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With Sunday Morning tu.tion. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, D.~ci The Evening; Star Newspaper Company. ltaln Office: 11th St. anil Pennsylvania Ave _ New York Office: 110 East 42d St. Chicago Office: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivery by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. The Evening and Sunday Star, 90c per month; when 5 Sundays in the month. SI.00. The Evening Star Only. 65c per month. The Sunday 8tar. 10c per copy Right Final Edition. 10c per month additional Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. _ 1 month 6 months Evening and Sunday..$1.05 $«.on The Evening Star_ .75 4 00 The Sunday Star_ 50 2 50 l year. $12.00 8.00 6.00 Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Office. Washington. D. C.. as second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use lor republication ol all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news Dubllshed herein All rights ot publication ol special disnatches herein also are reserved. A—6 SATURDAY, June 22, 1946 'Downhill Pull7 One can look far and not find a shabbier or more disgraceful politi cal performance than that of the House conferees who have succeeded in sabotaging the draft. With ref erence to those Senators and Rep resentatives on the conference committee who wanted to live up to their responsibility to the country by making some provision for the ultimate induction in case of need of the 18-year-olcL, Chairman May of the House Military Affairs Com mittee has been quoted as saying gleefully: “I’ve got them by the tail with a downhill pull. They’ll take a 19-year-old base or there’ll be no extension of the draft.’’ In one sense Mr. May was right. He has succeeded in pulling the others down to his level of states manship. But it is hard to under stand why he should be gloating about it. His success was due, first, to an attempt to misuse the proxy of the absent Representative Andrews of New York, and, next, to the refusal of the House conferees to vote the Andrews proxy after the latter, in response to a message from Senator Gurney, had clearly expressed his desire to be recorded as voting for the 18-year-old draft. Representa tive Dewey Short, who had joined forces with Mr. May, has attacked Senator Gurney’s action in contact ing Mr. Andrews, who is on his way to Bikini, as "reprehensible” and “dirty.” Presumably Mr. Short means by this that, even with a vital national issue at stake, the proprieties demand that a Senator should stand aside and not interfere while he and his House associates are hitting below the belt. But Mr. Short will find that he and his asso ciates cannot cover their tracks by heaping abuse on Mr. Gurney, for the record is clear that they and they alone are the ones who have been guilty of “reprehensible” and “dirty” tactics. As matters stand, the only hope for the maintenance of an adequate Army lies in the possibility that the higher pay rates which have been voted will lead to a very substantial increase in the number , of volun teers. This is a very thin hope, however, and the strong probability is that Mr. May will live to discover that it is not so much his colleagues that he has been dragging down the hill, but the security and the best interests of his country. The Job Situation Despite the recent rash of strikes the postwar job situation in America is encouraging. According to Rob ert C. Goodwin, director of the United States Employment Service, the unemployed now total only 2, 310,000, including 930,000 veterans. This is a large number, but in rela tion to the whole economy it is far from startling, especially since offi cial estimates indicate that it repre sents the peak of idleness and that from this point on continued im provement can be expected. If there had been no serious j strikes, of course, the picture would ; now be better than it is, for the work stoppages not merely imposed on those already holding jobs, but also ! delayed opportunities for those just i entering the market for gainful em ployment. Regardless of this, how ev^r, it is a measure of the Nation’s remarkable economic capacity that it has been able to shift from war to peace without suffering the wrench of much greater joblessness. On V-J day no one could be absolutely sure of the outlook; indeed some authorities, including Government spokesmen, considered certain fac tors in the picture to be so doubtful that they warned of the possibility of 8.000,000 unemployed by this summer. The fact that current unemploy ment actually amounts to little more than a quarter of that figure is par ticularly striking when read against the background of our extremely rapid demobilization. Up to now some 11,500,000 men have been dis charged from the armed forces. Of this total only 930,000 are seeking jobs. All the rest are either em ployed or going to school er not look ing for work. In short, the V-J vision of a huge army of idle vet erans has not materialized. What has happened is that our economy has been resilient enough to absorb the bulk of them. Not only have a great many women and overage war workers withdrawn from the labor market, but new avenues of employ ment have been opened, and in Mr. Goodwin’s judgment, if no entirely unforeseen events occur, the situa tion should now become progres sively better. Considering the enormous pentup domestic and world demand for all sorts of durable and nondurable goods, this prospect of high employ ment seems almost inevitable. We can be reasonably certain of it, how ever, only on a short-term basis. 1 Whether there will be a boom of five or ten years and a terrible bust ! after that will depend largely on the nature of the policies to be fol lowed by labor, management and Government from here on out—a fact that must temper any optimism of the moment. Moscow's 'Loan' to Poland There was a trace of the smug self-satisfaction attributed to the cat who had eaten the canary in the statement made by Polish Ambassa dor Oscar Lange as he left the State Department after a courtesy call on Acting Secretary Dean Acheson prior to his departure for a consultation visit to his government in Warsaw. Ambassador Lange told his inter viewers that Poland is “no longer interested” in the $90,000,000 loan blocked by action of the State De partment early last month in con sequence of refusals or evasions of the Polish government to comply with terms on which the extension of the loan had been based. Those breaches of agreement included such matters as failure to publicize the terms in the Polish press, censoring of news dispatches of American cor respondents in Warsaw and refusal to make known trade arrangements with ot^er nations. Behind those specific derelictions, however, was the more fundamental failure of the Warsaw government to. live up to the Yalta agreement promising free elections and respect for American investments in Poland. The War saw regime having failed to heed the warnings of the American Ambassador, the State Department suspended loans and credits to Po land early in May. Ambassador Lange now informs us that Moscow has extricated his gov ernment from its economic difficul ties by granting it financial aid much greater than that which we promised to extend. This Soviet as-, sistance includes cancellation of in debtedness incurred by Poland in the latter’s rearmament, indemnifi cation of losses through Britain’s failure to return Polish gold reserves and an open credit account for pur chases by Poland of goods in world markets essential to national re construction. The logical deduction from such munificence from Moscow is that Soviet Russia cannot be adjudged as needing the vast loans and credits which it has sought from this coun try for more than a year. Originally pitched at $6,000,000,000, the request is reported to have been reduced to around $1,000,000,000. But why even that figure? Our State De partment currently is questioning Moscow on reported plans for sup plying Argentina with machinery, trucks and other scarce equipment in return for Argentine products. The department’s interest in this deal has been intensified by the pos sibility that much of this might be material furnished to Russia by the United States, which would, of course, violate the lease-lend agree ment made during the war. But Moscow' high finance may not be deterred by such “judicial niceties" in economics any more than it seem ingly is in politics and diplomacy. Lax Federal Accounting The picture of Reconstruction Finance Corporation bookkeeping given to Congress by Controller Gen eral Lindsay Warren bears little re semblance to that presented when the RFC was in its early days. When it was created on January 22, 1932, as a bank and industrial recovery aid, the RFC had a capital stock of $500, 000.000. Until its New Deal expan sion days it had to account for no more than $1,700,000,000 in loans and investments, a not-too-difficult book keeping task. During the remainder of the ^§0s the corporation continued to grow by leaps and bounds as its powers and responsibilities were en larged, and later, when war clouds began to gather, it started to branch out in the newer and fast-develop ing fields of the defense program. Instead of millions for industrial recovery the agency found itself called upon in recent years to dis pense billions for defense and for war itself. It hatched a .brood of defense plants and other subsidiaries with feverish speed. As its activities multiplied it was inevitable that difficulties should arise in keeping tab on all its offspring. Viewed against this background it is not greatly surprising that the General Accounting Office has charged that lax accounting practices exist at the RFC. It is disturbing, nevertheless, to learn that the RFC structure has mushroomed to such gargantuan proportions that it no longer has adequate accounting control of its manifold agencies and operations. According to Mr. Warren’s interim report to Congress, the ramifications of the corporation are such that auditors of the GAO have failed to get a complete record in eight months of efforts. He points out that there is no central repository at RFC headauarters for subsidiary books. The RFC, he asserts, has no accounting control over its $7,000, 000,000 investment in defense plants and ther properties, nor over the $800,000,000 it has invested in de fense materials and other supplies. It is added that the corporation lacks accounting control over many other affiliates involving millions of Federal funds. • No private corporation, of course, would tolerate such loose account ing methods, nor would the stock holders tolerate them. If the lax procedures are attributable, as in dicated, to wartime haste, it is high time that steps were taken to regain effective bookkeeping control, now that the war is over. Controller General Warren has proposed a logical remedy—the integration of the scattered RFC agencies and ac tivities under a single effective con trol. Congress should see to it that this control is established. The tax payers who are the shareholders in the gigantic RFC organization are entitled at all times to a full and intelligible accounting of the use to which their money is being put by their Government. Bridge Outlook Brighter The proposal to eliminate the Highway Bridge bottleneck finally has emerged from its own bottleneck at the Capitol, thanks to unani mous action yesterday by a sub committee of the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee. The subcommittee, after many months of delay, voted in favor of the Commissioners’ plan for two four-lane bridges to replace the venerable, congested span which extends on the line of Fourteenth street across the Potomac to the network of Virginia roads leading to the Pentagon, the National Air port and points South. In approv ing the two-bridge project, the sub committee apparently has killed off for good the alternative proposal for one six-lane bridge, which was vigorously 'opposed by local traffic authorities and highway planners. Having overcome its most difficult obstacle, the two-bridge plan has a good chance of passage at this session of Congress if the Senate and House give this project the prompt attention it deserves. Unless final approval of the plan is forth coming before Congress adjourns, there will perforce ensue months of additional delay during which the all-important preliminary engineer ing studies and blueprint making must be held in abeyance. This preliminary technical work takes j time. Congress should give the j planning engineers the “go” sign now, so that when the appropriate time for actual construction arrives there will be no cause for added postponement of this vital traffic relief undertaking. Dictionary study has become a popular hobby, with local bookstores featuring window displays of the latest lexicons. But radio talkers stubbornly continue to say "perduce” and “perduction.” One 6f the fundamental myths of modern times is the idea that pro fessional radicals, being also pro fessional individualists in tempera ment, will pull together when they have the opportunity. A Los Angeles man aged ninety nine has just applied for and been granted membership in the Grand Army of the Republic. He probably did not relish the idea of "queuing up” back in the 1870s and 1880s. People always have wanted secur ity. Just fifty years ago the cam paign song of the Republicans was: "Hurrah for McKinley—and pro tection!” This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. “NEW HAMPSHIRE AVE. "Dear Sir: “I was surprised the other day to note hummingbirds this far down in the city. I hope you will tell us some thing about them. Is it usual for them to be in the city? I think they have a nest somewhere close, but not where I can see it. Does the female have the patch of red on the neck? “Sincerely, J. D.” * * * * Hummingbirds are regarded by orni thologists as among the most remark able of all birds. Not only are they brilliantly colored, but they neither eat nor fly as other birds. They cannot walk on the ground, but can perch. The tongue is hollow, and is stuck out of the long bill into the flowers, taking both nectar and minute insects. The bird has the ability, almost alone among birds, of practically stand ing still in the air while feeding the wings making about 2.000 strokes a minute. This reduces them to a haze to the human eye. There is a form of a moth w'hich much resembles the female hummingbird of this area, that is, it is green, without the red. The ruby-throated hummer is the only species to come here, but there are scores of species in the Far South, in Central and South America. Hummingbirds “hum” when their wings are flapped so fast, but the male also makes a sort of grating sound in flight, said to be produced by some peculiarity of wing structure. Hummingbirds are responsible for much fertilization of flowers, just as the bees are. it is not at all unusual for them to be in cities. There seems to be something about city life which they like. There have been many instances of them building nests atop light bulbs in busy streets. They come freely to almost any city garden where bell-shaped flowers are grown. Many of the vines, including the trumpet vine, attract them. Petunias of any color are favorites. They will spend hours at window boxes, not minding in the least per^pns who happen to be just inside. The ruby-throated, our particular species, comes all the way to us from Mexico and Panama and points to the northward. It arrives early in May and remains through rpost of the summer. ' The nest is a beautiful cup, not much larger than a good-sized walnut, made of down and covered with moss. This is done so finely that the nest is mostly invisible, even when the ob server happens to be squarely in front of it. Spider webbing is used to* hitch it to the branch and in this way it ap pears to the human eye to be nothing more than a protuberance on the limb. Usually two white eggs are laid. The baby hummer is just about the size of the tip of your little finger, if you can imagine it, and few can who have not seen it. The babies are fed on regurgitated insects, thus getting plenty of protein for growth. Hummingbirds often perch on tele- ! phone wires. In fact, such wires seem i a favorte resting place of theirs. This hummer's official size is slightly over 3 inches. We believe that there are more ruby throats in Georgetown than in any other section of the city. They will be found, however, almost any place where the bell-shaped flow ers are grown. The gladiolus, in particular, is a great favorite, and especially the named varieties in shades of red. Among the many good paints of these exquisite flowers is their attraction for the hum mers. Letters to The Star Differs With Mr. Mellett On Supreme Court’s ‘Veto’ Power To the Editor of The Star: In Lowell Mellett’s article in The Star of June 18 he makes some statements which seem to me very misleading. He speaks of the power of Congress to "regulate” the Supreme Court and quotes that part of the United States . Constitution which defines the jurisdic tion of that court, original and appel late, the latter being "under such regu lations as the Congress shall make.” | The Congress in the past has established circuit courts of appeal to relieve the Supreme Court of overburdensome ap pellate jurisdiction; but I cannot find any other power vested in the Congress to "regulate” the Supreme Court, nor does Mr. Mellett cite any. He further writes: "The court regu lates the _ Congress through its veto ; power over legislation. It works like this—Congress enacts a law, presumably in response to the public need or de mand—the Supreme Court says ‘sorry, it’s not constitutional.’ Congress meek ly submits and the new law ceases to be a law.” But I take issue with Mr. Mellett in this statement. The Supreme Court has no “veto” power and never has attempted to exercise such power. The veto power is exercised only by the President who can use it with respect to any act of Congress whatever, j whether or not passed by large major- ' ities in both houses, "presumably in re- I sponse to public need or demand,” and whether or not it is constitutional. Mr. Mellett apparently has overlooked ; Section 2 of Article VI of the Constitu- j tion, which reads: "This Constitution, ! and the laws of the United States 1 which shall be made in pursuance there of; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any ; State to the contrary notwithstanding.” j Whether a law enacted by Congress is a law made in “pursuance” of the Con stitution, and is thereby a part of the supreme law of the land, must be de cided somewhere, and as that question is a Judicial question, the courts in which the Constitution vests the judi cial power of the United States are the proper and only tribunals to decide it. I suggest that Mr. Mellett read the • case of Marbury vs. Madison and the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall there in. No veto power is exercised if the Su preme Court decides that an act of Con gress is not a law made in pursuance of the Constitution, but quite the contrary. From Mr. Meilett's* statement above quoted one would suppose that when an act of Congress is passed the Supreme Court simply says it is not constitution al, and that's all there is to it. He seems to be ignorant of the fact that the ques tion whether an act of Congress is or Is not repugnant to the Constitution can come before the court for decision only when there is a case in which the rights of the parties are to be determined; that is whether a right asserted under the act conflicts with the right of the opposing party asserted under the Constitution. I deplore Mr. Mellett’s flippancy in claiming that the Supreme Court just grabbed a power to veto acts of Con gress, and I trust the foregoing sheds a different light on the subject. CHARLES L. FRAILEY. Reaction to Forum Broadcast To the Editor oJ The Star: Some one in my home tuned in on what I at first thought was a conven tion of fishwives. When the babble subsided momentarily, it developed that it was an air forum concocted for the dissection of OPA. The principals were Senator Taft, Mr. Nathan and sundry' others whose names escape me. Aside from some sharp truths voiced by Senator Taft (who seems to have at least some appreciation of the prob lems posed for small business by this mockery they call price control) the program reeked of the hypocrisy that seems to be pervading our whole gov ernmental structure. Mr. Nathan presumed to present him self as the clarion voice of America. And yet it is to be doubted that any American who heard him did not know that he spoke with his tongue in his cheek. His predicate echoed from re cent history. “The American people do not know what is good for them. They must be saved from themselves, despite themselves, etc.” I wonder if we are really as inept as these persons seem to believe? Now tney are even trying to strip us com mon folk of our faith—and that is bad. For faith is the antiseptic of the soul; it pervades the common people and pre serves them, they never give up believ ing and expecting and trusting. Be cause of faith there is that indescribable freshness and unconsciousness about an illiterate person that humbles and mocks the power of the noblest ex pressive genius. VICTOR F. MARIANI. Disagrees With ‘Future Mother’ To the Editor of The Star: This is in reply to the recent letter from “Future Mother.” . It happens I am both a mother and a mother-to-be. As a mother I look proudly at my youngster’s chubby strong legs, but I cannot get out of my mind's eye the terrible pictures we have seen of Europe's children—their emaciated little limbs, their huge staring eyes. I thank God that my children will grow up in this bountiful land, where even when war tore the world about us, our grocery baskets were laden, dis gracefully laden. These times I want to believe that more American women feel shame for the amounts of food we are keeping here than share “Future Mother’s” complaint that we are send ing too much to starving people. MRS. JAMES D. McLEAN. Editorial on Mother Cabrini To the Editor of The Star: Congratulations on the excellence ot your editorial on Mother Frances Xavier Cabrini—that magnificent woman, our new American saint. She encountered seemingly unsurmountable- difficulties with undaunted sureness. Her years were a continuous record of loving kind ness and service. As recounted in the story of her life, Mother Cabrini in a few instances did show, however, that her blood could warm and she could be blunt with righteous indignation. A WELL WISHER. Land of Opposites Prom the Boston Globe. Showing how everything is upside down in China, over here we have a fire commissioner and over there they have a cease-fire commissioner. This Changing World By Constantine Brown Gen. George C. Marshall, President Truman's special envoy to China, is re ported disheartened by the attitude of the Yenan representative, Gen. Chou En-lai, who, while insisting on an “in definite truce,’’ is rejecting the Amer ican representative’s further arbitration. Ever since Gen. Marshall went to China, after the resignation of Am bassador Patrick J. Hurley, he has leaned backward to prove to the war ring factions that the American Gov ernment was not interested in their struggle aside from its desire to see the internal strife settled. He made it clear to both Gen. Chou and General issimo Chiang Kai-shek that the United States wanted the official government of China and the Communist faction at Yenan to end their controversy so that their people would have a chance to heal the wounds inflicted by 15 years of al most continuous wars. In his attempts to effect a settlement Gen. Marshall has frequently appeared to favor the Communists. He realized that both Gen. Mao Tse-tung and all the other Red leaders were supersensi tive and his efforts would have been jeopardized by any action which might be interpreted as showing hostility to the Communists. Last winter, soon after Gen. Marshall took over the job of unifying the Chinese government, he agreed to pro vide the Communists with some Amer ican officers to train their trdops. Ac cording to the agreement reached at Chungking the National Army was to be composed eventually of 40 divisions of Chiang’s troops and 10 Communist divisions. Gen. Marshall, who had been given wide powers by President Truman, ordered a number of American officers to go to Kalgan and start instructing the Communists in modern warfare training. This action was taken on a temporary basis, until Congress could approve the setting up of a permanent military mission to rejuvenate the Chinese armies. At present there is a plan to deacti vate the entire American military force in China. This will mean that in the near future all officers and men will return to the United States. In order to fulfill the promises given in the name of President Truman, Congress has been asked to approve a measure whereby at least 1,000 commissioned officers could be detailed as instructors to the Chinese armies. All this is predicated on Gen. Mar shall's insistence that China ceases to be divided into political spheres. The Kuomintang and the Communists must, according to the envoy's views, amalga mate their forces and end their riit. On the surface Generalissimo Chiang has not placed any real obstacles in Gen. Marshall’s path. Underneath he and his close collaborators have shown a good deal of skepticism about the prospects of the success of the grandiose plan. They have told Gen. Marshall that the Communists aim at a com plete control of the government and the country and that whatever conces sions they may appear to make arc only of a temporary nature. Chiang attempted to prove his con > tention by pointing out the number of agreements reached with Yenan. All were given out to the world accompa nied by a fanfare of fine words and noble sentiments' but eventually they amounted to nothing. Chiang is said to have repeatedly emphasized to Gen. Marshall and those who preceded him that the road to Yenan makes a detour via Moscow and until Russia is fully determined to co-operate sincerely with her wartime Allies there will be no real peace in China. However, Gen. Marshall continued his efforts, assuring Chou that the United States had sufficient means at its dis posal to see that Chiang's co-operation would be sincere. But on Thursday Chou proposed an unlimited truce to replace the present j agreement which has just been extended for eight days, and also demanded that Marshall remove himself from the pic ture as a “'conciliator.” This appears once more to confuse the entire situa tion and.to have thrown it back where it started several months ago. The Political Mill By Gould Lincoln The Hobbs bill, designed to prevent racketeering by any one—where inter state commerce is involved—whether he holds a union card or not, has final ly passed the Senate, after years of knocking at the door of the upper house. This measure grew out of a decision handed down by the Supreme Court— the present court in large part—which virtually held that members of the teamsters’ union, headed by Dave Beck, a friend of the late President Roosevelt, could not be prosecuted for compelling, by force of threats, farmers in New Jersey to pay a full day's pay to mem bers of the union before the farmers could deliver a truck load of farm pro duce in New York City. A case was brought before the court under the terms of the general Federal anti racketeering act, the Copeland Act. So strongly did the late Chief Jus tice Stone feel in this matter, how ever, that he wrote a dissenting opin ion in which he held, to all intents and purposes, the majority of the court was permitting highway robbery. The Hobbs bill—offered by Representative Hobbs of Alabama—specifically amends the anti-racketeering lav/ so that it can no longer be construed not to cover these practices by the teamsters' union. It was passed by the House over whelmingly—only to be pigeonholed in the Senate Labor Committee. Clearly the administration was opposed to it. It was passed in a succeeding Congress by the House—and this time it was referred to the Senate Judiciary’ Com mittee and there it remained until it was offered as an amendment to the recently vetoed Case bill—it became section 7 of that measure. As an amendment to the Case bill it was adopt ed by a vote of 59 to 22 in the Senate. * * * * After the veto of the Case bill, the Judiciary Committee at the instance of Senator Hatch, Democrat, of New Mexico, reported the Hobbs bill to the Senate. It was Senator Hatch who yesterday called the measure up for action in the Senate itself. He had first notified the Senate leadership, and both the supporters and opponents of the measure, that he intended to de mand consideration of the bill. With out debate, and without a roll call, the measure was passed and sent to Presi dent Truman. President Truman, in his veto of the Case bill, remarked that he sympa thized with the "objectives” of Sec tion 7—the Hobbs bill. He added, how ever, that it had omitted language car ried in the anti-racketeering law which sought to safeguard union members. This was the very language upon which the then Associate Justice Byrnes—now Secretary of Slate—had pounced when he wrote the Supreme Court's decision. Notwithstanding this objection, it would be a surprising thing—and disastrous should the President veto the Hobbs bill. Yet that is what labor leaders and labor dominated members of Congress would like to have Mr. Truman do. This is one measure, however, that in all probability could command the neces sary two-thirds vote in both Houses to be put through over a presidential veto. That being the case, a presi dential veto would be for one purpose— to help to square the President with those labor leaders who bitterly at tacked him when he urged Congress to give him power to draft into the mili tary service workers who strike in Government-seized plants. Such a veto of the Hobbs bill would be a companion piece of the Case bill veto. For 10 days the President's emer gency labor bill has languished in the House, after having been drastically amended by the Senate—which struck out the labor draft provision. Objec tion was made to taking it from the Speaker’s table and sending it to con ference. Apparently the Rules Com mittee is in a position to bring it to the floor. Strangely enough none of the President’s supporters—the ad ministration leaders in the House have so far taken steps to get this bill before the House. A suspicion has grown up that the White House W’ould be just as well pleased—perhaps better pleased—if the measure should be allowed to die. It would, it is suggested, aid materially in aligning labor again with the adminis tration if that course was followed. On the other hand, should the bill be fi nally passed and sent to the President— he would have to sign it. thereby adding new’ fuel to the fire which leaders of organized labor recently built under him. At one time it was vigorously pro posed, by some Republican and Demo cratic supporters of the Case bill to place provisions of the Case bill in the President’s emergency bill. That, ap parently, has been abandoned by the Republicans at least—who would rath er see Mr. Truman sign the emergency bill for obvious political reasons. Politics and the Atom By George Fielding Eliot me military factors involved in the American and Soviet proposals for the control of atomic energy must be ana lyzed in the light of political objectives. War itself is merely the seeking of po litical objectives by violent means. Mili tary power in time of peace is the chief support of the statesman: Tlje factors of such power are the blue chips at the international poker table. From the immediate, cold - blooded viewpoint of military calculation, it may be said that the United States possesses a tremendous military advantage which it is being asked, by the Soviet plan, to give up forthwith. The exclusive pos session of atomic weapons by the United States (or rather, to be precise, by the American. British and Canadian govern ments) gives those powers an unanswer able counter to the preponderant Rus sian land power on the Eurasian con tinent. It must not be forgotten that the conquest of the whole of the Eur asian continent by the Russians would so upset the future balance of the world as to constitute a threat of the first order of magnitude, not only to world peace and security but to the actual •safety of the rest of the world from Soviet domination. But there must also be considered those Russians who are sincerely anxious about Russian security, who would be willing to accept a co-opera tive world if they could be sure that our intentions toward them and their way of life were honest and friendly, if they could be as certain that the capitalist world was not out to destroy their system as we would like to be that the rulers of Russia are not out to destroy our system. * * * * So the military analysis of proposals for atomic control boils down to this: If we on our part arc to give up our present advantage in l ' possession of atomic weapons, we mv ave guaran ties and safeguards. T guaranties must extend not only to > a system of control and inspection as c-ill assure us that no other power is going to attempt, surreptitiously, to evade the atomic control agreement; they must also extend to reasonable assurances that the Russians, with the brake of the atomic threat removed, will not use their predominant land power to make themselves the masters of the Eurasian continent and thus upset the power balance of the world to our lasting dis advantage. It may be doubted whether anv satis factory agreement for the control of atomic energy can be negotiated except in an atmosphere of increasing rather lhan diminishing confidence—confidence that forcible solutions of international problems will not be sought by any participating state, confidence that the negotiations are not being directed toward the obtaining of military advantage for subsequent use in defiance of the spirit of the agreement itself. Such an atmosphere will come Into being only as a result of acts. It cannot be created by words. And the acts can not be ali on one side. For example: If the United States and Great Britain accept the Russian proposal that all atomic weapons be destroyed, it is rea sonable for them to ask at the same time that the Russians withdraw all armies of occupation from non-Russian territory in Europe, except the army of occupation in Germany, the size of which—together with the size of the other Allied armies of occupation— might be fixed by mutual agreement. It is reasonable* to ask that the Rus sians permit the return of normal po litical life in Poland, Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and come to terms on over-all solutions of the German arid Austrian problems. It is reasonable to ask that the Russians join with the western powers in putting pressure on Marshal Tito to demobilize the greater part of his overgrown Yugoslav Army of 600,000 men, an event which would, of course, be followed by British evacua tion of Greece. It is reasonable to ask that the Russians come to an agree ment which will permit a reasonable settlement of the political future of Korea and the evacuation of that coun try by both Russian and American troops. These acts—partly political, but very largely military—would be evidence of good faith on both sides. In the atmos phere thus created the discussion of the vital problem of the control of atomic and other mass-destruction weapons, or their total abolition, could go forward with fairer prospects of success than I are now apparent. I Some Chance Is Seen For'Unpacking' Plan Bridges-Eastland Bid to Change Court Awaits Election Test By Jay G. Hayden Whether the move by Senators Bridges, Republican, and Eastland, Democrat, to “unpack the Supreme Court" will be seriously considered prob ably hinges on two eventualities—first, this year’s congressional election result and second, what the court itself does after it reconvenes. If the present large majority of Re publicans and conservative Democrats increases to a clear two-thirds and if the Jackson-Black “war" within the court continues to show in its decisions, submission of the Bridges-Eastland amendment is by no means beyond the range of possibility. Also such a Congress could pass the Case bill or any other labor legislation it might devise, “the President’s veto notwithstanding,” and conceivably it might upset both the President and the Supreme Court in other directions. In an opposite situation in 1937, Presi dent Roosevelt attempted to use a more than two-thirds Democratic majority in both houses of Congress to “pack” the Supreme Court. Enough Democratic Senators rebelled to defeat this design, but the inevitabilities of time and old age matched against Mr. Roosevelt's un paralleled tenure ultimately gave him his way. Before he died he had ap pointed seven justices and advanced one to the chief justiceship. Roosevelt’s Plan. President Roosevelt's scheme for packing the court was to add a new justice for every existing member who persisted in sitting beyond the permis sible retirement age of 70. One of the President’s most cherished supporters. Justice Brandeis, was in the over-70 class but so were five conservatives— Chief Justice Hughes and Justices Van devanter. McReynolds, Sutherland and Butler. With the plan in effect the President couldn't lose. If the “old men” con tinued to hang on, their votes could be nullified by additional judges. If they elected to resign, the President would name their successors. Senators Bridges and Eastland are at tempting a similar process in reverse. Roosevelt sought to oust sitting judges in order to create a court in his own image. The Senators want to remove judges to make the court over in the image of a conservative Congress. An important point of difference is that, whereas Roosevelt was dependent on Congress to work his will, Congress, if two-thirds of its members are so in clined. can submit the court-reorganiz ing constitutional amendment for rati fication by the States without any reference to the President. And it is not improbable that the combination of Southern Democratic and Northern Re publican States, which produces the con servative congressional majority, would combine to approve the amendment. >ew Proposal Explained. Assuming acceptance of the premise that it a bad thing to have so many of the judges appointed by one Presi dent, the Bridges-Eastland plan is quite reasonable. It would forbid appoint ment by any President of more than three of the court’s nine- members. If a fourth or mqre vacancies occurred, these would be filled ad interim by the House of Representatives, voting by State units and with the choice restricted to presidential^ appointed judges of the lower Federal courts. When the succeeding President took office he could replace congressionally chosen judges, but he could appoint no more than three judges all told. If made retroactive, as proposed, the plan would retire the last four Roose velt-appointed associate justices—Doug las. Murphy. Jackson and Rutledge. Since President Truman already has ap pointed two judges he could fill only one further vacancy. Of the other past Presidents, the plan would have affected only six—Washing ton, who named the whole court initial ly; Taft, who named five associate judges and one chief justice, and Jack son, Lincoln, Cleveland and Benjamin Harrison, with four each. (North American Newspaper Alliance.) Wheat Drive From the Wall Street Journal. It is not necessary to sell wheat as wheat. One can feed it to poultry and livestock. The Government's price struc ture made it more profitable to sell wheat in that way than as so many kernels in a bushel basket. So that was the way a great deal was sold. For a time this was all right; indeed it did not in any way conflict with the Government’s plans. There was wheat for all purposes—for a while. Then there was an extraordinary demand for wheat from the famine countries of Europe and Asia, to which this country had commitments to respond. This ex traordinary demand met another ex traordinary demand, which was the hunger of the livestock and poultry that the Government policies encour aged. Generally speaking, the owners of the wheat also were the owners of the livestock and poultry and it w-as of greater advantage to them to keep and feed the wheat than to sell it. So that is what they have done and despite exhortations and belated attempts at correcting the fixed prices for grain that is what they probably will continue to do. War Memorials From the Lincoln County News. With Memorial Day approaching the thought of suitable war memorials to honor those who gave their lives in*the war is stirring in the minds of those who came back and those who stayed at home. No monument to the memories of our honored dead should be con sidered that will not be useful and be real lasting value. In the Damariscotta region what more suitable memorial could be given than a donation to the Recreation Center. The veterans of Richard R. Wells Post have done a great service in presenting the center to the region. If it is to become increasingly valuable for all, youth, vet erans and every one, more funds must be given to complete equipping the center and to build those bowling alleys which will provide recreation for young and old. As individuals or groups what more fitting memorial can be made? A plaque or scroll giving the name of the hero for whom the gift is made will be a lasting memorial and the gift will make life more pleasant for those for whose fu ture happiness they made the supreme sacrifice. High Meadow Here by the upland meadow Where the great clouds bank and pass, Leaving a shifting pattern Of shadows on the grass, This is a world eternal Escaped from the bitter box Of walls and roofs and cupboards And the muttering of clocks. Here in the wondrous patience Of rock and tree and flower— Wide to all comers’ taking— Is a great and wondrous power. It lays a hand on the weary And says, “For this hour, forget/* It substitutes for "Never” The gentler words, "Not yet!” VIRGINIA SCOTT MINER.