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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, July 05, 1946, Image 6

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With Sander Morning Edltisn.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor.
1008—1046.
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A—gFRIDAY, July 5, 1946
A Luxury Service
Final congressional approval of
the bill for another year’s operation
of day nurseries for the children of
some working parents is a tribute to
the persistence of its small group of
determined advocates. But it is a
defeat for common sense and a
strange commentary on the way
Congress runs the local government.
Begun as a war project, financed
by a Federal grant, the centers were
designed to enable parents to All war
jobs. But when the money ran out
after the war, Congress refusing to
renew the grant, the centers sud
denly became a welfare project. The
Community War Fund, which had
failed to meet its goal during each
year of its war appeals, was some
how able to find $30,000 with which
to finance the centers to the end
of the fiscal year, June 30.
The Commissioners opposed add
ing the expense to the District
budget, as the District is now spend
ing more money than it is collecting
in revenue. The school authorities
opposed saddling the day nurseries
on the school system, one reason
perhaps being that the nurseries re
quire some seventy teachers for 410
children in a system which fre
quently must assign the education
of forty and more children to a
single teacher. The Board of Public
Welfare tried to dodge the day-care
center, for the Board of Public Wel
fare is at the moment engaged in
seeking to reduce the number of
children for whom it is legally re
sponsible, the reason being that it
lacks adequate facilities for their
decent care.
Yet the Board now has the day
centers to operate, no money to
operate them with and no zest for
the job. The service offered in these
centers is, in reality, a luxury serv
ice, well enough, perhaps, for a com
munity that can afford it, basically
wrong as an undertaking for a com
munity that is falling down in the
discharge of far more important
functions. It is no wonder that the
Commissioners are going to ask the
President for a veto.
Administrative Nightmare
If ever the Government were pre
sented with the prospects of an ad
ministrative nightmare, the terminal
leave pay bill recently passed unani
mously by the House and now pend
ing before the Senate looms as such
a specter. This extraordinary meas
ure would require the Government
to reimburse 14,000,000 enlisted men
and women of the armed services
for all unused furlough time since
September 8, 1939, figuring furloughs
at the rate of 2J/2 days a month and
allowing up to a maximum of 120
days in all. Reimbursement would
be in the form of a cash payment
based on the pay rate in effect at
time of discharge.
The administrative difficulty
would arise in trying to determine
how much used furlough time each
of the 14,000.000 prospective bene
ficiaries should be charged with,
preparatory to calculating how
much unused furlough time he
should be paid for. The trouble here
is that the furlough records of most
enlisted personnel are in a state of
utter confusion. Since there was no
limit to the number of days off an
enlisted man could take—subject, of
course, to his superiors’ approval—
records in many outfits were loosely
kept. Many of the records are in
complete. They are scattered in
many places. Because of these con
siderations, the bill was written so
as to authorize the War and Navy
Departments to accept the enlisted
man’s own computation or estimate
if official records are lacking. De
partment officials concede that in
most disputed cases the claimant’s
figures would prevail.
ir the veterans tnus are to De
permitted, in effect, to determine
the amounts due them, the ultimate
cost becomes a matter of sheer
guesswork. The estimates so far
range from $3,000,000,000 to $6,000,
000,000. The “write your own
check” invitation implicit in the bill
justifies, moreover, the opinion of
some critics that the measure is
little more than a bonus bill in the
guise of “adjusted compensation”—
which is what it was called after
World War I. The legislation pre
sumably was intended to accord to
enlisted men benefits equal to those
accorded 6fHcers of the three lower
ranks, who had the distinction of
receiving not only officers’ terminal
leave pay but also the $300 muster
ing-out gratuity given enlisted men.
To that extent, at least, the bill was
well-intentioned.
But there are a number of things
about the measure that are de
batable, despite the fact that there
was no debate in the House—only a
rush of seventy-seven Representa
tives to speak in favor of it. It is to
be hoped the Senate will be more
deliberative. If it is the intention of
Congress to find a practicable way
A
I —administratively and financially—
of rectifying an injustice done en
listed men in the demobilization
process, that is one thing. But if
Congress wants to grant all enlisted
men a bonus, it should not be
camouflaged as something else.
—-- ~
Pravda and the Atom
Like its recent comment on the
American plan for international
control of the atom—a plan whose
text apparently has not yet been
published in the Russian press—
Pravda’s first evaluation of the
Bikini experiment is so distorted as
to make any trusting reader believe
that the United States is not much
better than an ogre intent upon
using the A-bomb to win domination
of the world.
Thus, ignoring completely the
wholly legitimate and scientific na
ture of the test, the Communist
party organ—in an article by Boris
Izakov—hands down the judgment
that Bikini must be regarded merely
as another expression of our “atomic
diplomacy” and that it has proved
us to be Interested primarily not in
doing away with A-weapons but in
perfecting them for use as “vulgar,
common blackmail” in order to
"force concessions from the Adriatic
to Korea.”
Perhaps if the situation were re
versed, if the Russians had the bomb
and we did not and if they staged a
similar test and we were in the posi
tion of outsiders looking on, there
would be the same sort of extraordi
narily bitter and suspicious reaction
from numerous American Mr. Iza
kovs. At the same time, however,
since we have a free press, there
would be more moderate, less dis
torted, fairer and generally objec
tive comment from many other
quarters in our country, and the
whole subject thus would be placed
in much better perspective. More
over, again assuming that we were
strangers to atomic energy and that
Russia alone possessed the essential
“know-how,” the text of any control
plan presented by the Moscow gov
ernment would enjoy widespread
publication in our newspapers.
But Pravda and Pravda’s Mr. Iza
kov unfortunately are not balanced
off in Russia by other newspapers
and other commentators speaking
out along a different line. Indeed,
as far as high-policy matters are
concerned, the Soviet press and in
dividual Soviet journalists have such
an identity of views that they might
just as well all go by the name of
Pravda or Mr. Izakov. The result
is that their reading public is kept
pretty thoroughly in the dark about
the other side of any given story
unless and until the government
decrees otherwise.
To say the least, such an arrange
ment is decidedly nonconducive to
an enlightened and co-operative in
ternational effort to bring the deadly
power of the atom under a system
of effective world control. How can
the Russian people know where we
stand if their press keeps the text of
our plan a secret? How can they be
expected to Join with us as informed
friends in coping with this enormous
problem—the most urgent before
mankind—if their Mr. Izakovs, un
contradicted by other Soviet com
mentators, fill them with danger
ously tall and poisonous tales about
atomic blackmail at Bikini?
About the only thing to be said in
the circumstances is that it must be
hoped that every word appearing in
the Russian press does not absolutely
and precisely reflect the Arm and
settled views of the Soviet govern
ment. It must be hoped that the
same spirit animating Mr. Izakov
in Pravda does not animate Mr.
Gromyko at the current fateful
meetings of the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission. This
is an important hope; if it does not
prove to have substance, the future
will be a dreary one indeed.
Two Kinds of Memorials
James Earle Fraser, former presi
dent of the National Sculpture
Society, conceivably might be re
garded as an ideal representative of
those citizens who, whether artists
or laymen, believe that it is not
necessary that a monument should
be utilitarian in purpose and effect.
The group for which he particularly
speaks is concerned with the deco
ration or ornamentation of the
world as they find it. A statue,
obviously, is a luxury of a sort. The
same observation properly may be
made with respect to the carved bas
reliefs of such structures as
churches, court houses, libraries,
schools, etc.
But Mr. Fraser, quoted in the
Journal of the American Institute
of Architects for July, argues that
the purpose of a memorial is—as
Archibald MacLeish puts it—“to
make the minds of men remember.”
If that objective is to be primary,
then he contends that the best way
to commemorate those who served
in the Second World War and espe
cially those who died in it would be
to erect “monuments of beauty
fashioned in enduring materials”
rather than “living memorials”
which, because they are “living,"
soon may disappear.
Mr. Fraser cites the Pyramids of
Egypt and “the monument honoring
George Washington in the city bear
ing his name” in support of his view.
Without question, they do “make
the minds of men remember.” And
they also are more lasting than
stadia, recreation halls, swimming
pools and other such indubitably
useful but definitely ephemeral con
veniences. Notably for the fallen,
the element of reverence is wanted.
Mr. Fraser asks: “Can a handball
court or a cinder track, no matter
how many memorial plaques you
may post around it, induce that deep
response of sacred remembrance?”
The answer, of course, is: No. On
the other hand, the monuments to
the Allied armies in the World War 1
battlefields of France certainly are
spiritually significant.
Perhaps there should be two vari
eties of memorials: Useful structures
not unbeautifully designed nor
starkly unadorned with works of
sculptures and painting, recalling
the devoted services of all members
of the armed forces who survived
the struggle with the Axis powers,
and monuments of the strictly ideal
istic type favored by Mr. Fraser for
those who did not survive. In any
case, the whole public well might
take under consideration his sug
gestion that: “There should be a
difference in our manner of com
memorating our dead and our vet
erans which reflects the very differ
ence between life and death itself."
Representing His People
On the basis of the most recent
but still unofficial and incomplete
returns, Senator Bilbo seems to be
doing better and better as a vote
getter in Mississippi.
In the 1934 primaries, which
resulted in his first election to the
Senate, he received only 63,752 votes
to the 106,244 divided between his
two chief opponents, Ross Collins
and Senator Hubert D. Stephens.
He won the runoff with 101,702 votes.
Six years later he got 91,334 votes
in the primary, without a runoff.
And this year he seems to have
added over 5,000 new admirers, get
ting 96,847 votes to the 92,745 divided
between his four opponents, giving
him a majority of 4,102.
Mississippi’s 1940 census gave the
State a population of 2,183,796, of
which 1,106,327 are white. While
some Negroes voted in Mississippi
this year, Senator Bilbo’s nomina
tion, of course, resulted from the 9
per cent of the white population
who wanted him back in the Senate.
The Senator says he is sorry he
was’not running for the whole South.
Perhaps his theory is correct and
perhaps he might have shown up
as well in a Southwide primary as
he did in Mississippi. If so, it would
only add emphasis to the fact
already well established, which is
that Senator Bilbo’s doctrines are
thoroughly agreeable to the people
who do the voting. Nearing seventy,
Senator Bilbo is not apt to change,
and, as he has demonstrated so often
in the past, he thrives on abuse. The
hearts, the minds and the per
centages of the people who are
interested enough to vote are the
things that must be changed if
future Bilbos are to be kept at home.
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
"SIXTEENTH STREET.
“Dear Sir:
“I have enjoyed your columns in the
Washington Evening Star. One Sunday
recently I had a unique experience with
a dog. I thought you might be inter
ested.
"That afternoon I was hiking on the
towpath of the Chesapeake St Ohio
Canal above the wooden foot bridge of
Cabin John. On my return route, Just
above lock No. 10, two of my friends
who had bicycled much farther than I
could walk, stopped by to pass the time
of day. They were also on the return
route.
“With them was a very friendly black
and-tan dog, about the size of a mastiff.
My friends told me the dog had fol
lowed them up and back, just attaching
himself to their party as dogs will do.
“As my friends finally speeded along
on their bikes the dog attached himself
to me and followed along. Every person
I met, I asked if they knew where the
dog belonged. No one knew, and it was
apparent finally that the dog was lost.
* * * *
"When I finally came to the Cabin
John foot bridge, where I had to turn off
to get the trolley back home, the dog
was still with me. I felt that, since he
had not yet turned off to go home, he
must belong to some one who lived
below Cabin John.
"So I tried the usual method of point
ing down the Canal, and trying to order
the dog to ‘go home.’ Some people at
the foot bridge offered to try to hold
the dog till I was out of sight. So I
crossed the foot bridge, went up the
foot path, waded the stream on the
stepping stones, and was almost up to
the Cabin John trolley terminal, when
I heard a frantic barking.
“At the sound of the barking, I
thought the dog might be the one who
had followed me. I turned back, and
found it was the same dog. This dog
had followed my scent across the foot
bridge, and across the stream on the
stepping stones. Since the stones are
rather wet all the time, I think this
must have been a remarkable dog.
“Upon finding him waiting for me
after wading the stream, I decided
to try to walk the dog home. I felt
a sort of obligation in the matter. This
time my luck was with me. I had
gotten the dog just about one thou
sand feet below the foot bridge on
the towpath, when I met some people
who knew the dog and where he
belonged. They offered to take him
home.
“I have read and heard many dog
stories, but this one beats anything
I have yet encountered. I never
thought a dog could follow a scent across
a stream.
“Would you tell me if this story is
unusual for the local run of dog stories?
“Sincerely, H. M. D.”
* ik 3k *
This is a good story, but we don’t
believe it is so unusual.
Our local dogs are really something,
as the vernacular has it.
We can recall a story of an Irish
setter which lived on the other side of
the Potomac. He was taken in an
automobile across the bridge, across
the city and out to a kennel in Mary
land.
Several days later, here came the dog,
bedraggled, with sore and wet paws
and legs.
He either had crossed the bridge or
swum-swam the river, no one was ever
quite sure, but one thing was certain,
he had come back alone, a distance of
about 15 miles.
The scent our correspondent’s four
legged friend followed was not on the
stones, but in the air above them.
Each human has his own particular
odor for a dog, a sign which there is
no mistaking.
In this case there had not been
enough time elapsed for the scent to
evaporate.
The dog was on a hot trail it could
not miss.
Such stories renew our faith in man's
best friend. There are many things
dogs do impossible to any other animal.
In these days of the more or less rapid
decline of the human spirit, let us
be glad of stories which show that dogs
are still dogs in the’ best tradition.
•> I
Letters to The Star
Personal Influence on Court
Versus Rule By Law
To the Editor of The fltar:
The letter of Elmer E. Rogers makes
It very clear that he Is a partisan of
your columnist Lowell Mellett. Mr.
Rogers, like the bull moose of old,
hurriedly rushes to protect his young.
One is left with the impression,
however, that if the occupant of the
White House might one day be a
gentleman of the extreme right, using
his congressional majority to pass ex
tremely conservative legislation, Mr.
Rogers would be far less inclined to
husband the theory that the Supreme
Court has no obligation, expressed or
implied, to declare acts of Congress
unconstitutional.
It is all in the point of view. And
if Mr. Rogers will take time to do a
little reading in source materials of the
Constitutional Convention period, he
will discover that our three branches
of Government, on the national level,
were designed as a system of checks
and balances to (1) protect the funda
mental right of all men, whether of
the minority or majority, and (2) to
establish a national court of supreme
authority that would enforce con
stitutional guarantees to individuals, so
that no transient majority could violate
them or sweep them away.
Unfortunately, today we hs\e no such
court. Experienced jurists have been
replaced by political partisans and
group advocates, to whom the funda
mentals of the law mean little if they
stand in the path of their personal in
clination.
This may seem very fine to Mr. Rogers
so long as it is done in support of the
Old Deal theories so cherished by the
devoted followers of a departed leader.
But there well may come a day when
Mr. Rogers and others may wish that
principles had been preserved, even at
the expense of the cherished theories
of an adored leader. Nations built
upon the personalities of men soon will
pass, as the men themselves do. Gov
ernment by law (to preserve principles)
and not by men was the foundation
upon which the founders designed the
Supreme Court. JOHN EDWARDS.
Price Control and Party Line
To the Editor of The Star:
Few persons seem to realize it, but
the present struggle engaging Con
gress for perpetuation of the OPA may
turn out to be merely the first of a
series of battles staged by our left
wing radicals to destroy our capitalis
tic system.
It is obvious that price control, which
indirectly controls profits, is incompat
ible with a free enterprise system. The
advocates of the OPA are trying hard
to convince the public that they are
in favor of abolishing price control
eventually. But this should fool no
one.
There is not a Communist or left
winger in the country who will not
fight for a continuous system of price
control which gradually will eliminate
all profits and bring us to “production
for use”—the ultimate goal of the party
line.
Give the Communists, fellow travel
ers and the OPA another year to dis
tribute propaganda and ballyhoo in an
attempt to show that price control gives
an equitable distribution of goods and
really Is essential to our economy, and
that abandonment thereof would re
sult in wild inflation, and a large num
ber of people eventually would be fooled
into thinking that there is no such
thing as a law of supply and demand.
It already has been demonstrated
that, when the celling price of an
article is set below the profitable pro
duction level, manufacturers stop mak
ing that article, and the article is
made and sold, if at all, only on the
black market. So the next logical step
will be agitation for a law to compel
manufacturers to operate at cost. When
such a law is passed, our free enter
prise system will disappear. The FBI
then will be converted into an NKVD
secret police and we shall be all set
to join the U. S. S. R. God forbid!
HENRY C. PARKER.
Says OPA ‘Did Help’
To the Editor of The 8t»r:
This is a plea from an ordinary house
wife. Recently my husband was given
an 1816 -cent raise in pay. He now draws
91 Vi cents an hour, laborer’s wages.
But when I go to the market for
various items, mainly food and clothes,
I find that my dollar isn’t worth 91',4
cents even.
There was at least some protection
with an OPA. Every setup in every
line makes mistakes, so it was with OPA
and yet it did help what President
Roosevelt called “the little people." And
it should be remembered that the little
people are the majority of our Nation.
Our Congress, the members of which
we elect for our benefit and pay from
our wages, has let us down hard. Their
vacation is due soon but how any mem
ber, whose vote helped to lower our
standards of living, will have the colossal
nerve to go home and face his neighbor
without hunting for the nearest knot
hole to crawl into—well, he has nerve
all right. MRS. S. J. FITZINGER
Tactics of Nazis Deplored
To the Editor of The 8tar:
Why any one by design should foster
a rash of racism in this country when
it already is so beset by domestic and
international problems is extremely dif
ficult to comprehend. Those who find
a revived Ku Klux Klan or, perhaps,
a rabble-rousing Senator, extremely
odious should take care not to spread
the germs of intolerance themselves.
Early this week downtown Washing
ton was plastered with stickers attack
ing British “terror” in Palestine. At
the same time persons unknown painted
“British Nazis in Palestine” on the
driveway of the British Embassy.
While these acts in themselves are
only slightly iniquitous, it must be re
membered that the frayed tempers of
this unsettled postwar era require only
small irritations to flare into ugly fury.
The Jewish case for Palestine is being
given most sympathetic treatment by
both press and radio. I have yet to
hear or read an able defense of the
British or Arab positions there. What
can be gained by using the same tactics
employed by the Nazis when they
daubed "Juden” as an epithet all over
German-dominated Europe?
America should point an accusing
finger at every one who advocates un
fair tactics. MODERATOR.
Old Gl Custom
From the Omaha World-Herald.
If the Russian pal said frankly he was
taking those Manchurian factories home
as souvenirs, Americans would under
stand.
i
On the Record
By Dorothy Thompson
as the atom bomb was released over
the ships at Bikini, the radio emitted
an unearthly wail, like one last moan
ing cry from the heart of mankind.
Afterward, Vice Admiral William H.
P. Blandy, commander of Operation
Crossroads, said of the experiment:
"We had carriers and destroyers sunk
in the war with Japan, but we didn't
stop building them. We continued to
build them because we needed them,
and that’s what we will do in the
future.”
And that is what all the powers will
do. So man, standing at the cross
roads with that unearthly wail in his
ears chooses, or permits his leaders to
choose for him, the way that points
to anarchy and war.
* * * *
"Time is running against us,” a
leading American authority on atomic
fission, writes me in a personal letter.
"But what is running faster is the dis
integration of our country, economical
ly and spiritually.”
If our spiritual deafness is heedless
even of the demonic wail of the future,
shall we expect the human wails of the
present to penetrate to consciousness?
Mrs. Anne O’Hare McCormick, one
of the few whose sensibilities have
been quickened, rather than calloused,
by the dreadful facts of our times,
wrote, apropos the bomb:
"Humanity is helpless against other
forces than atomic energy. More peo
ple are being destroyed or dehumanized
today, in a world nominally at peace,
than were killed in all the bombings
of the war.” And she spoke of “hunger.
• Forced deportations, slave labor
compounds, concentration camps,” as
the “commonplace of life In Eastern
Europe.”
For instance, there is Czechoslovakia,
where a generation ago, Thomas G.
Masaryk founded a republic based on
humane and liberal principles. Cen
sorship may distort or blot out what
American correspondents write from
there, but as long as Czech newspapers
reach this country, it cannot blot out
what a few brave Czech publicists still
dare to write in their own papers about
their own country.
On May 19. Ferdinand Peroutka,
leading Czech editorial writer, a gradu
ate of Buchenwald, wrote in Svobodne
Noviny:
“If we write of things that have
nothing to do with the Communist
party—for instance, that experts should
not be carelessly expelled from indus
tries; that mistakes of workmen’s coun
cils should be rectified; that crimes
committed during the revolution should
be punished; that certain public offi
cials are unfit for office by reason of
repeated criminal records; that we want
liberty; that our police should behave
more humanely than the Gestapo; that
our life should be based on humanity;
that the innocent should not be pun
ished—then some Communist head pops
up contending that it has been hit.
* • * Shall we then be better citizens
if we hold our tongues? When, from
the building that houses police head
quarters, such moaning comes that the
neighbors must shut their windows in
order to hear, is it our duty to plug
our ears?”
* * * *
How far can the moans of the tor
tured and dying be heard by the sensi
tive ear and heart? Would that the po
lice headquarters, the OZNAs, NKVDs,
and all the other Gestapos of "progress
and democracy," as well as the prisons
and concentration camps and the roads
along which trudge the exiled and ex
propriated, could be wired, like Opera
tion Crossroads, to sound!
how many tnen would near, or un
derstand what they hear?
The cry of loved ones tom apart. I
know a Czech citizen, a Sudeten Ger
man, loyal to the Czech republic, and
married to a Jewess. When the Ger
mans came they recognized him as
German and demanded of him "only”
that he divorce his wife. This he re
fused, so he and she were sent to sep
arate concentration camps, for all the
war years, and miraculously both lived
through it and rejoined each other, in
liberation and love, in their own home
on the same day in Prague.
Now he is arrested, this time because
he is a “German,” and he will be ex
pelled from his country, while she is
told she may remain, on one condition—
that she divorce her husband. And this
she will not do, having learned from
him that love is stronger than death.
So, if they live, they will tread the way
of exile and misery once again. Who
cries shame? Shame and double shame?
For millions, the atom bomb holds no
terrors whatsoever. Death, I am told,
for those in its direct wake, comes so
swiftly that the brain cannot record it;
one is dissolved entirely without pain.
It is terrible, clean and utter. “Oh,
come, sweet death,” cry millions.
That is the cry we think we heard
out of the wind and the whirlwind over
the ships at Bikini.
(Released by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.)
Life Without Bowles
By Raymond Moley
In our new life without Chester
Bowles. July seems much like other
Julys, after all. Mr. Bowles Is missing,
and so are most of the events which
Mr. Bowles predicted.
He said that the cost of living would
double in 20 days. But on the first
day the increase was 3.5 per cent and
on the second, less than 1 per cent.
Even that may be because what used
to be paid in the black market is now
openly acknowledged and recorded by
the Government.
In New York, it is true, meat went
up 25 to 50 per cent. However, there
was no meat before, except at the
same excessive rates the black mar
ket. Cattle and hogs brought more
and began to appear at the slaughter
houses. The net outcome in meat may
be above the former ceiling, but much
below the black market.
* * * *
In textiles it seems that some smaller
manufacturers were inclined to boost
prices by 25 per cent or more. But they
ran squarely into a refusal by big buyers,
such as department stores, to pay any
such increase, and business is going on
with no great rush. The best estimate
in the textile business is that sales re
sistance and decline in demand will
hold things in check. It must be re
membered that the veterans’ rush is
over. They are clothed somehow, and
their needs will be less urgent from
now on.
Predictions that steel would rise by
$4 to $8 a ton have not materialized.
The industry says it sees no reason to
consider price changes at all. The auto
mobile industry has announced no in
creases and it has practically prohibited
its dealers from increasing the margins
to the “historic” percentage.
It is too early to be clear about what
Congress will do. But with every day
that passes without catastrophe. Con
gress will be more sure of itself, and
the President’s face will be redder. This
relative shift In attitude may bring
about a compromise nearer the posi
tion of Congress than that of the Presi
dent. Mr. Bowles and his friends got
the President out on a long limb tne
other evening. He may have less faith
in his economists hereafter.
A new bill should re-establish rent
control. It should also find a way,
through the Department of Agriculture,
to bring equilibrium to our agricultural
economy. For the remaining part of
our economy, the absence of control
should be more marked in a new bill
than in the one vetoed by the President.
* * * £
The outcries of union leaders are un
derstandable. But Mr. Reuther may
be bluffing in his threats of broken
contracts and new strikes. His follow
ers have felt the pinch of last winter’s
strikes and probably have no desire to
quit again. Certainly they will not
quit if prices for food and clothing do
not rise sharply. There is a limit to
the control of labor leaders over their
people. But there is no limit to the
celling on their talk.
It was further claimed by friends of
the Bowles OPA that Wall Street would
make enormous profits from decontrol.
Here. too. predictions failed. The first
day saw a rise of between 1 and 2 per
cent. The second day saw a slight
decline. The market is lower than it
was two weeks ago, when Bowles was
on the front page.
Political predictions based on the OPA
situation are mixed and "iffy.” But it
is clear that if another bill is passed
and signed and conditions are good in
the fall the Republicans will gain. If
no bill is passed and no catastrophe re
sults, they will gain. If the situation is
mixed, as it may be, with some prices
higher and others lower but with em
ployment fairly full, Mr. Truman's party
may do very well despite its bad record
in prophecy.
(Released by Associated Newspaper*. Inc.)
Swedish Mission to Syria
By Pertinax
PARIS, July 5 (By Radio).—A Swedish
military mission will go to Syria shortly
on the invitation of the government
at Damas and will devote itself to
the task of welding together the various
elements of the Syrian Army and the
Syrian police into efficient forces. Thus,
barely a few weeks after French and
British troops have been withdrawn
from Syria, there comes from the Syr
ian cabinet an open admission that it
needs outside help to overhaul the
Syrian state and to bring it up to some
thing approaching modern standards
of government.
Besides the Army, the constabulary
and the police, other branches of Syrian
public administration require external
assistance. It has already been re
corded that high ranking officers of
the British Army were authorized by
their superiors in London to retire
from the service with the colors—per
manently or temporarily—and to accept
assignments as advisers to some min
isterial department — transportation,
foreign trade, wheat board, and so forth.
Others are taking up posts of respon
sibility in private businesses.
The impending arrival of the Swedish
military mission tops the transforma
tion which has been going on all
through the springtime in Syria. The
position once held by the French—a
position rooted in a special relationship
through the centuries—falls to the
Scandinavians and British. This will
probably be the first contact of Swedes
with Western Asia and it will be in
teresting to watch the results.
* * w *
Why the Swedes have been chosen
in preference to other foreigners is
quite a story in itself. It testifies to
the frictions continuing between France
and England in that part of the world.
British representatives in the Levant
were quick to realize and to report home
that the Damas government, left to
itself, was not strong enough to hold
together the several ethnic components
of Syria. For/ instance, the ages-long
separatism of the Druce religious sect
and the Alawi tribesmen had asserted it
self very markedly upon the termina
tion of the French mandate. Therefore,
the wish of the British imperial staff
—which always takes a serious view of
all Asiatic fermentations—was to keep
on the spot the British military mission
which had been active in Syria since
1941.
The London government, however,
had entered Into an obligation with the
French to arrange for evacuation of
Syria by all British troops, to take place
at the same time as the French with
drawal. The only way left open to the
British was to approach the French and
to attempt to be relieved of their prom
ise, but in that endeavor the British did
not meet with any success. Then the
Syrian government thought of asking
the United States to send a military
mission of its own. In Washington,
however, for one reason or another, the
Syrian request fell upon deaf ears. Fi
nally. the Swedes were called on to fill
the gap.
* * * *
The entire incident may be taken as a
pertinent instance of the political
wounds the French and British can in
flict on each other by indulging in their
old-fashioned quarrels. In 1916 and
again in 1941 France would have been
wise to leave Syria alone, since it is only
too clear that British officials are very
touchy and impatient whenever other
countries, however friendly, try to build
up the political interests of their own
in the lands which lie on the high road
to India.
But once the French, with British ap
proval after all, were in the saddle it
was a grievous error on the part of
Winston Churchill to accredit to Syria a
man like Gen. Sir. Edward Spears, who
did what he could to arouse native hos
tility toward the French and even went
so far as to offer the Damas government
a British alliance against the French.
This step caused Anthony Eden to re
call Gen. Spears.
In the Near East the British and
French still are working at cross pur
poses—at the very moment that new
interests are forcing their way into
the area# which, from time immemorial,
have been under Anglo-French influ
ence.
Proud Record
From Quebec Le Soleil.
During the six war years the farmers
have increased the production of their
farms by more than half of the pre
war rate. They are running a primary
business valued at five billions, the reve
nues of which exceed a billion and a
half every year. A summary review
shows that in 60 years the rural popu
lation, which has decreased in com
parison with the urban population, has
nonetheless succeeded in cultivating
an extent of land four times greater:
to produce 16 times more wheat and
cereals, 8 times more hogs and cattle
and 4 times more dairy products.
And Pedestrians, Too!
From th« St. Louie Post-Dispatch.
Manufacturers advise motorists to
save their tires by driving slowly. It’s
also a good way to save the drivers.
Bikini May Give Clue
To Atomic Energy Use
Military Significance Depends on
Objectives Behind Test
By David Lawrence
Whether the dropping of the atomic
bomb at Bikini was a "success” or,,
"failuiy” depends entirely on an under
standing of what the intention behind
the test was.
The scientists were convinced that
the atomic bomb would destroy all hu
man life on the fleet of ships, and ap
parently not all the living things died.
The verdict here is uncertain.
The naval strategists were convinced
that naval vessels could stay afloat—
not all of them, but many of them.
They were proved correct. But of what
use are vessels without officers or
crews?
The Army Air Forces were convinced
that controlled planes could be sent
into areas where atomic bombs were
being dropped and that such planes
could be recovered. They were proved
correct.
Military and naval men generally
were convinced that the atomic bomb
would require changes in systems and
weapons of warfare, and they, too, are
proved correct.
Forecasts Changes.
After examinations of the damage
done to surface vessels, it seems prob
able that the naval craft of the future
will be built differently than those of
today.
Unforunately, many of the headlines
about the atomic bomb gave emphasis
to the fact that certain ships were found
afloat and certain ones were sunk. This
was all the information available at
the time, but it was meaningless. For
any one who knows anything about
aerial warfare and naval defense knows
that fleet strategists wouldn’t concen
trate vessels in such a small area and
invite attack from bombs of any kind.
If ships were to be set up as they were
in the Bikini lagoon, it would take only
a few B-29s to destroy all the vessels
there last Monday. In that sense a
more devastating job could be done in
one fell swoop by planes than by a
single atomic bomb. *
But the object of the test was not to
find out how many ships would be sunk
or how many would stay afloat. It
was hoped that enough vessels would
stay afloat to afford an opportunity to
determine the effect on steel armor
plate, on deck and ammunition com
partments, on machinery and on elec
trical apparatus. When this is known,
i there can be changes in design or
scientific research to protect ships
against complete destruction.
Next Tests Important.
Naturally, Navy men were anxious
| to refute the notion that navies are
i obsolete. Those who believe in naval
power aren't any less Interested in the
atomic bomb because of these tests, but
they can insist that the last word has
not been spoken on the part which
navies will play in fuutre warfare.
The next two tests will be underwater
detonations of the atomic bomb. These
are regarded as the most important of
all. If submarines can survive at great
depths, then the whole character of
naval warfare may be changed. Just
as armies and heavy bombing have ’
brought underground defenses on land,
so the atomic bomb may revolutionize '
underwater fighting.
It would seem logical that the Navy
Department now would give special at
tention to undersea warfare. Unfor
tunately, the submarine branch has not
been given the recognition it deserves
in the staff set-up in the Navy Depart
j ment. There is as much radical change
| possible through undersea warfare as
there has been in the air-force opera
tions of the last several years.
Undersea Carriers Possible.
Some naval experts see the probability
of building huge aircraft carriers to
move entirely under the water. These
would be able to rise at night and send
i °ut planes carrying atomic bombs or *
I else guided missiles. Hie use of subma
rines to attack coastlines with guided
missiles is in its infancy. It is here that
the Navy has a chance to provide means
of attack and defense not now en
vision^ by military men of the old
schools of thought.
The atomic-bomb test was neither a
success nor a failure—for no weapon ,,
that promises such destruction can be
characterized as a “success'* for any
nation. The principal governments of
the world are today discussing the abo
lition of atomic bombs altogether. So
the world may truly hope that the tests
will prove wholly superfluous in a
military sense and that the lessons
learned may be useful in the civilian
uses of atomic energy.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved )
Freedom of Choice
Prom the Berkshire (Mass ) Courier.
If we pause for a moment and face
the fact that our lives are being directed
more and more from Washington, we
come up against the inescapable fact
that most of the infringements of our
liberty, which began as emergency or
wartime measures, are still with us.
along with some new ones. Whether or
not we, as a Nation, will be content to
be subject to the Government, or make
Government subject to us, will be indi
cated to a considerable degree by the
action we take in the elections this fall.
That action will show whether we want
our liberties restored, or whether we
want our lives planned for us.
In Plainer English
from the Memphis Commercial Appeal.
A Washington wiseacre opines that
the basic difficulties of reconversion are
attributable to deficiencies in produc
tion. Not enough stuff, that is to say.
Prayer for Bread—1946
O Ldrd, Who multiplied the loaves that\
day— \
In these lean years succeeding years
of strife.
Give us, this day, our daily bread, we
pray—
Bread, homely bread, the simple staff
of life—
And teach us we can help You multiply
Each little loaf by hourly taking care
No crumb is wasted—what is left put
by—
That, in-all lands, all men may have
their share.
Man cannot live by bread alone, ice
know:
Nor, wholly lacking bread, can man
survive
In ravished countries where no wheat
will grow
And famished children totter, half
alive.
Give such, this day, our daily bread in
part,
Lord of the helping Hand, the generous
Heart!
VIOLET ALLEYN 6TORBY.
A

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