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With Sunday Naming Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. 1908—1946. The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Main Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: 110 East 42d St Chicago Office: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. The Evening and Sunday Star, 90c per month; when 6 Sundays in the month. $1.00. The Evening Star Only, 65c per month. The Sunday Star, 10c per copy. Night Final Edition, 10c per month additional. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere In United States. 1 month. 6 months. 1 year. Evening and Sunday--$1.25 $6.00 $12.00 The Evening Sta>-_ .75 4.00 8.00 The Sunday Star_ .50 2.60 5.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at the Post Office, Washington, D. C., as second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of. special dispatches herein also arc reserved. A—« * TUESDAY, July 30, 1946 Strategy in China The reason advanced by the Cen tral Government for rejecting the latest Communist proposal for an “unconditional” cessation of hostil ities go far to explain why Gen. Marshall has been unable to bring an end to the factional fighting which threatens to engulf China in full-scale civil war. An unconditional truce means that both sides would retain their present positions. But a glance at the map will show that the Commu nists are able to block most of the trunk railway lines and river water ways by which the economic life of the regions under control of the Central Government is maintained. As Mr. Peng, the Minister of Infor mation, put the matter at a recent press conference: “Just clamoring for an unconditional cessation of hostilities means unconditional dis ruption in Manchuria, unconditional blocking of communications, uncon ditional competition in the build ing of large armies—in short, un conditional chaos in the political sit uation and unconditional prolonga tion of the nation’s misery.” In this statement there is a deal of truth. With their simpler eco nomic needs and guerrilla fighting tactics, the Communists can get along much better than the Na tionalists without main lines of com munication; and it takes only one Communist road-block to render useless such a line, whether by rail or water. It was to remove these handicaps that Chiang Kai-shek entefced into the negotiations of last spring. But the granting of that demand would lose for the Communists the chief nuisance value they have been using to extort from Chiang a status of virtual equality with him which the Central Government has never been # willing to admit. Meanwhile, the Nationalist high command apparently feels strong enough to wage at least partial suc cessful offensives against the Com munists, especially to clean out the “Red” pockets in the coastal regions from Shantung to the north bank of the lower Yangtse which are eco nomically more crippling than the main Cpmmunist positions in the far north, from Yenan, through Je hol to Northern Manchuria. Whether Chiang hopes to do more than this is doubtful, at this time. Yet the success of those limited of fensives would so increase his economic and political power as well as his military strength that he might well make this the basis for a subsequent all-out move to crush his opponents decisively throughout China. Knowing this as the Com munists do, they can be expected to fight back vigorously. So the upshot may be that full-scale civil war which neither side envisages as such at the present time. Gertrude Stein Her publisher notified the world that he did not understand what Gertrude Stein was talking about, but explained that he admired her tremendously and liked to print her books. The sentiment thus ex * pressed was representative of the normal reaction to the famous American expatriate during those years when she was as much a tour ists’ objective in Paris as the Eiffel Tower. She attracted people by the exercise of a talent that was dis tinctively. her own. Everybody ap preciated her, yet very few compre hended her. A clue to the mystery of Miss ' Stein’s writings, however, is readily available in two adjacent arts—the style of painting which is called ab stractionism and that variety of music which vulgarly is known as boogie-woogie. She improvised with words until they ceased to have any significance save that of sound. To obtain even a casual idea of her intention it was necessary to read her text aloud. Then, but only then, was its rhythm discernible. The * audience to which she appealed in > evitably was small. No average per son could “live with” her work very long. She went so far far beyond Henry James, Marcel Proust and James Joyce—“her contempdrary £ gods”—that in the manner of Ibsen’s , Brand she finally found herself v completely and utterly alone. *• Yet the last days of Miss Stein’s 1 <- life brought her into close touch with £ her own country and especially with * those of her countrymen who fought for the liberation of Europe and, having won a costly victory, took time to visit the Left Bank and thus gained her acquaintance. Her most, recent book, entitled "Brewsie and Willie.” is the fruit of her talks with ;* the GIs who made pilgrimage to her door. These lads—hundreds of them—will remember her not merely as a name but truly as an older sister of a kindly sort, a feminine equiv alent of Walt Whitman perhaps, as individualistic as he was, as inco herent as he was and altogether as companionable as he was. She was fortunate to have had such friends. Half a century hence they will recall her with affection. Russia and the Atom With his latest definition of Rus sia's views on international atomic control. Andrei A. Gromyko has be gun to resemble a not-too-artful dodger. The thesis he defends seems to boil down to this: That world security in the uniquely dangerous era ahead can be amply protected by a simple treaty outlawing A-weap ons, with each country passing its own laws, fixing its own penalties and doing its own policing to insure that neither its citizens nor itself violate the covenant. Challenged to explain just how such a setup could conceivably be a satisfactory guar antee, Mr. Gromyko has nothing better to offer than vague and eva sive talk about how nations have lived up to the Geneva Convention prohibiting the use of poison gas and about how the Soviet plan is really much more “practical” and “con crete” than the American plan, “which may on the surface appear to be radical but cannot carry us to our goal.” /va every uuc miuws uy nuw, uic American plan calls for a treaty out lawing atomic weapons, but a treaty with real teeth in it—a treaty that would create an international au thority empowered, in conjunction with the Security Council of the United Nations, to exercise the tightest possible control over danger ous activities in the field of nuclear fission. Essential raw materials, vital manufacturing processes, develop mental policies—all these and other matters related to the atom would be subject, under our proposal, to world ownership, management, in spection, policing and similar ar rangements definitely cutting across national sovereignties and leaving no country free to be Its own master in the field, with or without “iron curtains.” The United States’ view is that lacking such implementing supervisory and enforcement ma chinery a mere treaty of outlawry, no matter how solemnly worded, would be little more than a pious expression capable of being broken at will and at any time by an am bitious aggressor, as was the case with the Kellogg-Briand pact against war. But Mr. Gromyko appears to argue completely to the contrary. More “practical,” he says, more “concrete” Is the idaa of Just hav!ng a treaty and letting each nation police itself. His statement does not say so in explicit terms, but it plainly seems to imply that Russia will not agree to the kind of authority we envision, that it will not surrender any meas ure of its present sovereignty and that it is unwilling to commit itself to much more than a pact like that outlawing poison gases. Of course, as Dr. Van Kleflens of the Netherlands has pointed out to Mr. Gromyko, there have been numerous solemn treaties outlawing many kinds of weapons from gas to “dum-dum” bullets, but none of them has been successful, and certainly the A-bomb —by far the deadliest and most de cisive explosive force ever devised by man—cannot be controlled that way. Nevertheless Mr. Gromyko insists that Moscow’s plan is more “practi cal” and “concrete” than ours. The best reply to that is that on the U. N. Atomic Energy Commission, with the possible exception of satel lite Poland, Russia is the only coun try that thinks so. In its essentials, our proposal has been almost uni versally supported for the simple reason that it is logically unanswer able. Through Mr. Gromyk®, the Soviet Union may try to keep on dodging that fact, but the more it dodges, the more awkward and alone it will look, and the more other lands will wonder, not without mis givings, Just why it wants.to act like that. Good News for Puerto Rico President Truman has acted wisely in nominating Jesus T. Pinero to be Governor of Puerto Rico, a post that has been vacant since Rexford G. Tugwell’s resignation became effec tive on June 30. Assuming that the Senate confirms it—which certainly ought to be the case—the appoint ment will be unique in that it will turn over the office to a native for the first time since the island was brought under‘American rule almost a half .century ago. For the past year and a half Mr. Pinero has lived in Washington as Puerto Rico’s resident commissioner in Congress, and all who have come to know him have been impressed by his sincerity and his capabilities. Leader of the Popular Democratic party, which is dominant in the is land, he has served his people well for a long time, not only in the United States but as a member of the insular House of Representa tives. It is a measure of his coun trymen's confidence in him that a recfcnt special session of the Puerto Rican legislature, by an almost unanimous vote, petitioned Presi dent Truman to name him as Mr. Tugwell’s successor. There can be no doubt that the President’s affirmative response will be greeted with widespread pleasure throughout the island. Few men know as much about Puerto Rico’s problems And aspirations as Mr. Pinero, and since his party is a con trolling political force, his tenure should be marked by a happy rela tionship between the legislature and the governorship. In any case, Puerto Ricans in general will read into his appointment an encourag ing confirmation of our resolve to i help them achieve a greater and greater measure of self-rule; nor can that fact fail to reflect credita bly on us throughout Latin America. Puerto Rico, of course, is one of the most densely populated coun tries in the world and it has numer ous economic difficulties to over come. Given our help, however, it can cope with these and achieve what it ardently and rightly seeks— a bright new status either as an independent land, one of our States or an autonomous dominion closely linked with us. By naming Mr. Pinero, President Truman has of fered them particularly reassuring evidence of our sincerity and good will in supporting their aspirations to that end. In Defense of Jellyfish Since the jellyfish cannot speak for itself, it has always been taken for granted that no one would con test the perennial charge by Chesa peake Bay vacationists that the sea nettle is not only the lowest form of animal life in local waters but the orneriest and most useless, bar none. The miraculous has happened, how ever. Rising to the defense of the slimy, gelatinous joy-killers which are now starting their annual inva sion of the bay and its inlets is the otherwise respected Tidewater Fish eries News. The News always has been a stanch defender of fish, crabs, oysters and other marine life com monly regarded as a boon to man kind, but its action in coming to the rescue of the pestiferous stinger was wholly unexpected. Every one who has gone swimming in the bay or the lower Potomac in August knows the bad features of the nettle—how he takes particular delight in slapping his flabby, repul sive form into the face or onto the body of a swimmer and wrapping his long tentacles around his victim while inflicting his sting. It re mained for the Tidewater Fisheries News to look beyond these discredit able things and find at least one redeeming quality, namely, the fact that jellyfish thrive on “water blis ters,” a major enemy of the delect able Chesapeake Bay oyster. Hence, says the News, the nettle is a friend and defender of the oyster and as such is entitled to some respect from all oyster lovers, whether they are allergic to jellyfish or not. Of course, If one does not like either oysters or jellyfish, the News is wasting its editorial breath. And any one who has experienced a frontal assault by a school of jelly fish is not likely to change his opinion of the creatures, however friendly they may be with the oyster family. “Good manners,” according to Emerson, "are made up of petty sacrifices.” But once in a while ; something really important also has ; to be yielded. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. Birds in a heavy all-day rain lose some of their glamour. The mocking bird is the wettest look ing of them all. He seems fairly be draggled. The white on his wings is almost soaked out. As for the rest of him, he resembles a bundle of feathers more than a bird. The saucy jay loses most of his blue, but aside from that seems more or less his old peculiar self, giving forth his war cry every now and then de spite the rain. The robin is easily recognizable from his ruddy breast. The male cardinal seems almost the same as on a dry day. except for the bedraggled look. Common sparrows are mere bundles of fluff, but hold their brown and gray tones nicely. All birds are equipped with oil glands, which spread a nice fine oil over the feathers. The construction of feathers also tends to shed water. Netiher construction nor oiling resists water any too well, after a downpour has lasted for eight, hours. And after that., every bird must venture out for food, rain or no rain. This venturing, it must be admit ted, is not much, because the creatures have been pelted more or less all the time, especially when the rain continues all night, as it did recently. Not many species seem to have enough sense to “come In out of the rain, ’ as it were. Nature made them able to stand it, and stand it they do. Our little English sparrows will seek shelter beneath eaves and cornices. So also will the starling. Maybe these “foreigners” have more sense than the native birds, in this respect, at least. The rain crow might be expected to be one bird who liked the rain, and so he does, but since he stays well up in the trees it is impossible to see how well he stands it. Certainly he does not send his peculiar cry through the branches on a real rainy day any way near as many times as on a fair one. Recently a friend within a few blocks told of having two bittern in his yard. He said they flew down to his fish pond, and ate up all the goldfish. • A rainy day would be good for them. Even the most obdurate foe of sum mer bird feeding should have mercy on the feathered population in a pro longed rain. It is easy to see, even in 12 hours of rain, what terrible effect continued days and weeks of such downpour would have on the birds of this earth. Probably Noah was told to take no more than one pair because there were no more creatures left than that after such a rain had fallen a few weeks. The birds, despite their oiled feathers, WQpld be the first to suffer, we believe, because of failure of the food supplies. Insects and others of their ilk would burrow in the ground, or conceal them selves beneath leaves. Insect-eating birds would have a hard time of it, especially those flycatchers and others which must depend upon taking their nourishment on the wing. I Heavy and prolonged rains keep such flyers down, and so deprive these birds of much if not all of their food. In heavy rains, some food put out for the birds, in sheltered places, on porches, under overhangs and so cm, and especially in feeding stations with good roof spreads, do a world of good for all species. At these times, the nesting birds find it difficult to get enough insect food for the babies. So a little ground beef or other meat during a rainy day is one of the best things any one can give the birds. Birds need our help in heavy rains. In return, their be draggled appearance presents them in an entirely new light to the questing human eye. Some of the old favori^s will be recognized only with difficulty. Letters to The Star ; Gives Different View of Austria Resisting Hitler To the Editor of The 8t»r: In your issue of July 2S Dr. Robert Rie tried to Justify Russian handling of Austrian affairs, especially the seizure of Austrian industries and other assets. At the end of this letter he stated that Austria broke down in 1938 “without a fight, without a single shot.” . / Dr. Rie apparently forgets the heroic resistance which Austria put up against Nazilsm from 1933 when Hitler took over in Germany until the Anschluss in 1938, during full five years when all other countries in the world did business with Hitler and tried to appease him. At that time Hitler, infuriated by this un expected resistance, did everything pos sible to break Austria. He ordered his gangsters to throw bombs and destroy bridges and dams, he let them murder Dollfuss, and he tried to strangle Aus trian economics, based largely on tourist traffic, by asking a payment of RM 1,000 (about $400 at the then prevailing rate of exchange) from every German citi zen traveling to or through Austria. Only after five years of this struggle, without support'by any other country. Austria succumbed to Hitler’s threats of military action. There were other countries, too, which had to surrender to Hitler without any actual bloodshed. May I ask Dr. Rie what battle occurred when Hitler in vaded Czechoslovakia and how many shots were fired on that occasion? At least we did not see Chancellor Schusch nigg’s picture in the papers smilingly shaking hands with the usurper after the conquest as this infamous Czech generalissimo did. As to the so-called German assets, they are mostly property owned by Aus trian citizens of Jewish faith or descent confiscated by the Nazis after the in vasion. Some of the original owners still live, mostly in exile. Most of them, however, perished in concentration camps. The big industrial plants and banks among this property now will be socialized according to the new law just made by the Austrian Parliament. The rest should be given back to their original owners or handed over to chari table organizations, if these owners and their heirs have perished. But there certainly is no Russian title whatever to these assets. Dr. Rie s mention of the "Volkssturm” is very naive. Austrians had simply no other choice than to obey orders or be shot. Some, however, were able to escape into the Austrian underground which made heroic efforts in the Tyrol and the mountains of Styria and Carin thia to sabotage the Nazi war effort. The greater part of the Austrian popu lation remained faithful to the old re gime and many of the others who first accepted Naziism as a brlnger of work and Jobs to thousands of jobless saw pretty soon what it really meant and changed their minds very thoroughly. As Dr. Rie's article is apt to hurt Austria’s good name in a time when she really needs every support possible, I would appreciate it very much If you would kindly rectify the impression made by his lines. ERNEST BROWN. Veteran Disillusioned by Waiting To the Editor of The Star: I am a veteran. About nine months ago I made a $100 deposit on the pur chase of a new car. Delivery was prom ised as approximately this past June. I know car production has not been up to expectation, but what gripes me is that the dealer will not give me any informa tion about my place on the waiting list, j He merely states that people who were promised cars in April and May are still waiting and that his records are private. ; He, however, w-ould sell me a car that j is five years old for more money than | the cost of a new car. With a smile on his face he offered to return my $100 and cancel my order. If I accept that. I am worse off because it would mean going elsewhere and being placed at the bottom of the list. I believe, that the authorities should require all dealers who have waiting lists for scarce commodities to keep a public record open for scrutiny, so that the people who are waiting the longest will get delivery in the proper order. The advertisements of the automobile dealers in the newspapers, such as “Sell us your car so we can help the return ing veteran” are a Joke. I have yet to meet a veteran who received any special consideration from any sort of dealer. As a veteran, I think I can speak for the veterans, when I say that we don’t want any special consideration, but we don’t want to be exploited. All we want is fair treatment and fair value. It is little enough to expect. If we can’t get that, the American people aren’t worth fighting for. P. o. ants Eastern Bridge Also To the Editor of The Sttr: Everybody concurs in the need for a double bridge teach 4-lane) in place of the present single span at Fourteenth street. The present bridge over the Potomac at this point is inadequate for the volume of traffic involved. I am. sure that all commuters are glad that Congress has approved the erec tion of two new bridges. But I am curious to know if any one has considered the advisability of a bridge somewhere between Alexandria and the National Airport. This bridge could terminate on the District of Co lumbia side of the river south of Bolling Field, say, Atlantic avenue. Not only would this facilitate commuting be tween Congress Heights, Anacostia and other eastern areas to the Pentagon Building and National Airport, but also would reduce the traffic over the Four teenth street bridge (or bridges). In addition, U. S. No. 1 truck traffic could be routed across this proposed bridge from Alexandria. Such a route could follow Nichols avenue, Eleventh street to Lincoln Square, Tennessee avenue into Bladensburg road and Bal timore. I should think this route would give truck traffic a better bypass than the current U. S. No. 1 through town. Yes, I personally would profit by such a bridge, since I live in Washington Highlands and commute daily to the Pentagon. However, I feel sure there •re a great many others in this area who would profit equally as much. H. H. ACKER. Onward, Christran-Communists From the St Louis Post-Dlsptteh. The new Christian-Communist party in Brazil has adopted an emblem con taining both the hammer and sickle and the Bible. Alternative emblems would be desir able, to fit the Communist line St any given moment. For instance, one might show an Easter rabbit leaping over a samovar, while another should consist simply of a pot of honey—with bears, rampant. This Changing World By Constantine Brown The importance oi the pans peace Conference Is properly being discounted because of its purely advisory character and its lack of power to define positively the terms of peace imposed on the Axis satellites. It is also clearly understood that this conference—dealing as it does with the minor treaties—does not have the importance which will be attached to the conferences which deal with Ger many, Austria and Japan. There are, however, certain elements of prime importance in this conference which are being watched closely not only in Washington, London and Mos cow, but in the smaller capitals of the world. One of these is the extent to which the Big Pour reveal a dispositiop to give the smaller states an actual hand in the making of peace. The present conference is being held at the Insistence of the United States and against the original wishes of Mos cow, which insisted that matters had not progressed to the point where a conference could safely be held. It would be the easiest thing in the world for Russia to stiffen her position and make it impossible for the conference, ev?n with the compromising efforts of the smaller nations, to achieve any posi tive results. The extent, therefore, to which the final recommendations reflect 'not only the selfish desires of the secondary and third rate powers but their formulas for settlements of issues, and the extent to which the Big Four finally accept the products of the conference will measure the role which the lesser governments are being permitted to play in postwar international affairs, and in the making of a lasting peace. * * * * It is a test of whether we are going to live In a world of power politics or a world of international law. With power politics rampant we can look forward to nothing but World War III. Lasting peace will have to be based on submer gence of the demands of individual na tions to the will and good of the commu nity of nati*ns. It has been said with as much right eousness as rhetoric that the small states are the repositories of inter national law at its best, for it is all they 'have to protect them from the ravages of the major powers. Big powers can build armies, navies and air forces, pro tecting themselves by their very strength when called on to do so. Not so the minor powers, which must depend not only on a highly developed system of international law, but on its acceptarfce by the big powers, for their defense. Except for the Ukraine and White Russia, which are present at Paris only as the puppets of the Soviet Union, and China, which has Immense potential ities for military power, all the other nations outside the Big Pour are dis tinctiy minor powers, depending on one or the other of the Big Four as their ultimate protector. The representatives of some have already shown themselves to be of extremely high caliber as states men and eminently qualified to deal in international affairs. They made their influence felt at- the United Nations Conference in San Francisco and have displayed a brand of wisdom and states manship in other international meet ings since then which upholds their claim to a powerful—even decisive voice in world affairs. By their very nature as powerful na tions, the major powers must deal in force and the threat of it stands behind everything they do when their own self ish interests are at stake. Because they are based on power, any recession from a position assumed or any concession must be carefully scrutinized for the im plication it may carry of confession of weakness. On this basis Russia is ex tremely reluctant to compromise be cause retreat on a major point might be read to mean that she is afraid of the atom bomb, which tfe have and Russia does not—yet. Since the San Francisco conference the Big Four have reverted so exten sively to the type of power politics which has prevailed for ages before World War II that the smaller states have sought some reassurance that they will be given a voice—an effective voice—in world affairs and in the making of a peace system in which they will have to live for what we hope will be many years. So far they have had precious little reassurance, and while their statesmen have taken active part in the United Nations and all of its subsidiary func tions, they have had no part in the making of the major decisions which are shaping the character of the postwar world. That has been pre-empted by the Big Three, the Big Four, and the Big Five. The delegates at Paris have an op portunity now to give the small states the reassurance they have been looking for anxiously. If they are permitted only to voice their opinions and are denied any opportunity- to make their views effective in the final peace treaties, they will lose faith in the international peace system which results. Their log ical course then would be to attach themselves even more firmly to one or the other of the great powers for rea sons of defense. Before the smaller states can be lured from their attachments to the big pow ers and thus break down the spheres of Influence which dominate interna- j tional dealings, they must be given the assurances they seek that they will live in a world of international law and Jus tice rather than in a world of force and , threats of force. The Paris Conference is a needed opportunity to do fhis. The Political Mill * By Gould Lincoln Representative Andrew Jackson May 1 of the 7th Kentucky district, chair man of the House Military Affairs Com mittee. target of the Mead Senate Com mittee’s investigation of the Garssons' war production companies, will be re nominated in Saturday's primary elec tion as the Democratic candidate for the House. He is unopposed. In a letter to “friends” in his district Mr. May flatly has charged that he is the victim of a “smear campaign” as a result of the “political inquisition” con ducted by the committee of which Sen ator Mead, Democrat, of New York, is chairman. He charged, too, that Sena tor Mead “thinks if he can crucify mr he can use that to make himself a great hero and overcome his difflcul political position and ride into the office of Governor of New York." i According to Mr. May’s dlagnosi: there is involved in the present investi gation not only a House seat—which the Republicans had hoped to win from the Democrats—but also the governorship of New York, now held by Thomas E. Dewey, who will be renominated The effect of the Mead committee in quiry on the 7th Kentucky district electorate is still problematical— al though Kentuckians in Congress have expressed the opinion that this attack on Mr. May from an outside source might help him rather than hinder in his fight for re-election, particularly if the impression gains ground in the dis trict that May is being made a martyr. * * * * The investigation of Mr. May's activi ties in connection with the Garssons is not concluded and what, if anything, additional is turned up may have a de cided effect on the. political life of the chairman of the Military Affairs Com mittee. The committee is still trying to get Mr. May before it for a second hearing. So far it has been showm that Mr. May interceded strongly with the War Department and certain Army offi cers on behalf of the Garssons. It has been intimated, though not conclu sively proved, that Mr. May may have benefited financially—though this Mr. May has flatly denied. The electorate does not always react in a hostile way to candidates for office against whom charges have been lev eled. The district now represented by Mr. May was at one time the 10th Ken tucky district—when the State had 11 House seats Instead of 9 as at present, j It was represented by John M Langley, a Republican, who got into trouble and into jail. His wife was promptly elected in his place. Representative James to. Curley, Democrat, of Massachusetts, was elected Mayor of Boston while he was under Federal indictment—and^s Mayor today. The May district in Kentucky flopped over to the Democrats in 1930, when the country was engaged in throwing Re publicans out of office. Mr. May de feated Mrs. Langley in 1930 and he has been seven times re-elected. In 1942 he had a narrow squeak—winning by the narrow margin of 540 votes. With the war on and President Roosevelt heading the national Democratic ticket. Mr. May won again in 1944 with a lead of 3,241. Today there are four or five Republicans seeking the nomination to run against Mr. May in November, among them Dr. , Elmer E. Gabbord—whom Mr. May de- j feated in 1942 and 1944—and State Senator Charles F: Triviette. * * * * The Mead-May row, now brought forcibly into the open by Mr. May’s charges of persecution against Senator Mead, is between two leading Democrats in Congress. The chairmanship of the Senate committee to investigate the na tional defense program, now held by the Ne4v . York Senator, was the stepping stone which lead to the nomination of President Truman for Vice President in the 1944 Democratic National Conven tion. And some of Mead's friends have declared that the same chairmanship will facilitate Senator Mead's entrance into the Governor's mansion in Albany. It is undoubtedly upon these predic tions that Mr. May has predicated his charge that Senator Mead Is trying to crucify him in order to win the guber natorial election. While Mr. Mead has been widely dis cussed as the probable Democrat^: nominee for Governor against Mr. Dewey,’ he himself has withheld com ment. A Democratic State Convention meeting in Albany the first week in September will make the nomination, and Mr. Mead will have to decide whether to run for Governor or for re election to the Senate. For the present, he has said, he will pay strict attention to the work of his investigating committee. Russian Stumbling Block By George Fielding Eliot iajw lmjn .—An ocean crossing gives a man time to re-examine his thinking, to question his conclusions, to winnow out the grain of real Importance from the infinite chaff of details that do not really matter. This is especially true when—as with the voyage this writer has Just completed—atmospheric conditions prevent reception of any considerable amount of radio news. ; # In examining the military conditions of the world which have such very definite bearing upon the political de cisions to be taken at Paris and on those to be taken in the future, too, it is perhaps useful to break down avail able information by countries. A con siderable diversity in the degree of certainty immediately appears. * * * * With regard to the military strength of the United States and the uses to which the people of the United States may reasonably be expected to put that strength under various possible con tingencies, there can be an almost pain ful degree of certainty. The same is true to a virtually identical degree re garding the nations of the British ; Commonwealth. As to France, one can speak with less assurance both because the extent of French military recovery is not yet very great and because the political situation in France has not yet crystallized to a degree permitting assured comment on future application of French power as a factor in world affairs. As to China, there is one certainty— that Chinese military power cannot be come an important factor in world af fairs for many years to come. No orffe would be bold enough to predict whether or not the present civil strife in China can be brought to an end within the near future; but, even were iL to end tomorrow, years would have to pass be fore China could create any ponder able degree of fighting power. But when all these facts and con lectures nave been set down, one comes inevitably to the greatest uncertainty of all—Russia. We -know something of Russian military strength at present, but not Russian plans for its develop ment. We can be virtually certain that Russia is strong in land power, very weak in naval power and in long-range air power and we can be just as certain that the Russian government desires to remedy these weaknesses. But how Quickly they can do so and by what methods they will seek to do so we can not be sure. Greater uncertainty, how ever, is found when we ask ourselves what the Russians intend to do now and in the future with what strength they have or may develop. There we are in the realm of pure unadulterated guess work—and that fact is the central diffi culty in almost all attempts at intelli gent analysis of world relationships. * * * * We must clearly recognize the nature of the present contest. It is not a contest between rival imperialisms as is so often contended. It is rather an attempt to reconcile and to establish satisfactory working relations between two distinct political and economic sys tems. the western system, which puts the rights of the individual human being first, and the Soviet system, which puts the state before the individual. The great unanswered question is whether, as between such fundamental diversi ties, such reconciliation and such satis factory relations are possible at all. The charter of the United Nations is based on the premise that the answer to this question is yes. But if the peo ples of the great western democracies become convinced by successive failures that the answer is no. then whether their convictions are right or wrong, they are likely to demand that their governments take drastic action for their security while they still possess a commanding degree of military superi ority over the Soviet Union. (Oopyritht, 1948.) Adjournment to Give Agencies Wide Powers Experiments With Price Controls Likely in Next Few Months By David Lawrence Ever since the war began in 1939, our national legislature has been in almost continuous session, so the adjournment this week of the Seventy-ninth Congress will introduce an unusual period—a five-month moratorium on legislation. So far as business is concerned, how ever, it will be the beginning of an era of regulation wherein executive agen cies and boards, being free from an overnight check by the legislative branch of the Government, will have sweeping powers. Thus, there has been little said in the open about the biggest control which the administration is planning to exercise, allegedly against inflation— the control of inventories and the al location of materials. Many people have forgotten that the President, under his war powers, can still ration certain goods that are short and otherwise ex ercise controls which can have a power ful effect on price-fixing. With Congress absent, the executive agencies will be able to try many an experiment with controls. Board Is Good Beginning. There is satisfaction in Washington with the price decontrol boards per sonnel of three top executives. The feel ing is that these—Messrs. Thompson, Mead and Bell—will do an impartial job and will faithfully carry out the mandate of Congress to dispense with price controls wherever possible. It cer tainly is not a “packed” jury and in this respect President Truman has kept his promise and deserves commendation. It is a good beginning on the task of administering one of the most com plicated laws Congress ever passed. The present Congress will not rank high in the esteem of historians. For it failed to pass many a measure of far greater importance than the ones it did pass. Much legislation will be lost in the shuffle this week which might have had better consideration. Politics and postwar confusion have made the job of Congress a difficult one, but it cannot be overlooked that this Congress did pass the British loan agreement, did authorize participation in the United Nations and did present a united front of both political parties on foreign nnl \rv Tfce Seventy-ninth Congress spent a good deal more money than the country realizes, and much of it was wastefully spent as a consequence of the demands of pressure groups, particularly some of the alleged spokesmen for veterans. The President is talking about a drive for economy, but it should have started with the present session. Extra Session Promise. Mr. Truman has promised to call Congress back into extra session if any emergency develops. Politically it would have been far better for him if he could have agreed with the leaders in Con ■gress to arrange a recess instead of an adjournment with the Speaker of the House of Representatives or the Presi dent pro tern of the Senate having power to call the Congress back into special session. An equivalent arrange ment has been used in the last several years so as to retain for Congress its own right to take the initiative in calling the members back to Washing ton. C Once an “adjournment” for a session is taken, only the President can bring Congress here for an extra session. One reason, of course, for the adjournment was the desire of certain special groups to kill pending legislation once and for all in this session and to compel the sponsors to go through all the trouble of committee consideration and voting in either or both of the two houses next year, whereas, if Congress had recessed, the legislation would have remained alive and subject to further action this year in the event that both houses desired to come back to continue the regular session after the November elections. As matters stand now, the President will have the spotlight for the remainder of the year unhampered by any congres sional resolutions, committee investiga tions or accusatory speeches. The Na tion will have no means of getting legis lative redress on any problems that might arise until next January when the Eightieth Congress is to convene in regular session. The tendency will be to hold the Chief Executive responsible for any price gyrations because he has promised to call Congress back if the cost of living rises too far above the worker’s capacity to pay. It would have been better if he had arranged it so that equal respon sibility for remedying the situation on prices would have been placed upon the existing Congress, which does not go out of office til] next January. (Reproduction Rlthts Reserved). A Belated Precaution From the Montreal La Presse. The work of research and classifica tion of (colonization) lots which the provincial Minister of Colonization is carrying on is one of the first impor tance. Too many colonists have not had the advantage. Lacking a similarly far sighted provision, they astablished them selves properly in regions which they considered good for agriculture, but where, unfortunately, the soil was un fitted for this sort of exploitation. After having barely existed miserably and without appreciable profit, exhausted the government allocations, they had to give it all up and return to their point of departure, which they should never have left. They would have been spared some bitter deceptions and the noble cause of colonization, better served, would have been the object of less criticism. Country Cousins Vacation calls us to their green domain, As slowly ngise and, grime begin to yield To brooks that rollick down a clover lane And cowbells tinkling in a nearby field. The sudden tang of honeysuckle breath Sweeps over us with keen nostalgic ache, Bringing remembered faces lost in death, Staying our hands upon the open gate. But welcome lights the doorway with surprise, And children's joyous laughter bubbles out, i While like a host of silver butterflies Our hearts are winged with every happy shout: With dusty spirits parched and waver• ing We drink at love as from a cooling spring. RUBY ALTIZER ROBERTS.