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The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are teserved B—2 SUNDAY, May 26. 19«6 Anglo-Egyptian Talks The negotiations now going on be tween the British and Egyptian gov ernments for a new treaty to replace the expiring pact of 1936 are of far more than local importance. They are intended by the British Labor government to set a new pattern for Britain's position throughout the Near and Middle East. As Laborite diplomacy sees it, the rapid rise of native nationalisms throughout those vast regions makes it imperative to readjust Britain’s historic predominance there on terms that will be acceptable to the local populations while safeguarding the vital interests of Britain and its dominions. The alternative, im posed domination against popular wishes, not only requires military force beyond war - impoverished Britain's ability to apply, but would also tend to drive those countries into the arms of Soviet Russia, now vigorously seeking to penetrate the East and perhaps planning to oust Britain therefrom and substitute Soviet predominance. However, that very prospect tends to alarm the governing classes throughout the Orient, for whom Soviet control w'ould spell eventual “liquidation” through communism, just as has happened to the tra ditional upper classes in Moslem Central Asia that is part of the Soviet Union. By giving up formal control, Labor diplomacy hopes to consolidate the substance of its pow'er on terms of mutual under standing. As regards Egypt in par ticular, British military evacuating would, in practice, mean merely the shifting of the centers of British power either eastward to Palestine, Transjordan and Iraq or westward to the former Italian colony of Cyrenaica, conquered by British arms and presumably destined to be under .British control. The general trend "of grand strategy, especially the rapid evolution of long-range air power, makes possible the main tenance of British control on a multilateral basis in which any one unit, even Egypt, loses much of its former indispensability. Criticism of this thesis comes from tj|o sides. On the one hand, the Conservative opposition in Brit ain fears that Egypt will not live up to obligations it may assume for the defer^e of Egypt and the Suez Canal. On the other hand is the embittered criticism of the extreme Egyptian nationalists for any ar rangement which-w'ould tie in their country with the British defense pattern. However, this last is tied up with social controversies within Egypt itself for which British diplo macy does not wish to be made the scapegoat. George E. Hamilton Among the deserved rewards of a good and useful life which George E. Hamilton received was that of length of days providing opportunity for enjoyment of past achievement. No man of his generation could be counted more fortunate in that re gard. He came to the end of his career in the knowledge that his labors had been richly fruitful. His countrymen, particularly his fellow Washingtonians. benefited by his efforts, and he realized the fact and took honorable pride in it. Through out the fields of legal practice, busi ness, educational, civic and religious affairs his influence long will be felt. The reason is obvious. Mr. Hamil ton was an earnest worker. He had a serious view of his talents and their employment, and he did not waste them. Perhaps he did not consciously plan each detail of his many activities. It may be that he simply was possessed of a natural genius for doing promptly and effectively what needed to be done. In any event, he accomplished most of the results he sought. But Mr. Hamilton was not merely a successful and influential citizen. His personality was such that he attracted affection as well as re spect. He cared about people in tensely. Invariably vigorous in manner, he nevertheless invariably was kindly. There was a notable gentleness in his manner which may have derived from the sureness of judgment which he developed as the years passed. He was at once decisive and liberal in his attitudes, fixed in his opinions yet tolerant in his bearing. Thus it happened that he will be remembered for the age less character of his friendships, the satisfaction he gained by associ ation with the young as well as with his own contemporaries. Admittedly, he lived in troubled times, yet he never despaired of the world. The faith and the hope, that sustained him when he was a boy in the diffi cult era after the War Between the States remained with him through subsequent periods equally tedious. At ninety-two, he still found exist ence fascinatmg, still held ardent i expectation for a future reasonably bright. In other language, the lesson of wisdom which Mr. Hamilton learned and distinctively exemplified was that of practical enthusiasm, devo tion and confidence. He was himself a proof of the value of those qualities. Mr. Truman's Proposals The additional powers which Pres ident Truman has asked Congress to give him, if firmly and resolutely employed, should serve until six months after the formal end of hostilities to prevent strikes which threaten to destroy the economic life of the Nation. As a matter of fact, the mere ex istence of these powers should dis courage strikes in the industries af fected. This assumption is sup ported by the decision of the recal citrant heads of the two striking railroad brotherhoods to order their men back to work when it finally became apparent to them that the President was determined to break the strike. And if Mr. Truman could break the railroad strike prior to securing additional power from Congress, the chances are that he will be able to break any strike once the legislative weapons that he wants are in his hands. Some of the powers which the President requests are similar to those already extended to him by the Smith-Connally Act. Others are new. One could be used to deprive workers of their seniority rights if, without "good cause.” they persist in striking against the Gov ernment. This is a curious reserva tion, since the President’s whole case is predicated on the contention that there is no right or cause, good or bad, to strike against the Gov ernment. Presumably, however, the President has in mind possible situ ations in which the revocation of seniority rights would be unjust. Another new feature would re- j suit in the payment into the Treas- i ury of any net profits resulting from 1 Government operation of a seized plant. Apparently no exceptions : are contemplated, and this could result in the imposition of a finan- ■ cial penalty on an employer who was wholly innocent of any wrong doing but whose plant had been seized because his employes, with out justification, went on strike. In such a situation, this clause obvi ously would work an injustice. A third new power which Mr. Truman requests would authorize the President to draft into the armed forces “all workers who are on strike against their Govern ment.” Mr. Truman did not elabo rate on this proposal and its sig nificance is not clear. Would it apply literally to strikers, or would \ strikers, once drafted, be required to work at their regular jobs as members of the armed services? And if so, would they receive only the Regular Army pay and would they be subject to military dis cipline? Because of ambiguities of this na ture in the message, Congress may feel impelled to clarify and refine the statute enacting the proposals into law. On the other hand, the legislators may feel that the need of haste is too imperative to permit them to work out time-consuming ’clarifications and • may proceed to give the President what he wants without delay. I In that event there is one point deserving special emphasis. This is that the scope of the powers sought by the President would be tightly limited, applying only to “those few industries in which the President by proclamation declares that an emergency has arisen which affects the entire economy of the United States.” In those fewr situations the President would have very broad dis cretionary power to cope with strikes or threatened strikes. But that leaves a vast area of industrial dis putes, some of them of great though not literally of national importance, in w'hich neither the President nor any one else would have authority to intervene in behalf of whatever public interest might be affected. Certainly Congress, in enacting the emergency powers which Mr. Tru man wants, should not neglect this troubled area, but should deal effec ticely wdth it, either through the legislation now before the Senate or through the “long-range legislation” for w’hich Mr. Truman indicated a preference. Save the Housing Center The District Housing Center well deserves the recognition of its right to exist implicit in the decision of the Commissioners to seek an ap propriation of approximately $37,000 to help defray the cost of maintain ing the center through another fiscal year. The center, a mecca for veterans in search of a place to live, was threatened with closing as a result of the reluctance of the Na tional Housing Agency to give it full financial support beyond June 30, next. The local center is the last of a large number of war housing cen ters established throughout the country by NHA as a war emergency measure. The NHA is understand ably desirous of liquidating this wartime activity as soon as possible. Because the Washington center is still rendering a vital service, how ever, NHA officials have indicated their willingness to contribute about half of the cost of continuing the local agency another year. In agreeing to ask Congress for the other half of the $75,000 esti mated to be required for operation through the next fiscal year, the Commissioners took into considera tion the fact that about 2.000 appli cations are still being received week ly from veterans in desperate need of rooms or apartments for them selves and families. Some 400 appli ft cants are being placed each week. The volume of work at the center today is double that of the war pe riod. In short, the need for the center is greater right now than it was during the height of the war time housing shortage. Its aban donment would be a distinct disserv ice to veterans and others who have a right to look to the community for aid in finding shelter in this critical period of swollen population and scarce housing in the Capital. The Ultimate Reality The past few years have brought forth so many marvels—most of them grim—that man’s capacity to be astounded seems to be nearing exhaustion. In prewar days the average American would have been excited or startled to hear a man like General Spaatz, chief of the Army Air Forces, declare that the AAF was getting ready to operate planes capable of carrying atomic bombs on nonstop flights of 10,000 miles. Yet we know now that the bombs are an actuality, and his comment the other day on the B-36, the coming successor to the B-29, makes clear that the day of the super-superbomber is at hand. Still we take the news calmly, without any great feeling of wonder or sur prise, and we do this because spectac ular developments, following swiftly one upon another, have become more or less commonplace in our time. It is the same with the report that the Navy has developed a new weap on as deadly as the A-bomb if not deadlier. The report, which stemmed from a hint dropped in Congress a few hours after General Spaatz’s remarks on the B-36, may be some what exaggerated, but the fantastic has merged so much with the real these days that there is good reason to believe that such a weapon, what ever it may be, actually exists. It is worth remembering in this con nection that the process of nuclear fission yields great quantities of lethal byproducts and that many experts envision the prospect of radioactive poison gases every bit as devastating as the bomb itself. Moreover, it is significant that last November’s historic Truman-Attlee King statement on the international control of atomic energy specifically warned of the possible development of ‘'other” mass-destruction contriv ances. and there have been frequent guarded references to the immense i danger of bacteriological warfare 1 Electronics, atomic energy, bacte riological science, planes with a 10,000-mile range, guided missiles, transoceanic rockets of supersonic ! speed, jet-propulsion, “space ships” —these are some of the things, ac tual or potential, that have accus tomed all of us to take the fantastic for granted. Very little seems beyond the limits of man’s genius any more. The heart of nature has been probed to its most mysterious depths, and not much remains in it that is still secret. So, in our age of marvels, we find ourselves discovering and in venting and developing instruments containing within themselves that duality of character—that mixture of enormous good and enormous evil —that theologians and philosophers have pondered for centuries in an effort to explain the meaning and direction of the world’s life. The subject is no longer academic as it used to be. for now. with the nations at last capable of literally destroying themselves, it calls ur gently for action far wiser and much more sweeping than any which man has taken up to this time. If civili- i zation is to be safe, an international atomic control commission will not I be enough to protect it. War itself must be done away with forever, and peoples and governments must work 1 unflaggingly to that end, adopting in unison whatever drastic meas ures may be necessary to attain it. Otherwise, given another major test of arms, the world as we know it, together perhaps with two-thirds of its inhabitants, must be lost. This is the ultimate fantastic reality of our age, and no human being can *'ver afford to ignore it from now on. Permanent Seabees The Seabees. the fighting con struction battalions organized by the Navy early in World War II, are going to carry on as a perma nent branch of the Navy, and it is not hard to understand why. The “can do” boys who performed near-incredible base construction feats in the face of enemy fire and often under the most unfavorable conditions of weather and terrain have earned their place in the per manent naval establishment. The Seabees came into being just three weeks after Pearl Harbor, at a time when naval strategists felt the desperate need for development of special units of construction workers trained to work under the most dangerous and rigorous of combat conditions and prepared to forsake bulldozer or pick in favor of rifle and grenade when need be. Within a few months the first of these rugged outfits was on its way to the Pacific, where, from Gua dalcanal to Okinawa they leveled jungle growth, blasted coral and laid out the stepping stones which paved the way to Tokyo. At Tarawa, to cite only one example, the Sea bees landed with the first wave of amphibious forces and within four days had an air strip operating for our planes. They worked and fought, too. on the beaches of North Africa, Italy and France. It was almost inevitable that the Navy would decide to hold onto the construction battalion plan in re organizing for the future. With the fine traditions of the late war be hind it, the Seabee peacetime or ganization should have little diffi culty in obtaining volunteers for the permanent service. * I Capricious Decisions Befog Welfare Issue About-Face by Commissioners Emphasizes Need for Study By John W. Thompson, Jr. When they walked into the office of Representative Howard Smith, Demo crat, of Virginia on the afternoon of May 17, Commissioners John Russell Young and Guy Mason were ardent champions of their bill to transfer responsibility for public welfare ad ministration from the Board of Public Welfare to themselves. They had been of this opinion since a 1941 row over appointment of a wel fare director and many things had happened since then to increase that earlier resentment. The time had come for a change. The present joint control should be redefined and centralized in the city heads. rney sat down with Mr. Smith, Rep resentative J. M. Combs, Democrat, of Texas; Chairman Edgar Morris of the Welfare Board and Welfare Director Ray Huff to discuss action on the bill and two hours later went home committed to the exact opposite proposition of an autonomous Welfare Board except in the matter of finance. * * * * In such haste and secrecy was basic city government policy decided. A four year attitude arising out of pique and resentment was reversed in a two-hour closed conclave. Regardless of the merits of the earlier bill or the Commissioners', commitment, the whole approach is wrong. It is wrong because it was inspired by and supported on resentments at board ac tions rather than on careful, unemo tional study and recommendation. It is wrong because in inception and devel opment no real attempt was made to find out how the community felt on the issue. It is high time that the city ceased having to depend upon the ac cident of congressional interest or the whims of key officials for its changes and reorganizations. Likewise, even the plan to separate the prisons from welfare administration into a department of corrections under the Commissioners might be subject to the same criticism of overhasty decision j were it dependent solely on the whirl- ; wind investigation of the jail last month by a House subcommittee after the jail escapes of last November and April. Leading penal men, however, includ ing the former Penal Supt. Howard Gill, have advocated such an arrangement for many months with the idea that prisons are not welfare institutions, but corrective, and hence should be inte grated with other enforcement and re habilitative agencies. In this case, too. there is the further circumstance that the city, having com mitted itself to such a plan, is now in process of setting it up with the bor rowed help of a Federal prisons expert without legal basis. Unless the correc tions department is established by law before Congress adjourns, the prisons will remain under welfare control after J. Ellis Overlade completes his reor ganization. * W * w It is not simply a case of punishing the Welfare Board for the escapes by talcing the prisons away from it. Rather it is a matter of placing prisons in a department with the same status as other city departments, competing for city funds on its own rather than as a segment of the welfare department. The increased confusion created by the rapid turnabout of the Commis sioners on the welfare administration matter May 17 and the immediate practical need for action on the prisons suggests only one course of action: Treat the corrections issue separately from the welfare reorganization and devote the time between this summer and the next session of Congress to a studied solution of the latter. To do this Congress needs only to act on title one of the compound welfare re organization-corrections department bill before Representative Smith's House District Subcommittee, or to approve the separate measure sponsored by Rep resentative F. Edward Hebert, Demo crat, of Louisiana, amended to meet cer tain objections of the Commissioners. The welfare administration study now being completed by the Council of So cial Agencies may well provide the ob jective approach and solution necessary’ to iron out the wrinkles in the present arrangement, provided the recommenda tions are based on a practical apprecia tion of what Congress can and will ap prove. A comprehensive analysis must nec essarily answer certain basic questions. In other jurisdictions is welfare a de partment of city government or is it autonomously run? Can welfare be compared with education and hence justify autonomous treatment because in this and some other jurisdictions public schools are under independent boards? Are there conditions peculiar to Washingt n which Justify one par ticular solution? Does the budget con trol exercised by the Commissioners bv law over all city agencies carry with it a responsibility for welfare that will continue whether or not they or a board administer it? Does public welfare merit special consideration above other public services which a board could give and the Commissioners might be too overburdened to render? ★ * * sk The volume of existing statute under which welfare operates is enormous and should be carefully studied and codified, weeding out the obsolete, amending where possible and necessary, but above all giving future welfare administrators and District lawyers one authoritative omnibus law to which to look for guid ance. Samples of the curious and unsound I interlocking responsibilities that now exist but should be corrected include designation of the Commissioners to ad minister old age and blind assistance while the Welfare Board is named in statute to administer aid to dependent children. Although general public as sistance is under the board, language in the appropriations bills states it is to be administered under rules and regu lations prescribed by the Commissioners. Although social security law requires the Social Security Board to deal with a single authoritative agency in the matter of Federal relief grants and the Commissioners have designated the board their agent in the matter, pre audit of relief payments by the auditor is being regarded by the Social Security Board almost as intervention of a second agency. This would cost the city $700,000 a year in Federal aid if not straightened out. In the matter of personnel the board recommends but the Commissioners hire and Are. The board has only Memorial Day Message By the Rev. Dr. Seth Brooks, Minister of the Universalist National Memorial Church. As America faces another Memorial Day, many thoughtful persons must be wondering about the sincerity behind the observation of the day this year. There is no question that many of us will remember our own dear departed, visit their graves and lay wreaths upon *hem. No sincerity will be lacking here! Many of us old enough to remember World War I will think again of some lad we knew w’ho died “over there.” We can bring before our mind his youthful face. We have grown older, but he still is young and perhaps we say: “They shall not grow old, as we who are left grow old. Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning we shall remember them.” No sincerity will be lacking here! And, as our elders did short months after Appomattox Courthouse, we this year may attempt to realize that some we knew will not be back, because so recently they left us we have not yet grasped that it was for eternity. No sincerity will be lacking here! Beyond our individual feelings, how ever, there is the Memorial Day which we might think of as a national con sciousness. We mean, of course, that one stipulated day when we as a people remember our Nation's dead and recon secrate ourselves "to their unfinished task.” But what should the national mind remember? Bluntly put, it should recall that men died for this Nation believing their sacrifice would be hon ored by those for whom they died. Moreover, that men believed that this Nation was worth dying for and that other men would believe it was worth living unselfishly for. * * * * Nor is that all! This day should re mind us that no living American has done for America what one fallen American did for America. It is per haps trite to say, but our country still is the most favored land on earth. We might put it: "We have been awfully lucky." Let him who questions this behold the ruins of Europe and the Far East, the destitution and starvation that stalk the earth, and their offspring —chaos, loss of morale and lowerec morality. No matter how unfortunar or abused many civilian Americans ma. think they are, they have not yet ex perienced conditions beyond thes; shores, nor have they made any contri bution to their country which approxi mates that which was made by any man who gave his life that America migh1 live. Yes, just existing in America i a blessed privilege which no other lane we know of equally affords. Memorial Day might end here with ? tribute to our dead and a prayer of thanksgiving that we are living in /merica, but it doesn't! We would be fools or worse than fools if we did not see that every principle for which our dead gave their lives is threatened now. Nor is it as simple as calling the roll and saying: "Liberty, freedom, democracy and peace are endangered." It goes far deeper. Things on the surface are threatened because something has affected the foundations. This coun try was established on the belief that there was a sacred covenant with God. The hint of it is found in Genesis: “That I may remember the everlast ing covenant between God and every living thing.” The American covenant stood on the belief that men here with Gods help could build an ideal land. But how many today ever think of build ing in America "a nation under God,” "a kingdom of righteousness," "a new world”? We present-day Americans are acutely conscious of covenants, although we call them “contracts.” Much of our present-day quarreling and bickering is over what a contract includes or does not include. We need to put our minds on that everlasting contract between God and man. A nation is great when it perceives that men, through loyalty to their cove nant with God, guarantee their loy alty in all lesser contracts. Our national life today might be likened to an escalator which is off the roller. The steps, the handrails, the machinery and the principle of upward movement are there, but the ascending power has stopped. The quickest way for any nation to get off the rollers and stop its upward move ment is for individuals to put selfish and group interests above the good and the welfare of all. We Americans are not lacking in loyalty; the trouble is that our loyalty has become partial. We are loyal to our owm group, class, union, business or party rather than to the good of the Nation. * * * * A 24-year-old Marine lieutenant, Ben Toland, who was killed on Iwo Jima, could speak for our thousands of dead this Memorial Day. Aboard a transport the night before he was killed he wrote a will. He had about. *3,000, and all of it he left to philan thropic purposes. One bequest was to he Congress “for research in a far lighted foreign policy and a better Government for all the people and not for just the organized pressure gTOUps." In an accompanying letter to his parents he wrote: “Take care of and nurture what we are fighting for." The supreme question on Memorial Day, 1946, is: “Are we taking care of and nurturing what American men fought for—and died for—that we might be given the opportunity to make real the American dream?" Capital Sidelights By Will P. Kennedy. Why does the seal of the United States Treasury Department carry the legend: •'Thesaur. Amer. Septent. Sigil.," an abbreviation of the Latin “Thesauri Americae Septentrionalis Sigilum,” meaning “The Seal of the Treasury of North America," instead of “The Seal of the Treasury of the United States"? This question has had many persons and various institutions troubled, but thus far there is no conclusive answer. The seal of the Treasury is older than the National Government. A commit tee was appointed by the Continental Congress, September 26. 1778. to devise a seal for the Treasury. Its mem bers were John Witherspoon, Gouver neur Morris and R. H. Lee. The Journals of Congress on the date men tioned say: “Resolved: That the con troller shall keep the Treasury books and seal and file all records * • * shall draw bills under said seal.” im- ! pressions of the continental seal have been found on documents dated March, 1782. When the present form of Gov ernment was instituted in 1789 the Treasury seal of the confederation was continued in use. and all essential features are the same in the Treas- i ury seal now used. In a report of the ; Secretary of the Treasury to Congress in 1912, the symbols on the seal are explained, but not why the words “of North America" are used instead of “of the United States." The seal of the Treasury Department under the Consti tution was cut in cast steel by Edward Stabler of Sandy Spring, Md„ in 1849. He was ordered to make a facsimile of the old seal. The reliable historian. Benson J. Lossing, in 1869, wrote that: “Not only our Treasury seal, but that of ; our War Department also, in device and legend, is older than the National Gov ernment—older, possibly, than the Grea* Seal of the Republic, which existed six years before the Constitution became the supreme law of the land.” He also states that the device of the seal of the Post Office Department is older than the National Government. On July 4, 1776, several hours after the Declaration of Independence had been signed (about 2 p.m.) the Journals of the Continental Congress record the adoption of a resolution reading: “Re solved. That Dr. Franklin, Mr. J. Adams and Mr. Jefferson be a committee to prepare a device for a seal of the United States of America.” This was the same committee which had drawn up the Declaration of Independence, except for the omission from it of Robert L. Liv ingston and Roger Sherman. But it was not until June 20, 1782, that a satis factory design was obtained. The ob verse of the seal finally adopted was the composition of Secretary Charles j Thomson and the reverse the composi tion of William Barton. The obverse promptly was cut in brass, and it is believed that the first imprint, in wax on a paper wafer, is that found on a commission dated September 16, 1782, granting full power and authority to Gen. Washington to arrange with Great Britain for exchange of prisoners of war. That commission was signed by John Hanson of Maryland, president of the Congress, and was countersigned by Charles Thomson, secretary. The original die was in use for 59 years. Al though recut three times—1841, 1883 and 1902—the Great Seal always has been precisely the same as decreed by the Continental Congress. authority to criticize and suggest in the drafting of plans for institutions over which, once built, it has full charge and responsibility. Once these matters are resolved, some answer may suggest itself justified by the facts and free from the clouds of i ’judice. k Fifty Years Ago In The Star for May 13. 1896. there appeared two statements which imme diately became part Prof. Langley's of the history of avi Experiments ation if only due to their connection with a controversy which probably never will be settled. The first of the documents referred to was signed by Alexander Graham Bell, the inventor of the tele phone. who had been present when Prof. Samuel P. Langleys aerodrome twice landed safely on the Potomac. "No one," Dr. Bell announced, "could have witnessed these experiments with out being convinced that the practic ability of mechanical flight had been demonstrated.” Prof. Langley's own declaration attributed to the absence of a condenser his machine's limita tion to a brief trip through the air The distance traveled, he argued, was "about one-half mile" and the time of the flight "one and one-half min utes." * * * * Forty-four years after the death of John Howard Payne. April 9, 1852. the United States Govern A Debt to ment, which he served Mr. Payne as consul at Tunis, still owed him $205.92 and was unwilling to pay. The Star on May 14, 1896, called attention to the obliga tion, saying that the composer of “Home. Sweet Home,” might not have “trembled with yearning for his native land” could he have foreseen the ingratitude of that same dear country. Mj. Payne's heirs, everybody admitted, were entitled to the money. Meanwhile, Congress again and again neglected to provide for the payment. * * * * The old Corcoran Gallery of Art. situated at Seventeenth street and Pennsylvania ave Prooosol to Buy nue. was the sub Gollery Building iect of a report sponsored by the Senate Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds reported at length Jn The Star for May 15, 1896. “It is confidently believed," the authors of the opinion said, “that this property, so admirably suited to the public needs, is a very advantageous acquirement, whether price, desirability of location or easy and inexpensive adaptability for public uses be considered.” The site and the edifice standing upon it had been ap praised by four different “real estate firms” at figures ranging from $350,000 to $500,000. A bill directing the Secre tary of the Treasury to proceed with the transaction mentioned the former sum as being appropriate. * * * * The National Rifles’ Armory was the scene of an "annual exhibition of fancy dancing and May Dancing School ball" presented by the Festival pupils of the acad emy presided over by Prof. J. H. Vermilya and described in The Star for May 18, 1896. Three queens, it was explained, were crowned. Marie Howe was Queen of the May; Miriam Stoddart, Queen of Dancing, and Irene Richardson, Queen of the Fairies. They occupied thrones on a stage, except when they themselves were dancing. Other soloists included Sarah Richardson, Helen Winter. Alice Norris and Carrie Robinson. All the young performers were "up to a high stand ing.” according to the critic who re viewed their artistry. * * * * The Star on May 19, 1896, chronicled the death of Thomas A. Griffin, Joseph Mulhall, Daniel Con Four Firemen way and George H. Killed Giles, members of the District Fire Depart ment, who perished In a conflagration * « Number of Problems Is Problem in Itself Complex of Issues Puts Special Strain on Understanding By William H. Harrison. In commenting not long ago on the coal crisis John L. Lewis rumbled a few words that lend themselves readily, if somewhat ornately, to a much broader field than his own. “The situation," he said, “gives one furiously to think;” and so saying, although he did not mean it quite that way, he offered as good a text as any for our problem-laden times. If there were only Mr. Lewis and coal to worry about, life in America would be relatively easy on the mind. But the situation that “gives one furiously to think” is made up of so many issues of such variety, complexity and magni tude-national and international—that most human beings, if not all, can scarcely escape a feeling of bewilder ment. That states the case mildly. Ac tually, there has never been a period in history quite like this, when the very number of problems has become an acute problem in itself and when men and nations are seemingly incapable of proceeding step by step, in orderly progression, from the solution of one pressing matter to the solution of an other, and so on from solution to solu tion to a point of reasonable world sta bility. * * *!, There is a maxim to the effect that everything should be put in its place and one thing tackled at a time, but this is more easily recited than applied. While one thinks furiously of the coal crisis, for instance, one must think furiously, too. of a paralyzing railroad strike and of labor troubles in general. One must think furiously—in a for, an against or a neutral spirit—of a great multitude of questions that have come upon us all at once, all competing with almost equal pressure for attention, and all defying anybody to reduce them to simple black-and-white terms. Worse still, in many cases they overlap to such a degree that the effort to find the answer to one can hardly succeed with out a simultaneous effort to find an swers to the others. Compared with the things we must think of now. the issues of the war days were fairly simple. Then it was enough to concentrate on the single objective of victory, but with that won, Americans, and other peoples as well, find themselves riding a mental whirli gig. Thus, in the United States, news paper headlines and radio broadcasts clamor for everybody's attention, all at the same time, on vital matters like extension of the draft, the British loan, the future of OPA, the stalemate among the Foreign Ministers at Paris, the United Nations proceedings in New York, the world food crisis, inter-AUied occu pation strains in Germany, Korea and Japan, deteriorating relations with Rus sia. strife in Manchuria, the atomic bomb, and a whole host of other prob lems and developments anything but restful to the mind. Obviously it is not coal, the railroads inflat'onary’ dangers alone that cause "ohe furiously to think." It is nearly everything, and from time to time, as like as not. the whirligig will receive an extra twirl, as it did recently when the President, on top of all the other issues, sent a message to Congress call ing for the establishment of a historic and highly significant inter-American security system. The situation, in brief, adds up to one in which there is so much to consider, study, worry about and debate simultaneously that there see*ts little chance of coping with a single problem easily and well. Ques tions have been fired at the world in blunderbuss fashion, with the result that it is difficult in the extreme to con centrate solid thought on any one of them. The British loan, for example, distracts attention from the draft, and vice versa. In the morning the mind's eye may be attracted to Iran, in-the afternoon to India, Manchuria or sev eral other places and things together, and in the evening to something like the chaos of the rail strike. ^ * w Thus, seeing everything at once and nothing clearly, the average earnest follower of current events Is lucky if he avoids having his thoughts and en ergies scattered in the wilderness of issues. As far as the general public goes, the effort to keep up with the situation involves a real measure of physical and mental fatigue, so that people cannot be blamed too much should they tend now to seek escapist diversions. But neither our own nor other government# can run away from the problems that are crying for solu tion everywhere, nationally and inter nationally, even though the task of dealing with them tries patience and saps strength. There may be too much to consider at one time, but the United States, Britain. Russia and the United Nations as a whole still must act. There is no escaping that. It is a question, of course, whether the different powers might not be able, somehow, to give special priority to the most pressing matters, holding back those that can be held back now. But it is simpler by far to make such a suggestion than to put it in practice, particularly because so many of today s issues are too interlinked to be handled separately. The fact seems to be, in deed, that the maxim of one thing at a time, no matter how practical it may sound, does not offer a handy way out at this stage, which is another aspect of the situation that ‘'gives one furiously to think." Apparently, in sum, as with each indi vidual problem, there is simply no easy solution to the over-all problem of the multiplicity of problems. It is a condi tion that will probably trouble the world for some time to come, and it can be counted upon to test to the full the wisdom and forbearance of peoples and governments alike before something better and less harrying replaces It. Meanwhile, It must prayerfully be hoped that our seemingly undisciplined society will manage somehow to ride out tha storm of current events without suffer ing a complete nervous breakdown. which swept the block bounded by Lousiana avenue. Ninth street, B street and Tenth street on the previous night. Twenty-two buildings were destroyed in the blaze, allegedly starting in a branch office of the Postal Telegraph Co. Every piece of apparatus in the city and every available fire-fighter responded to the alarm. An enormous crowd of spectators also collected, adding to the difficulty of the task of suppressing the flames. By morning the four heroes mentioned had given their lives In the effort, and eight other men had been painfully hurt.