCOMB. Daylight Time Favored To the Edi.tor.of The St»r: Daylight saving for the District should be given proper consideration. Although there are those who do not want daylight saving, there is, in my opinion, a majority of Government workers who favor it. I believe that daylight saving would result in a lessened consumption of electric current. In view of the emer gency of shortage of coal I feel that prompt institution of daylight saving is indicated. X. Y. Z. Deplores Communist Tactics To the Editor of The Star: On the fatal day when the late Presi dent Roosevelt officially recognized the communistic governmfnt of Russia with all its promises, he opened the flood gates of hell on the American people. One rat gnawing at the dyke can inundate a whole nation, and W'hen we see, unless we are blind, the strikes, dis order and confusion prevailing through out the whole country, we understand that they are the tactics of the com munistic creed. The trouble is making headway like a house afire and there appears to be no fireman in sight to subjugate the spreading disaster. Says Ben Jonson: “Men might go to heaven with half the labor they put forth to go to hell, if they would but venture their industry in the right way.” LOUIS F. DILGER. / This Changing World By Constantine Brown Those who regard the British and French loans as remunerative financial transactions were right in describing them as poor cash dividend payers. These loans must be regarded very much like lease-lend. No American legislator actually believed in 1941 that the bil lions appropriated to enable the Nazis’ victims to purchase defense materials in this country would bring us a cash return. We endeavored five years ago to.buy ourselves out of another world war—and didn’t. The western nations which are now seeking substantial loans in the United States are .probably in worse shape than they were in the spring of 1941. The political body is even more weak ened than during war. The lack of food and raw materials—necessary to put re deployed men back to work and to help those recently engaged in war work to start afresh producing peacetime ma terials—is having serious political con sequences. The fifth columns of the enemy made little dent on the Allies in wartime. But the political propaganda favoring the neototalitarianism of today has made gigantic strides, not only in West ern Europe but also in the United States, where it is camouflaged under the pleasing name of ’’liberalism.” Although neither the British, French nor American governments admit it openly, the loans now being sought are intended as much for political as for eco nomic stabilization. Some of the high est officials in the administration admit that, had they not been afraid of dev astating reaction in Congress, they would have, asked that these loans be changed to outright grants, as was the case with most of the lease-lend monies, * * * * In many respects the world situation today is worse than it was before V-E day. Axis totalitarianism has been crushed. But the U. S. S. R. appears to have replaced it, insofar as world poli tics is concerned. The United Nations —white hope of the nations for a long period of peace and security—is shaky. The attempts of American, British and French foreign ministers to blue print a nearly equitable set of peace treaties at Paris has failed. Once more the Russian government has insisted that its point of view prevail in the debates which were supposed to consti tute a fair and unbiased exchange of views regarding the postwar world. It was noted in particular that Rus sian Foreign Minister Molotov was adamant when the question of trade opportunities in the areas occupied by Soviet armies was raised by Secretary of State Byrnes. Neither the United States, Great Britain nor France are pro testing against large Russian trade missions being sent to South America, although they have positive informa tion that the trade commissioners are accompanied by specialists in Commu nist propaganda. It was consequently logical for Mr. Byrnes to ask for equal opportunity to trade with the nations of Central Eu rope and the Balkans, particularly since it meant merely resuming a situation which was interrupted by the war and Nazi-Fascist machinations. We were bluntly told in Paris to keep our noses out of the European area. * * * * The truth is that trade agreements have been rammed down the throats of those new satellites of Russia, whereby any business transactions between them and the western world must go through Moscow. A similar situation is expected to de velop in the Far East. Last March, on the eve of the withdrawal of the Red armies from Manchuria, the U. S. S. R. indicated to Chungking that It would like to negotiate an economic agreement regarding that province very much along the line of the trade agreements with the Balkan satellites. 'Chungking refused. The result was that the Red armies managed to infiltrate large Chinese Communist forces into vital portions of Manchuria, equipped them with Russian and Japanese weapons i and placed them in a position to take over the bulk of China’s richest prov ince. The trade opportunities of the west ern world consequently are becoming more and more restricted. Our produc tion will not be affected for some time, so long as the rest of the world is seek ing UNRRA aid and other assistance. It is probable that the Russian satellites for some time to come will accept what ever they can get for nothing from the United States. Nor will they refrain from "stimulat ing” American markets by asking and obtaining Export-Import Bank credits with which to purchase raw and manu factured materials, many of which will find their way into the U. S. S. R. in the shape of reparations. This threatening situation was strong ly in the minds of high administration officials when they pressed Congress to approve the loan to Britain. The Gov ernment is more aware than the man in the street that unless the needy western nations receive a shot in the arm in the form of loans, the prospects of their falling prey to totalitarianism are dangerously great. The Political Mill By Gould Lincoln The United States has reached a po sition in the world where it must pull up its oil reserves. It must do so for its own defense and for the protection and expansion of its industry.' In a recent letter to Secretary of the Interior Krug, Senator O’Mahoney of Wyoming stated the changed position of the United States in relation to world resources and production of pe troleum. For 85 years up to and includ ing 1944. this country was the leader in petroleum production and, apparently, in oil resources. The startling fact is that the United States possesses only 32 per cent of the estimated crude oil reserves, while the Eastern Hempishere possesses 53.9 per cent of these reserves. All of which explains the intense Interest with which the maneuvers of Russia In Iran, and in the Middle East, generally are being followed. Testimony before the Senate Special Committee on Petroleum Resources showed that in the past 85 years, up to and including 1944, 63.8 per cent of all the world production of petroleum came from the United States, with only 23.3 per cent from the whole Eastern Hemi sphere. The center of gravity has changed, so far as oil production is con cerned, from the United States to the Near and Middle East. Nor is any one at present able to estimate with any degree of certainty what the possible oil reserves of Russia may be. * * K> * Up to and through 1944. the petroleum production of the Near and Middle East was only 3.8 per cent of the world sup ply. But the estimated reserves of the Near and Middle East today of the world total are 42.18 per cent, whereas the reserves of the United States are estimated at only 32 per cent. It has become, therefore, of great moment to this country to increase its potential reserves through discovery of new fields. For this reason Senator O’Mahoney is backing legislation which would fix the royalty rate—payable to the United States—on exploratory leases at 12\’3 per cent. Under existing law the rates for oil leases run from 12>£ per cent to 32 per cent, depending largely on the character and size of the oil production. Mr. O'Mahoney is firmly convinced that it is necessary to bring about increased activity in the field of oil exploration— a field which requires the expenditure of a good deal of money, and that the incentive of a flat 12\i per cent royalty ■would go far toward increasing the ef forts at new oil discovery. The five principal public lands States, California, Colorado, Montana, New Mexico and Wyoming, constitute a huge field for oil exploration. Since 1939 new discoveries of oil have been made on 128 public land leases as follows: New Mexico, 61: Wyoming, 21: Montana, 20; California, 14; Colorado, 3; Utah. 1, and other States, 8. The area of the five principal States for oil exploration, combined, is 623,472 square miles, of which 253,200 are classified as possible oil lands. The public lands in the possi ble oil area of these States amount to 25,570 square miles. It is Senator OMahoney's contention that if the Government stimulates search for new oil deposits on these public lands by a royalty payment of 12Vi per cent, it will lead to exploration on other lands, too, and that the entire West will have an opportunity to make valuable contribu- ! tion to the Nation's total oil reserves— and production. j * * * * Indeed, a law passed in 1942. which was sponsored by Senator O'Mahoney, provides for a flat 12’i per cent royalty for 10 years after discovery on allpro duction from leases on which new oil or gas deposits have been discovered. This was regarded, however, only as a wartime measure, to stimulate the dis covery and production of additional oil. It is Senator O'Mahoney's contention that the incentive plan must be made permanent and that is what he is seek ing. despite the fact that the Interior Department in March reported that the need for such encouragement “in nor mal times’’ is not apparent. The Wyom ing Senator insists that while the war is over, these are not normal times, and he cites the world oil situation and the scramble for oil by various powers, and particularly by Russia. Fifteen United States oil groups now own or have a share in the ownership of crude oil reserves in 20 foreign coun tries. Some of these reserves are in the Near and Middle East. The Amer ican oil companies own some of these reserves in conjunction with the British, the Dutch and the French. It is clear, however, that unless the United Nations is able to maintain peace, these invest ments of capital in the Middle and Near East may turn out to be an in vestment in a new war. The Time for Sacrifice By George Fielding Eliot It is a time-proven military maxim that military success is founded on the offensive employment of power pro ceeding from a secure base. History warns us that failure to use power offensively—that is, the wait and see policy—generally results in disaster; but history also warns us that the attempt to use power offensively without first making certain of the security of the base is virtually certain to result in disaster. These principles apply to war. But since the greater includes the less, they apply to the use of national power to achieve national objectives—a process of which war is merely a <more violent manifestation. Our present national objective in the field of world policy is! the establishment of a secure and lasting peace. It so happens that the power and the prestige of the United States form the central pivot of the hopes of mankind for a peaceful world. >|t $ ijc Now it should be clear to any reason able person that we have not yet at tained the measure of understanding and agreement among the nations of the world that is the essential prelimi nary to the enthronement of world law. There does not yet exist that sense of world community, of moral and mutual obligation, of confidence, which will per mit what “the Federalist" calls “the mild coercion of the magistracy” to be the sole sanction of international au thority. For the present, the world is still ruled by power. In cold fact, America must for the present be strong if America’s voice is to be heeded. How important it is that our voice should be heeded, the events of the past year bear eloquent testimony. It is not too much to say that if our efforts to bring about a peace of justice, to devise acceptable means for the in ternational control of atomic energy, to break down the barriers to free com munication between peoplesa nd to bring all men and women into responsible participation in national and world af fairs—if these efforts fall, the last best hope of humanity fails with them. Yet, faced with these conditions, aware of them as every thinking person who has access to the daily press must be aware of them, some Americans are recklessly dissipating the strength of this Nation, creating weakness where there should be power, creating division and dissen- ] sion where there should be a solid front of national determination. ' * * * * Both in the ranks of labor and in the ranks of capital there appear to be in dividuals who are recklessly resolved, regardless of the future, regardless of the horrible threat that hangs over them as well as over the rest of their countrymen, to achieve selfish objec tives at the expense of others merely because they think they have the power to get away with their demands. Issues of the most vital and far reaching importance are endangered by the situation thus created. The harassed Congress knows not whether to go ahead with the matters in hand or to turn to the rising threat of internal chaos and try to find some means of opposing it. The President does his honest best, but his best is not good enough. And so America is weakened by internal dissension at a moment when weakness may well be fatal. It is poor comfort to reflect that the gentlemen who are responsible for this state of affairs will perish with the rest of us if their irresponsible selfishness results in the final disaster—the dis aster of American weakness in the hour of ultimate decision. Can they not understand that this is the hour, not for selfishness, but for sacrifice? That this is a time for de cision, as Sumner Welles has well said, an hour in which weakness is suicidal, in which selfish contention is akin to treason, in which mutual concessions and reasonable adjustment at home are the essential foundations of strength abroad? Apparently they cannot, and in their lack of understanding may well be found the red seeds of destruction. (Cearrlsht, 1946.) j V « Mine Seizure Effect 1 Weighed by Officials Smith • Connally Act Protects Those Who Just ‘Cease Work’ By Bertram Benedict One group of President Truman’s ad visers is believed to be urging him to take over the coal mines for the Gov ernment. under authority of the Smith Connaliy Antistrike Act of June 25. 1943. It is argued that the miners would be Jess inclined to continue their strike if it should become a strike against the Government. In 1943 John L. Lewis or dered the miners back to work only if the Government continued to hold the mines. Another group of presidential advisera is believed to agree with Senator Wheel er, Democrat, of Montana, who told the Senate on Tuesday: “If the Govern ment were to take over the mines, the Smith-Connally Act would have no ef fect whatever, in my opinion." The so-called Antistrike Act is curi ously phrased. Congress rushed it through in 1943 after coal stoppages had threatened to tie up war production. In both houses President Roosevelt’s veto of the measure was overridden without debate. Confusing Phraseology. The act first authorizes the Govern ment to take over any struck plant or facility necessary to the war effort, then forbids any person to “encourage any person’’ to interfere with the operation of any such plant by a strike or to sup port such a strike. But "no individual shall be deemed to have violated (thesei provisions by reason only of his hating ceased work." It would seem, accordingly, as though a strike in the coal mines would not be illegal in itself if the Government took over the mines, especially a strike already in effect; what would be illegal would be support of the strike. Another section of the act requires 30 days’ no tice of a labor dispute threatening to interfere with war production; within those 30 days the employer and em ployes concerned “shall continue pro duction under all the conditions which prevailed when such dispute arose." The miners gave the required notice before striking. The coal mines were taken over five separate times by the Government, in 1943, 1944 and 1945. During some of these periods of Government occupa tion strikes were continued. The first seizure of the mines came on May 1, 1943, with President Roosevelt citing his authority as Commander in Chief in time of war. On April 30 the union had “permitted" a work stoppage on the grounds that the contract had ex pired. On May 2 the union announced a “truce” until May 15, later extended it until May 31. Strikes Continued. On June 1, another work stoppage. On June 3 the President "ordered" the miners to resume work on June 7 and most of them obeyed. On June 18 the miners struck again; on June 23 were told by the union to go back until Octo ber 31, provided the Government did not in the meantime turn the mines back to the operators. The mines were turned back during October, had to be taken over again on November 1, this time under the Smith-Connally Act. They had all been turned back before July, 1944. Throughout this period and later the issue of wages and working conditions was before the War Labor Board and Secretary of the Interior Ickes either as solid fuel administrator or as head of the Coal Mines Administration. In 1944 Ickes signed a contract with the union which the War Labor Board approved on April 7, 1944. However, various strikes caused various mines to be taken over again in the late summer of 1944 and the spring of 1945. A work stoppage by supervisory employes caused another Government occupation in the fall of 1945. Lewis did not exactly order this stoppage, but on October 17 he ordered the supervisory employes back to work “in the public interest." Fear.of Future From the Mecon News. But nonetheless it is the old mel odies of these masters that * provide the greatest appeal to singing America. We are just plain afraid of the future. The possibilities of the use of the atomic bomb are just too much for us to even try to tackle. . The United Nations Organization, with all that it holds for the future, has frightened us. We somehow feel better when we see it falling into an old and familiar, albeit deadly, pattern. ‘Man dates,” “trusteeships” all have a famil iar sound. Our intelligence warns us that these old pitfalls are just as dangerous as of former years. And yet our subconscious, clinging frantically to the old, the familiar and shying away from the new and untried, allows us to accept these old shibbo leths. despite their baneful histories, just because they are old, familiar. We are like little children, afraid of the dark. And yet that very fear of the unknown will lead us straight to destruction if we do not bravely hold the feeble candle of our knowledge be fore us and walk unfalteringly into thaf same darkness which is the future. Favors Simple Life From th* Dillon (S. C.) Herald. In an economic sense, historians will probably refer to this as the “great ex perimental age.” In the last decade w« have tried many experiments, many ol which have failed to produce the de sired results. We are not getting anywhere fast, and the Nation is kepi in a perpetual state of turmoil, anxietj and uncertainty. Why not abolish al the fantastic measures which hav< caused so much distress and return tt the simple way of living? Nothing con tributes so much to the sum total of human happiness as a feeling of free dom and security. Topaz Arrowhead You found this golden point, you sdy. In that plowed field beyond tfu stream? ° * Against dark earth your practised ejjb Discerned its alien topaz gleam? How long Ohio’s soil concealed The flawless wedge—since there it fel From Shawnee chieftain’s hand, per• haps, Or Natchez warrior's—who can tellt And earlier still it may have come From the Southwest where it was madt By what rough paths, through what dense woods. In what complexities of trade! Yes, with your prize, I'd say you hold A page of history in your hand, Far-flung adventure of a race Whose rich imprint still marks out land. VIRGINIA SHEARER HOPPER.