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With Sunday Morning Edition. THEODORE VV. NOYES, Editor. W A SKIN G T O N\~ I). C. The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Mam Office: 11th St and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: no East 4t2d St. Chicago Office: 4.‘i5 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Regular Edition. 4 Sundays 5 Sundays. Evening and Sunday 90c per mo $1 00 per mo The Evening Star _ tiOc per month. The Sunday Star ] oc Per copy Night Final Edition. 4 Sundays. 5 Sundays. «|2ht Final and Sunday $1.00.mo. $1.10 mo Night Pinal Star — 75c Per month. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. 1 month b months 1 year. Evening and Sunday. $1.00 $6.00 $12.00 The Evening Star_ .75 4.00 goo The Sunday Star_ 50 2.50 5.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Office. Washington. D. C., as second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or net otherwise credited in th's Paper and also the local news published herein All rights of publication of special d.spatches herein also are reserved. A—14THURSDAY. May 23, 194fi Municipal Court Issue Although the District Bar Asso ciation, in voting by a ratio of nine to one to oppose the nomination of Mrs. Nadine Lane Gallagher as an associate judge of the Municipal Court, did not make public the basis cf its opposition, it is reported that the association's action was influ enced largely by the contention that Mrs. Gallagher does not meet the statutory requirement of five years’ active law practice here immediate ly preceding appointment. The question thus raised is an interest ing one, having to do with divergent interpretations of the law creating Municipal Court and setting up standards for appointment to its bench. The Municipal Court Act states that “all appointees shall have been actively engaged in the practice of the law in the District of Colum bia for a period of at least five years immediately preceding ap pointment.” Mrs. Gallagher for the past five years has been a Govern ment attorney, most of the time with the Department of Justice, where she is now employed. In recom mending her appointment by the President Attorney General Clark held to the theory that her legal service with the Government con stituted "active law practice in the District of Columbia.” This view also prevailed in the appointment to Municipal Court of another De partment of Justice lawyer, Judge Thomas Dewey Quinn, in 1943. Many members of the Bar Association, some of whom assisted in the writ ing of the Municipal Court Act, are known to feel that the intent of the five-year-practice proviso was to limit appointments to lawyers who had actively practiced for five years before the local courts, including the Municipal Court. Mrs. Galla gher would not qualify for a judge ship under such an interpretation. These variant views as to the meaning of the statute governing appointments to the Municipal Court -bench could have been obvi ated had the law been more explicit. Since the Municipal Court is the only District of Columbia court com pletely local in nature, it is only logical that the District Bar Asso ciation should prefer to have that bench* reserved for local attorneys who have had the great advantage of bona fide practice before the tri bunal. The Dutch Elections The results of the elections held last Friday for the Lower House of the Dutch Parliament, collectively termed the States General, conform closely to the pattern set in recent elections held both in neighboring Belgium and, to a somewhat lesser extent, in France. The outstanding . feature is the strength shown by the Christian conservatives. Almost equally significant are: The increase of the Communists, the recession of the moderate Socialists and the vir tual eclipse of the old-fashioned Liberals. Although the Netherlands are his torically a Protestant country, ap proximately one-third of the popu lation are Roman Catholics, concen trated especially in the southern provinces, which were acquired from the Spanish Netherlands (now Bel gium i during the Dutch wars of lib eration. The inhabitants of the original ‘'Seven Provinces” of the north which revolted from Spanish rule have remained strongly Protes tant, except in the big cities, which contain not only Roman Catholic migrants from the south but also an extremely radical development among the industrial workers, today frankly Communist in character. The'Roman Catholics have long been a well - organized political party, numerically the strongest in the last prewar Parliament elected in 1937. The provisional regime in stalled after Dutch liberation from the Axis was predominantly leftist in complexion and was headed by Premier Willem Schermerhorn, rep resenting the Labor party, corre sponding closely to the British Labor party, with a platform of moderate Socialism. This arrangement has now been upset by the elections, which re turned thirty - two Catholics as against the Labor party’s twenty nine. Premier Schermerhorn has accordingly handed in his resigna tion to Queen Wilhelmina. How ever, the precise makeup of the new cabinet is not yet certain, due to the fact that several other political par ties are well represented. The Prot estant bloc, which is essentially con servative, wmn twenty-three seats, while the Liberals trailed with only six. The Communists made a very strong showing in the big cities, polling 500.000 votes and winning ten seat.; in the Lower House. The Dutch Communists are showing a militant spirit, threatening among ether things to call a dock strike A which would paralyze commerce. Shortly before the election Premier Schermerhorn broadcast his inten tion to crush the strikers with armed force if they should attempt to paralyze the national life at so cru cial a time. Whether the Labor and Communist .parties can co-operate as a Left opposition to the conserva tive religious parties, which together could muster a legislative majority and represent a total of 2,600,000 votes, remains to be seen. Marshall Warns China The nature of the statement given out to the press by General George C. Marshall, our special envoy in China, can be epitomized by the old saw, "A plague on both your houses.” In no uncertain terms it charges that those embattled Chinese fac tions, the Communists and the Kuomintang Nationalists, by their I “reckless propaganda of hate and suspicion” are producing a crisis “which seriously aggravates the present grave situation and can lead to disastrous results for the people of China.” This propaganda, continues the general, “naturally in flames feelings and increases the possibility of some hothead precipi tating a general conflagration.” That General Marshall in no way exaggerates the danger is evidenced by every news dispatch coming out of China these days. The fighting between Communist and govern ment troops is no longer confined to Manchuria. It has spread to much of Northern China and might conceivably embrace the whole country within a measurably short time. Such a civil war, coming on top of a decade of foreign War and attendant devastation on an enor mous scale, could completely wreck all plans for national reconstruction and would present the world with a politico-economic vacuum that would be 2 major danger to world peace. It was to avert ‘this ominous eventuality that General Marshall was originally sent to China last winter with instructions to try to find a basis of compromise. At first his efforts appeared to have been successful. When he left at the end of January to talk with President Truman he had engineered a “truce and unity" program to which both sides had formally subscribed. The first serious breakdown came over Manchuria and the renewal of fight ing there envenomed mutual ha treds that go back more than twenty years. General Marshall hastened back to China to see whether his great personal prestige, his dip lomatic ability and the strong back ing of his Government could not avert the impending catastrophe at the eleventh hour. The general’s public statement does not set forth the respective re sponsibilities for the failure of both sides sincerely to implement the program he negotiated early in the current year. It is in the nature of a solemn warning and a final ap peal. Taken against the factual background of bitterness and blood shed, it is not an encouraging state ment. We can only hope that the admonition will be taken to heart by those to whom it is addressed. Reassuring the Arabs When the Anglo-American Com mittee of Inquiry reported on Pales tine a few weeks ago, the Arabs were quick to- speak bitter words against it. Shortly thereafter, on May 10, they formally summed up their feel ings in a sharp aide-memoire filed with the State Department by the diplomatic representatives of Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi’ Arabia and Syria, with the result that they now have received renewed assurances that the United States will consult with them before taking “any def inite decision” on the committee’s recommendations, including the one to open the Holy Land to 100,000 additional Jew's. The fact that the Arabs do not appear to have addressed a similar note to the London Foreign Office probably can be explained on the ground that when the committee’s report was published Prime Minister Attlee was careful not to commit himself to it. President Truman, on the other hand, issued a statement that could be interpreted as a broad endorsement of the recommenda tions, and presumably this was one of the main reasons why the five Arab countries drew’ up their joint aide-memoire. In any case, they made a special point of asking for an American declaration that the United States “is in no way bound" by the proposals of the committee. In all fairness, considering the ambiguous nature of the President’s comment on the Anglo-American report, it must be said that the Arabs were not being unreasonable in making such a request. For the fact is. as their aide-memoire pointed out, that President Roosevelt, just shortly before he died, wrote a letter to the ruler of Saudi Arabia specifi cally stating that they would be fully consulted regarding any basic decision on Palestine, and Mr. Tru man himself gave the same assur ances later. On the strength of the record, therefore, they had some cause to wonder whether the Presi dent’s remarks a few weeks ago re flected any change in United States | policy on a matter of great impor ] tance to them. Certainly, no matter how valid or invalid may be the objections they have raised to some of the Anglo American committee’s recommenda tions, the Arab countries have a legitimate interest in measures af fecting the future of Palestine. This seems so obvious, and involves so many explosive factors, that any in ternational effort to solve the prob lem without consulting them could hardly be a just or intelligent one. The State Department has done well to reassure them that the United States has no intention of decidint on this question—which is orj meriting the attention of the Unit^ Nations as a whole—before confe^ ring with them as well as wit Jewish leaders. Fellow Travelers Warned ‘ The Civil Service Cdinmission^ warning that some members of tl^ United Public Workers of Americ! are pursuing a course which ca cost them their jobs may serve t discourage membership In a unioj which has no place in this country' governmental structure. The warning, issued by Commis sion President Harry B. Mitchel rebuked the UPWA for the pro Communist tone of a resolution adopted at its recent convention ant implied that any person who ha; followed a well-established Com munist party line would be dis-, qualified for Federal employment; or, if already employed, would be removed. I This threat was not unqualified ,For example, Mr. Mitchell said that! evidence that individuals partici pated in the drafting of resolutions] such as that adopted at the con-< vention, or that they actively sup ported the adoption of such reso lutions, w'ould be considered as “relevant” evidence in determining whether or not the individuals were following the Communist party line. There is a distinction, however, between relevant evidence, which' merely tends to establish a fact, and conclusive evidence. Conceivably, a person might help draft such a resolution, or vote for it, without being held to be a fellow traveler, Or, at the least, a Federal employe could belong to the union, support it financially, and attend conven tions without endangering his em ployment status. The net result1 might be to persuade the union leaders to mask their hostile opera- 1 tions, but not to abandon them, and this, certainly, is not a result to be desired. On its record, the UPWA ought not to be tolerated in the Federal service. And the movement in the Senate to outlaw the organization , by forbidding the use of appropriated funds in paying the salaries of per sons* belonging to it is a more effec tive measure than the warning issued by the commission. If proof of this is needed, it can be found in the alarmed reaction of fellow travelers in the UPWA to the Senate threat. _ * It isn’t easy to think up answers to all the pressing questions of the times. Meanwhile, as Samuel John son said in the Idler in 1759: “Criti cism is a study by wnich men grow important and formidable at very small expense.’’ This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. The "peek-a-boo*bird” is what he Is called in one household. Maryland yellow' throat is the correct name. This is the small yellow fellow with the black mask. He loves to fly ih and out of shrub bery. from which he peers down with his odd facial adornment. The forehead and sides of head are a uniform black, forming a conspicuous mask of the true villain type. He is not a highwayman, however, in any sense of the word, but one of the prettiest and most useful of the warblers. He is likely to be seen easier than any of the other w’arblers, but it takes some sharp looking, at that. Altheas and other leafy shrubs are his favorite hiding places, although he likes the tree tops, too. He actually seems to be interested in humans, and when you look at him. he looks back at you with what has all the appearance of genuine Interest. Per haps he is doing nothing more than looking for insects, but most observers w'ill be willing to believe that such a charming creature has some interest in them. This is the bird that is supposed to say “Witchery, witchery, witchery, witchery,” but one must take those ■ syllables with the proverbial grain of salt. Let us say that he has an intriguing song, but mostly it is not heard here abouts, but only in the north, but occasionally hereabouts, since it may breed here. The nest is sometimes put on the ground, and this is why it is called the ground warbler, a name which orni thologists do not like, since the bird is more characteristic in bushes, and spends most of his time in them. The nest is mostly close to the ground, but not on it. The bird makes a platform of leaves, on which the large nest is placed. It is made of grass, leaves, rootlets and hairs, and contains four shiny white eggs, blotched with various colors. This bird winters in the south, as far as the Bahamas, Jamaica, Cuba and Guatemala. This is one of the warblers whose nest is selected by the cowbird to lay her eggs in. The cowbird mother—and what a poor mother she is—uses keen discernment in selecting the yellow throat's nest, because neither the mother nor father yellow throat de tects the imposition. The yellow warbler, on the other hand, often discovers the fraud, and builds another nest over the cowbird egg. These particular warblers have been known to build four layers, losing their own eggs, of course, each time. The little Maryland yellow throat sel dom finds out, even when the cowbird baby is hatched. The large baby gets most of the food, so that the rightful heirs of the nest starve, or die. It would seem odd, that the mother yellow throat is imposed on in this manner, and yet human beings are often imposed on, too, in ways which might strike birds as strange, if they could read and write. The yellow-breasted chat is another bird which stands for no nonsense from the cowbird. His underparts are yel low, but he lacks the black mask of his relative. The chat is the largest of all the warblers, being 7Va inches long, as compared with the slightly under five inches of the yellow throat. The chat is generally regarded as being, with the blue Jay, one of the two birds with a genuine sense of humor. The word “chat” comes from chatter. The bird has a beautiful flight song, as it is called, delivered as it rises from the-ground, and comes back to its perch. The Maryland yellow throat also has 1 this singing habit. Letters to The Star Calls for Invocation of Law Against Strikes in Wartime To the Editor of The Star: DemocrKcy is a form of government in which the people govern themselves, either directly, as shown by the old New England town meetings, or by elected representatives, as illustrated by our National Legislature. This definition carries with it the fact that majorities rule. At no time did the founding fathers visualize a minority of 400,000, led by a determined and highly vocal dictator, being able to stop production and interfere with the ordinary living routine of 135,000,000 citizens. This isn’t democracy. It is mob-rule. Granting that the miners have legi timate demands that are being denied by the mine owners, there are other ways of accomplishing reforms than by a complete paralysis of production. The same amount of publicity as that which accompanies the strike would compel re adjustments by the owners as a result off the pressure of aroused public opinion. If the Government requirements for safety and welfare of the' workers are not broad enough, they readily can be extended by executive action. If they already are broad enough but are not being enforced, the Department of Jus tice can remedy the condition. Cer tainly, neither Harlan County nor any other county can prevent the United States Government for executing the laws. The famous anti-trust regulations preclude capitalists from taking any action that would result in "restraint of trade.” Certainly, these laws are not so restricted in their application that a complete shut-down of indus try caused by labor union officials would call for no action by the Government. The Smith-Connally bill, barring strikes during wartime, has. not been invoked by the Government despite the fact that officially we still are at war. What we really need, now, is the en forcement of existing laws rather than a flock of new laws of limited applica tion, developed in a time of high emo tional stress. JOSEPH T. MAGUIRE. j Quotes Letter From Buenos Aires To the Editor of The Star. Shortly before the publication of your j editorial on ex-Col. Peron, I received a letter from an old friend in Buenos Aires. This person—who must remain : [anonymous—is by no means a radical and was a participant in the recent ■university student strike. I am taking the liberty to copy some of the observa tions, as follows: “The impossible has rappened; ‘he’ is President-elect of our Bair country. I never thought 'he' had bo many partisans, and since’ his tri iumph, the number has soared enormous ly. Success is evidently the best propa ganda. The most embittering thing about all this is the ease and enthusi- ' asm with which the United States poli- ! ticians try to make friends again. La Guardia sent him a message of good Wishes, the Mayor of New Orleans sends Invitations, etc. If you stand for prin- • liples and ideals, you can t just ‘turn ! i new leaf and start to make business Wain. The United States should have I followed up the ‘Blue Book’ policy and iccusations. Students have suffered knd died for fighting this regime, as Well as many other people. We feel We have been let down; the ‘dollar policy’ is too strong, I guess." We cannot afford to embitter many nore of our foreign friends who still >elleve that we are the champions of reedom. Have we no national con cience? PVT. ANTON GILLIES. Jr. Wants Technicians Kept Home 9 the Editor of The Star: The new executive order of President Truman, authorizing the drafting of men of the ages of 26 through 29, opens the way to the drafting of ap proximately 13,000 men. Who are these pien and why haven’t they been drafted before? | During the war years, the Selective tervice boards combed the age groups elow 30. Every eligible man went into ihe Army except scientists, engineers |nd highly skilled technicians who were ield to be key men and irreplaceable, pearly all of these men are engineering Wllege graduates or have had. similar tcientific training. Their skills were Urther developed at an accelerated rate luring the war. They represent the test technical minds in the country, they are an appreciable part of the iabric that holds together the industrial pattern in the United States. , Would any other nation send out her host promising scientists and techni ians to stand sentry duty in a foreign bun try? Such a mistake, even for two ears, would mean a great detriment to ktr national progress and welfare. Our country sacrificed much to win jhe war. Why sacrifice our technical Ciperiority now, when improved effl ency in the present Army would ac omplish the same end? ROGER M. WILSON. Possible Answer to Question p the Editor of The Star: Referring to your query on the edi trial page of Sunday’s paper—"Wonder hat George Washington and Abraham ncoln would think of James Caesar Ptrillo and John L. Lewis?”—the an rer is that if either of them had been j i the White House for the past 12 or i years, there wouldn't be any James aesar Petrillo or John L, Lewis—or any sed for them from anybody's point of ew. G. W. Selective Service for Strength i the Editor of The Star: Permit me to express my whole parted approval of your editorial, “In ting Contempt.” Pew newspapers >pear to appreciate the problem or ^tpress it so clearly. Please continue your efforts to bring public attention the importance of gislation which effectively will pre srve the Selective Service System, here probably Is no other legislation . the moment which would add so juch to the strengthening of our inter - itional relations. More than any her matter before Congress, it un jubtedly is the key to our future ‘curity. JOSEPH P. MOTLEY, ieutenant Commander, U. S. N. R., Inactive. ' Too Bad He Wasn't! ■cm the Ben Francisco Chronicle. A strange experience, that of a New ork thief who sauntered out of a hotel ibby with a grandfather clock. Not nee was he stopped by a clown, asking: Wouldn't a watch be handier?'1 This Changing World By Constantine Brown ine unuea states Government s ef forts to maintain strict impartiality be tween the« Nationalist government of China and the Yenan Communists have led it into the anomalous position now of providing Army officers for the train ing of Communist forces which, in turn, are fighting the Nationalist government which we supported throughout the war in the Far East. When Gen. George C. Marshall went to China several months ago as Pres ident Truman's special envoy replacing Patrick J. Hurley, he carried specific instruction from Washington to bring about unity in China. The Washington Government was not concerned about establishing either Communists or Na tionalists in a superior position in the new government. But Chinese unity, it was felt here, was necessary to attain Far Eastern peace—and by extension, world peace. Qen. Marshall labored during the month of January, and a truce finally was signed, according to which both sides were to keep the positions they then held while the composition of the new government and amalgamation of the armed forces were worked out. In many cases word of the truce could not be transmitted rapidly to fighting fronts, and truce teams were sent out, compris ing one Nationalist, one Communist and one American member. These truce teams have labored almost constantly ever since, and only recently “cease fire" was ordered on the last fighting sector in China proper. In the ensuing months, however, the Russians withdrew progressively from Manchuria, turning over a good three quarters of the country to the Chinese Communists, instead of the Nationalists. This Manchurian fighting still goes on. One of the foundation stones of the January truce was the agreement that China was to have a unified army, of which about 10 divisions were to be Communist. Although these divisions were fully complemented with person nel, they lacked training in modern methods and weapons of warfare. In order to demonstrate America's lark of bias and abundance of good-will, Gen. Marshall suggested—with General issimo Chiang Kai-shek's knowledge and consent—that the United States send 85 armv officers to supervise the military instruction of the Communists and teach them new fighting methods. This, obvi ously, was to offset the effect of the military mission w'hich the American Government was to maintain on the Nationalist side, once American troops were removed from the country. With what amounted to their own militarv mission from the United States, the Communists would be stopped from ac cusing this country of taking sides in the Chinese conflict. This suggestion by Gen. Marshall was accepted by the Communists, but un foreseen developments delayed its be ing carried out. These developments were the carefully planned infiltration of the Yenan forces behind the Russian lines and the establishment of their oc cupation—as successors to the Russians —in., the greatest and richest part of Manchuria. The recent Chinese victory at Szep ingkai, north of Mukden, was a small Nationalist gain in the Manchurian mili tary situation, but if Chiang’s forces have to conquer all of Manchuria from the Communists before unity is achieved, the pacification of China' will take a long, time. As the result of their political suc cesses with the Russians in taking over practically all of Manchuria, the Yenan Communists have expressed dissatis faction with the position they achieved in the January truce arrangements. Their position now is far stronger than it was then, and their revised demands reflect that new’ strength. The Com munists now are claiming not only a much greater representation In the Chinese government than they agreed to in January, before they became masters of Northern Manchuria, but they are also insisting that Communist troops make up a much greater part of the reorganized Chinese Army. Ten divisions are no longer enough. Although the Chinese Nationalists iKuomintangi were aware of the ar rangement in January for the 85 Amer ican Army officers to go to Kalgan to train the Communists, and no pro test has been made by Nanking against our fulfillment of our part of the bar gain, there are definite indications that Gen. Marshall's agreement with Yenan is not particularly welcome right now. with the Communists at the peak of their power. However. Gen. Marshall continues to nourish the hope that he can still bring the Chinese factions together again, and has decided to keep his pledge to the Communists. For that purpose he has ordered the 85 Ameri can officers to go to Kalgan and start training the armies which the Com munists intend to use in battle later, when fresh supplies of modern equip ment have been received from the U. S. S. R. If Gen Marshall is successful in bringing about complete unity between the Nationalists and Communists the work of these officers will be all to the good in helping to create the strength for a united China. If, however, his task proves impossible, the American government will be placed in an un tenable position, with its military men in effect working for the civil war on both sides in China. Such a situation will provide fresh ammunition for the critics of Amer ican policies in China—particularly the Russians. The Political Mill By Gould Lincoln The world — including Russia — is aware today that the United States has arrived, at last, at a basic foreign policy. This policy development has been crystallizing for months since the close of the war. in the London and New7 York meetings of the United Na tions Security Council, and more re cently at the Council of Foreign Min isters in Paris. It has been enunciated clearly by Secretary of State Byrnes in his report on the Paris meeting, and by the state ments made in the Senate by his two principal advisers in Paris, Senators Vandenberg, Republican, of Michigan and Connally. Democrat, of Texas. It is a policy which demands early and just agreement on peace terms, it Is a policy that declines to compromise principles and rejects "appeasement” of any nation. It calls for the complete de militarization of Germany and Japan and the rehabilitation of those nations which suffered, and are still suffering, during the war. If other nations, including defeated Germany, have hoped that the United States would sag back eventually to a position of isolationism similar to that which it occupied after World War I. their hopes are not to be fulfilled. Sen ator Vandenberg. principal spokesman for the Republicans of the Senate on foreign affairs, definitely has aligned himself with the policies enunciated by Secretary Byrnes. If Soviet Russia has had ideas that the major political parties in this coun try would split on the issue of foreign policy, or that a sufficient left-wing sentiment in the United States would prevent a firm stand by the United States in opposition to aggrandizement demands by the Soviet government, it, too, has learned these hopes are not to be realized. There is no question in the foreign policy ot the United States, as described by Mr. Byrnes and Senator Vanden berg, of this country’s battling against Russia in the peace negotiations for the benefit of the British Empire—although that is the propaganda put out by Rus sia and also by some people in the United States. The “offensive for peace,” which Mr. Byrnes described as a fundamental of United States foreign policy and which he said “has just be gun.” is really an offensive for the re establishment of peace and not for the special interests,of any nation. Mr. Byrnes, in his report, discussed the efforts made by some nations lor their own national “security.” He pointed out that the effort of one nation to increase its own security may threaten the security of other nations and cause them in turn to seek to increase their security, too, a situation that would make of the world an armed camp and in the end lead to less rather than more security in the world. He added, with truth, that it is extremely difficult to know to what extent the action of any nation for its own security may be ascribed to its desire for its own ex pansion. Many of Russia's moves since the war have been ascribed to a desire for security. Having been invaded twice through Poland in a quarter of a cen tury, it was natural Russia would con cern itself with the government wThich was established there. It is one thing, how-ever, to have a friendly government and another to have a completely sub servient government. The Soviet gov ernment has widened and is seeking further to widen its sphere of influence in many nations of Eastern Europe and in Asia. Red Army forces are in many of them. They have been withdrawn, according to recent reports, from only one, Iran. Mr. Byrnes’ effort is to bring about, at as early date as possible, the withdrawal of foreign troops from all nations— except Germany and Japan, and even in those Axis powers, a reduction in the number of armed forces retained to the limit needed to see that there is no chance of aggression on the part of those nations. National security is the proper con cern of any and all nations, but Nazi Germany sought national security through the domination of the world. It failed at a terrible cost to itself and to the rest of the world. The Secretary of State, by his handling of foreign affairs in more recent months, has increased not only the prestige of the United States but ills own. The firm attitude of this Gov ernment undoubtedly has given hope to democratic nations everywhere. Too often in the past a lack of definite foreign policy, a feeling that it was impossible to know with any certainty the attitude of this Government toward foreign problems, has puzzled the world. Rail Personnel Pay By Charles F. Speare Were the railroad managements to meet the current demands of the op erating personnel of their systems for higher wages the average annual pay of conductors and engineers—the elite of the steam transportation industry— would jump well ahead of that of super visors in the iron and steel, motor and electric plants of the country, and in some instances would equal that of jun ior executives of corporations and banks. In 1944 the average pay of all mem bers of the operating group was $3,580. It was somewhat higher in 1945 when a great deal of overtime 'was paid. In 1944, the peak year in American indus try. it was just short of $3,000 on Gen eral Motors’ books. In the same period the average for the United States Steel Corp. was $2,919 and last year $2,780. Both companies have made a substantial increase in their rate of basic pay this year but the final take of their em ployes will not be as great as in 1944, owing to strikes and other work stop pages. If the original demands of the rail road operatives were to be granted, the pay raise would amount to $2.50 a day. If the level ordered by the arbitration board and recommended for engineers and trainmen by the Truman fact-find ing body should be agreed on, it would bring an increase of only $1.28 a day. An adjustment is expected somewhere between these maximum and minimum amounts.. Interstate Commerce Commission fig ures for the first seven months of 1945 show that the average weekly earnings of passenger engineers in that period were just under $95 and those for local and freight engineers were $105.67 and $83.95, respectively. This represents an average of about $5,000 a year. There are many runs in the East, West and South, however, that develop a considerably higher earning power. Passenger engineers on the New York Washington runs of the Pennsylvania Railroad earn a weekly average of $110.52 and on tly Washington-Chicago runs $101.75. The engineer of a freight train on the latter division earns a weekly average of $127.43. On the Jer sey City-Washington run of the Balti more & Ohio monthly earnings of Diesel engine drivers average $420 and of Diesel engine drivers on freight trains on the Philadelphia-Chicago divi sion as much as $450, more than $5,000 per annum in the one instance and $5,400 in the other. Among the top paid men are the pilots on the Chicago and Omaha and the Chicago and St. Paul divisions of the Chicago & Northwestern Railway as well as those of the Union Pacific and Santa Fe systems. On the “North western” Chicago-Milwaukee division average weekly earnings, as cited by the management, are as high as $126.63, or at the annual rate of $6,574, and $112.38 on the Proviso-Clinton division, more than $5,800 a year. While these are accepted as the cream of the operating jobs, a study of the averages for all operating men of vari ous classifications, in 1945, will indicate that railroad workers have been getting a fair rate of pay in comparison with those in production industries. As stated above, the weekly average for the entire country for passenger engineers is about $95, and for local freight engineers $105.67. The average for local freight conductors is $92.22, for passenger brakemen $67.64, and for freight brakemen ,on local runs $73.06, (North Amerlcon NttaMMr AllUneo.) Merits of Coal Strike No Longer the Issue Failure To Enforce Law Makes Mockery of U. S. Seizure By David Lawrence The issue no longer is the merits of the coal strike, but whether President Truman is going to permit any group to violate the law. Latest figures show that since the Government of the United States seized the coal mines at least 243 mines were shut down. Reports in the press state that miners in certain areas showed up for work and suddenly decided not to work. > The Smith-Connally Law specifically declares it to be unlawful for any one by word or deed to interfere with or slow down the operations of any prop erty seized by the Government. Is it conceivable that all the miners refrained from work spontaneously? Is it to be assumed that nobody gave them any word and they took the initiative' individually without confer ring with one another? To ask the question is to emphasize the absurdity of any such premise. Right Aa Individuals. Official Washington knows that the miners who refrained from going back to work had the right as individuals to refrain but knows also that workers do not withdraw without concerted ac tion. Will the President order the Justice Department to investigate and prose cute or will there be an admission that the .laws of the land need not be obeyed when a labor union decides to ignore them? Of what use is the labor legis lation being debated by Congress if the Government does not intend to en force existing law? Members of Congress have been ask ing these questions ever since the 15 day truce was proclaimed and a threat of Government seizure was reported in the newspapers. Did the unions make arrangements before seizure to notify the members not" to work if seizure came? The Justice Department ought to be able to clarify that point, for it seems incredible that unions with tens of thousands of members can act as one man without instruction being given them. The issues in the coal controversy probably can be solved in due time and, as has been stated in these dis patches, the miners have many a point on their side. They will, however, for feit public confidence if they resort to any plan to sabotage the Government's effort to keep the mines open. The responsibility for the whole cha otic situation in the industrial world is rapidly drifting to President Truman. Some of his lieutenants on Capitol Hill are working strenuously to prevent the passage of any restrictive legislation. They apparently want the situation to continue to be handled by the President personally. Pressure on President. This would mean that presidential In tervention is to be the only means of settling strikes. Already the Railway Mediation Act’s machinery has been by passed and pressure has been exerted on Mr. Truman. Similarly now the coal miners' unions will be given a con tract by the Government which im poses on the operators conditions that they never would grant through col lective bargaining. What this means is that the unions hare succeeded virtually in establish ing a system of compulsory arbitration with the President as the arbitrator and that all the unions have to do Is to use their pressure or their influence in Washington to get their demands ful filled. If this is an extreme statement of the case, all one has to do is to take what the fact-finding boards rec ommended in the case of the railroad unions and what the operators and miners were respectively willing to ac cept and compare it with the terms of the final settlements. The President cannot afford to allow all his time to be taken up with the settlement of labor disputes. If com pulsory arbitration is imperative in cer tain "public necessity’’ industries, then Congress should prescribe the methods and conditions of such an arbitration process and establish the machinery. The whole labor situation cannot be left to the President to handle, and certainly there can be ho progress If a mockery is made of Government seiz ure by failure to enforce the law. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) A Strike-Crazy World From the Montreal Star. Had any one forecast when the war came to an end that within a year not only would no practical progress have been made toward the drafting of a single peace treaty but that strikes would have spread around the world, he would have been laughed at. Yet it is a fact that today we are face to face with the precise situation, and that of the two disasters strikes ar« much more in the public eye because they affect the average man and wom an far more vitally. Strikes in Aus tralia. strikes in Japan, strikes in Brit ain. strikes in Europe, and strikes all over the North American Continent spread without any sign lyet where tt is all going to stop. The Truth Prom the Chatham News. Library officials report that children read more non-fiction articles than dime novels. Current events probably scare them more than fiction. A Jap Problem From th* Edmonton Journal. Pity the poor Jap war criminal! When he tries to blame everything on Tojo, Tojo will still be around to talk back. Flying Fish Silver against blue, they break in rocket jets of light Fanwise, away from the swift ship’s plunging bow, Streaking in iridescent arcs above the cobalt waves. Turned, as a shimmering loam before a monstrous plow. Most hunted of creatures, they flee the lurking death Below the waters and plunge in terror through the air; Quarry for larger fish and avid bird alike, they find Neither in bright, sun nor undersea a sanctuary there. So too the heart that run in panic from the dark, Yet cringes and flies on before the noon sun's blaze; Driven by threats of time and change it flees, j Nor dares look backward on its hur ried yesterdays. FREDERICK EBRIGHT.