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The Associated Press la exclusively entitled to the use lor republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this ®*Dtr. »nd »■«> the local news nublished herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved. A—14 THURSDAY, August S, 1946 Mr. Truman's Triumph It is only natural that Democratic National Chairman Hannegan should construe the results of the fifth Missouri congressional primary as a vote of confidence in the President and an expression of approval of his legislative policies. Had the decision gone the other way the critics of Mr. Truman would have been quick to interpret that as a repudiation of the President and a protest against his policies. There fore, Mr. Hannegan is entitled to make the most of his opportunity to view the future with confidence. There are some aspects of the election, however, which do not fit too smoothly into his diagnosis. In the first place, this was a Democratic primary, not a general election. The party picture is confused by the fact that an undetermined number of Republicans voted in the opposition primary, but Mr. Hannegan concedes that the Truman candidate, Enos A. Axtell, benefited from these alien votes, as did his defeated opponent. Representative Slaughter. Then there is the further fact that Mr. Axtell had the wholehearted support of the Pendergast machine, a ma chine capable of turning out a large vote, but which does not necessarily reflect the views of the rank and file of the voters in* Kansas City. Still, when the votes had been counted, Mr. Axtell’s total was 19,878 as against 17,577 for Mr. Slaughter. That was sufficient to remove from Congress a Democrat who had op posed the President on many issues and to spare Mr. Truman the polit ical embarrassment that would have attended a Slaughter victory. It is difficult, however, to read much more than this into the election. There was a third man in the race, Jerome Walsh, who polled 5,425 votes. So the real truth would seem to be that, while 19,878 voters in the district supported the candi date backed by the President, the Pendergast machine and the CIO PAC, a total of 23,002 voters sup ported the two other candidates. In view of this, it might seem that Mr. Hannegan has to strain a bit when he interprets the result as “a strong vote of confidence” in Mr. Truman and as a harbinger of a Democratic triumph In the general elections this November. Our Marines Stay in China The announcement by the State Department that there is nothing in the present situation to indicate that withdrawal of United States Marine detachments from China is even In prospect sets to rest persistent reports from the Far East of such Imminent withdrawal, which the department spokesman brands as “absolutely not true.” The source of those reports is pretty obviously the Chinese Com munist regime, which, for a long time, has been conducting an in tensive propaganda for the complete withdrawal of all American forces in China coupled with cessation of American support of any kind to the Central Government headed by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. Such verbal pressure has recently been supplemented by what old-time Russian revolutionists used to call “propaganda of the deed,” in the shape or attacks on our Marine de tachments in Northern China, cul minating in the ambushing of a Marine detachment performing stip ulated convoy service on the high way between Peiping and the coastal port of Chinwangtao. The object of such violent tactics is clearly to stimulate feeling in America itself against involvement in the factional strife within China which, despite the efforts of General Marshall, seems to be attaining the propor tions of full-scale civil war. Our Marines were originally sent to China under agreement with the Central Government and as part of the stabilization program to which Britain and Soviet Russia assented at the close of the war with Japan a year ago. The objective was two fold: First, to insure the speedy re patriation of the very large Japanese forces in China; second, to maintain certain vital transport services, especially in the Peiping and'Tsing tao areas. Since Japanese repatria tion has been substantially com pleted, emphasis is centered upon the second objective. Its importance to the maintenance of normal eco nomic life in Northern China, in cluding the great metropolis of Shanghai, explains the desire of the Communists to see the Marine guards withdraw. Communist pres sure in both areas is already so strong that the Nationalist troops alone might be unable to keep open communication lines vital to the northern areas under their control. Such local and immediate con siderations are, of course, tied in with larger and long-range questions ®f policy. The maintenance of Chi nese sovereignty and integrity has been one of the traditional major aims of American diplomacy. Our withdrawal of the Marines, whose presence in North China has been a stabilizing influence, would mean their replacement by Chinese Com munists and another incentive to civil strife. Those considerations should be evaluated in any plans for the disposition of our forces in China itself. Flareup in Paris With the adoption of the British “compromise” proposal on proce dural voting by the rules committee of the Paris Peace Conference, a “cooling off” period may be expected to follow the flareup which was marked by the heated verbal ex change between Secretary of State Byrnes and Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov. It may be doubted, how ever, that improved formal relations will cure the basic differences which led to the clash between Mr. Byrnes and the head of the Russian delegation. The British compromise is one of those face-saving devices which ; solves nothing. Mr. Molotov had fought bitterly for a rule requiring a two-thirds vote to bring a con ference proposal to the attention of the'“Big Four” representatives. Del egates from most of the smaller nations, supported by Mr. Byrnes, advocated a rule calling for a simple majority vote. Under the terms of the compromise, a recommendation carried either by a two-thirds vote or a majority vote will go on the agenda of the Big Four Council, j where, of course, it will be subject to the veto power of any one of the four. So actually the compromise settlement accomplishes nothing, j except perhaps to lend a certain added measure of moral force to recommendations supported by two thirds of the delegates. In resisting the majority proposal, however. Mr. Molotov made a speech in which he attacked the "Anglo Saxon” nations and, by'implication at least, questioned the motives and integrity of Mr. Byrnes. This was too much for the long-suffering South Carolinian. Obtaining the floor, he proceeded to castigate the Soviet delegate, accusing him of try ing to dictate to the Conference, of resorting to the device of impugning the motives of others when he could not have his own way, and of know ingly misrepresenting the facts. In its entirety, it was an astonishing speech to be delivered in any diplo matic gathering, but it was well- j documented by quotations 1 rqm the record and Mr. Molotov, in his reply, i did not and presumably could not ; refute the charges made by Mr. I Byrnes. The ultimate results of this clash ! remain to be determined. In all probability there will be at least a temporary improvement in out I ward relationships, but it is hardly to be expected that the righteous ! indignation of Mr. Byrnes, however vigorously expressed, can clear away the differences of purpose and the incompatible methods which are at the bottom of the difficulties in which the Peace Conference finds ; itself. Russia wants a settlement j predicated on the dominance of the | big powers, and, even with that, j shaped to give her what she regards I as an absolute maximum of physical i and economic security. The United i States is more attentive to the de mands of the smaller nations and more sympathetic toward the ideal of security based upon international co-operation. Britain tends to be aligned with us, while the French seem more inclined toward a middle course. What the final solution will be is any one’s guess. Willingness to call a spade a spade in dealing with Mr. Molotov may help some, i But in the last analysis the chances are that the peace settlement will be most profoundly influenced by I the nation which holds the highest cards in terms of actual power and strategic disposition of that power. Beginners in the art of diamond cutting, to avoid ruining expensive i gems, are said to practice first on I potatoes. They have to be fairly expert before they are allowed to i practice on butter. The Courts Fail Having confessed three atrocious murders, William Heirens. 17-year old University of Chicago student, has been indicted and presumably will spend the rest of his life in Jail. To that extent, society henceforth will be protected against a thor oughly depraved and vicious killer. But this leaves unanswered the question whether the courts should have taken more timely action to protect the public. Heirens is no stranger to law-en forcement agencies. At the age of thirteen he admitted eleven bur glaries. A psychiatrist who examined him at the direction of juvenile authorities said he was given to “neurotic thievery,” and a juvenile judge sent him to a private correc tional school for a year. Within a very short time after his release he was again arrested on a burglary charge and admitted robbing five homes. Again the juvenile author ities permitted him to be sent to a private institution. Within a little more than a year he was released and discharged from probation. Hardly more than another year had passed before, in the course of bur glaries, he had murdered Mrs. Jo sephine Ross, a widow; Miss Frances Brown, a former WAVE, and six year-old Suzanne Degnan, whose body was dismembered and thrown into a sewer. At the present time, in addition to the murders, he also stands accused of 29 burglaries, robberies and assaults. How, in the face of this record, are the Juvenile authorities to justify i their handling of Heirens’ case? * They had every opportunity to ex amine and observe him, and they knew that he was dangerous. Yet, after sixteen admitted burglaries, he was granted probation and turned loose without being subject to any supervision. Now, with the blood of two women and a child on his hands, he belatedly faces life imprisonment. But it can hardly be said that all of the responsibility for these murders rests on Heirens. It is a responsibility which must be shared by the juvenile authorities in Illinois, for they erred on the side of excessive leniency in dealing with a youth whom they should have recognized as being a menace to society. After Honorable Service Ira Clifford Lanham and Nathan C. Wyeth, two of the eleven munic ipal employes who retired last week for age, were unusual contributors to Washington’s physical charm and each of them has left, in his own field, reminders of a useful service. In 1916 Mr. Lanham succeeded his father, Trueman Lanham, as super intendent of trees and parking after an apprenticeship of twenty-five years in the municipal government. His father’s service in that position had begun in 1885, so that Clifford Lanham’s retirement ended a con tinuous term by father and son which covered sixty-one years. It was, for Washington, a highly essen tial service because of its part in the improvement and maintenance of one of the Capital City’s chief assets —its street trees. Clifford Lanham never felt that he received appro priations in keeping with the im portance of his work, but he made up a part of such deficit by his singular devotion and enthusiasm for his task. He was zealous in his guardianship of the trees, a trait which it is to be hoped his successor will inherit. Washington’s trees have been the losers in more than one battle against the spread of concrete. Mr. Wyeth’s service to Washington as municipal architect, compared with Clifford Lanham’s span of fifty five years, was relatively brief, for he took office only sixteen years ago. But for many years before that he had been an outstanding figure in architectural circles. Under his administration the office of Munic ipal Architect increased in size and importance and from it there came designs for municipal buildings, especially school buildings, which added distinction to such construc tion. His personality and his strict regard for high standards added to his professional standing and the regard in which he has been held by his fellow Washingtonians. Both of these men leave office with public respect and appreciation for the type of service they gave to Washington. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell. "E STREET N.E. “Dear Sir: "Can you tell me if there is any way to get rid of pigeons that are making their home on the roof of the apart ment where I live? “Twigs, feathers and refuse fall in the window sills of my apartment which is on the first floor. "I am continually cleaning up after them and they are a bother. "The agent of this apartment says they are very hard to get rid of. "I suggested a scarecrow, which brought forth a chuckle. "Any information will be appreciated. "Yours very truly, B. R." * * * * There are four ways of getting rid of unwanted -common pigeons. The first two are on the cruel side, and heaven knows there has been too much cruelty in the world during the past few years. • The cruel pair is composed of shooting and poisoning. Trapping and removal make up a third way. The fourth is the most humane, al though it can be worked only when food has been out for smaller birds, thus attracting the pigeons. Pigeons are large and hungry, and usually come to bird feeding, stations, or anywhere that some one puts out bread, seeds or grains. In this case, it is easy to stop feeding the small birds, and in time—let us emphasize that—the pigeons will go elsewhere. It may take as long as four weeks, however, to induce them to give up. Just when or how they eat is un known. They are vigilant at ail hours. We think they keep scouts out, while the rest of the band goes away to find food. Or they drop down in yards, near the chosen site, and eat grass seed and perhaps small insects. Pigeons are able to go long periods without much food. Yet they never seem to lose their contours, but appear to be as fat and saucy as ever. Our correspondent’s landlord has ! learned from experience, evidently, that they are hard birds to get rid of. They laugh at scarecrows, as he said. They are not easily driven away. Use of an air rifle may have some effect, but often after one or two have been injured, and maybe one killed, the rest come back every morning just the same. Poisoned bait is sure-fire, but it is not only a very mean way to secure an end, but also offers danger to the songbirds, and to pet dogs and cats of the neigh borhood. Shooting is dangerous to the entire community. Trapping may be tried. In this case, good food is used, and once the birds are trapped, they may be carried away and released in some other section of town. We hope no one wrings their necks. I The trouble about transporting them ! is that they are marvelous flyers and, ; usually having been somebody’s pets i once upon a time, they naturally come ! back to the old home site, j So it may be seen that there is really no humane way of getting rid of them. They do become a nuisance, but since their only aim in life is to get something to eat, most humans may sympathize with them, and look tolerantly upon their misdeeds. After all, common pigeons belong to a great race of birds. The dove and pigeon family is as old as Noah. Doves have long been regarded as symbols of the soul. Our common pigeon is often a beauty, properly regarded. He need take off his hat to few birds when it comes to flying ability. * In an air age, when men at last have succeeded in flying almost as well as the birds, we should not forget that pigeons are mighty flyers, and in their homing instincts still are far ahead of men. Letters to The Star Blames the British Government For Desperation of the Jews To the Editor of The Star: When people motivated by humane Ideals and a keen sense of justice resort to violence to attain their ends, it is necessary that the world at large under stand the conditons that have driven them to these acts. For deeds of vio lence are but acts of frustrated and : exasperated people. No one, be he Jew or gentile, will condone the bombing of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem and the killing of about 100 men and women. In the words of Gen. Barker, British commander in Palestine, “It is a foul and horrible crime, a shameful and barbarous act." But, what is the record of the British government in Palestine? In 1917, this government, through its Minister of Foreign Affairs, issued what is known as the Balfour Declaration, by which the British government pledged to the Jewish people the building of a Jewish national home in Palestine. Many other distinguished British statesmen, includ ing Winston Churchill himself, repeat edly have gone on record in the name of the British people to the effect that the Jewish national homeland will be established in Palestine and that the Holy Land once again will become ! the domain of Jewish religious, national and cultural life. With this in view, Great Britain assumed the mandate over Palestine, signed by 52 nations, constituting the League of Nations, and indorsed by every President of the United1 States from Woodrow Wilson to Franklin D. Roosevelt. Before the recent war the plight of 1 the Jewish community in Europe was j sad and tragic enough. During this war, I 6,200,000 Jews were gassed, burned, i buried alive or slowly starved or worked to death. The tragedy of the Jews is j frightfully acute. They have lost more than one-third of their entire world ' population, and in Poland, where they j still are being murdered, they have lost more than 90 per cent of their entire community. There are only a few hun dred thousand left in Europe, and these could migrate either to Palestine or to America or to other parts of the world. It was the British themselves who insisted upon the setting up of a Com mission of Inquiry on Palestine and promised in advance that the British I government would carry out whatever decision was arrived at by this commis sion. But, instead, this government has been guilty of subterfuge after subter- , fuge and has failed to carry out the ! promise to admit 100,000 refugees into Palestine. And at the same time, this British government pounces upon the Jewish community of Palestine, arrests responsible leaders and innocent men, women and children, even abusing them in the harshest manner. To those unfortunate few hundred thousand who have survived the Nasi terror, who have been uprooted from their homes, torn from their families, worked and starved almost to death by Nazi tyrants, who have seen their near est and dearest murdered, burned and gassed before their very eyes, what hope is there left except to go to Palestine? It is perhaps the one hope that is keep ing them alive. A year has passed since their libera tion, still they are fed in breadlines, like paupers, still at meager tables of possibly unsympathetic and anti-Se mitic officials. Of course, they must be in utter desperation and this ought to explain to us the state of mind of the Jews of Palestine. ELIZABETH GERTLIN. Another Critic of Comic* Te the Editor of The Star: May I send a few lines of approbation to the two 11-year-old girls, and add my \ views (a few of them) concerning the current comics in your paper? I am many times older than they are, and I like “funnies,” but some now running make me mad! I share the little girls' opinion of all they mention, and would add that, to my mind, strips like “Kerry Drake” perhaps help to encourage delinquency —not by the matter Itself but by the pictures showing how easy it is to thrust a knife, or point a gun, or offer a sip of poison. As the Canadians would say, little girls, “May I shake you by the hand” for your good letter? E. F. L. S. To Help Polio Sufferer* To fhe Editor of The Star: Last Sunday your paper carried an article about a man, a former victim of infantile paralysis, who gave his blood to help other victims. I understand that so far medical science is not sure whether blood trans fusion does help. However, I know that there are many of us who would be glad to give blood if there is only a faint hope of bringing relief. I, for my part, had a very slight at tack when a child, and came off with out a scratch, but still my blood might be of use. How can one organize all those in terested in helping and have them reg istered at a hospital so that they can be called in if wanted? ELEANOR BETH. Tennessee Election Troubles To the Editor of The 8t»r: As reported by the Associated Press, the deputy sheriff who precipitated the revolt of outraged citizens in Athens, Tenn., recently, bears the name of Windy Wise. Cause, effect, events re veal Windy to have been incomparably more windy than wise; in which re spect, however, he was hardly anti typical. In this terrible time—actual and po tential—when need of emphatic utter ance, backed by constructive determi nation respecting deeds, is paramount, the trend is to promiscuous “windiness,” generally devoid of wisdom; what Adler would probably have denominated “con spicuity complex.’’ To attribute what happened in Ten nessee to coincidence would be akin to distortion of coincidence. RIENZI B. LEMUS. Tribute to Men of Letters From the Montreal La Patrle. We agree with Senator Athanase David when he proposes the founda tion of a prize for literature by the Canadian Government. The speech de livered by Senator David on this sub ject in the Senate recalls with timeliness the role played by Intellectual accom plishments in building up national pres tige and, in this regard, cites examples that cannot be gainsaid. It is by works like these that a nation becomes known abroad and that generations succeed one another. Men of letters are there fore by no means the least efficacious workers in contributing to the grandeur of a nation. This Changing World By Constantine Brown The violent clash in Paris between Secretary of State Byrnes and Foreign Minister Molotov goes far deeper than a mere dispute between the United States and Russia. It is the inevitable conflict between the nations in the west which wish to live under r democratic system and the harsh totalitarian em pire which has arisen in the east on the ruins of Hitler's empire. Mr. Byrnes, the representative of the most powerful democratic nation, became merely the spokesman of the other liberal coun tries. which heretofore have not had the opportunity to assert themselves forcefully. The conflict at the Paris meeting is much deeper than an argument over the method of voting on the peace treaties. Observers in Washington who have been keeping up with the military movements behind the “iron curtain” believe that they will decide the futwe policies of the USSR, whether Russia is willing to accept the fact that the war has been fought for the freedom of ell nations, big and small, or whether she intends to outdo the German and Japa nese totalitarian leaders and obtain by force a preponderant position in Europe and Asia. Although it is difficult to obtain de tailed information about the battle or der of the Russian forces and those of the satellites, it is known that there have been important troop shifts in the area east of the Stettin-Trieste line. It is definitely known that tfie Red armies in the Russian zone in Germany have been greatly strengthened since last Mav, as they have been in Poland. It is known that the Yugoslav Army is fully mobilized and capable of cutting the Trieste Gordian knot by rushing the Allied forces on the Morgan line. It is known that there have been impor tant military preparations in the Sude tenland on the line facing the Ameri can occupation forces in Bavaria. It is equally well known that the Russian aviation has been increased recently to more than 6,000 combat planes. * * * * There is no doubt in the minds of any military men in this country or abroad that should the Soviet government translate some of its veiled threats into action, the Red Army could roll the re maining Allied forces in Germany and Italy back to the Channel within a very short time. While-America, Britain and France have forces in the enemy coun tries which are nothing more than a token police sufficient to control the de feated nations, the Russians have such a formidable army that they could reach the Channel with little delay. The question is whether Prime Min ister Stalin, who still keeps his hands on the wheel of Russia's ship of state, is willing to undertake a gamble like those the Kaiser took in 1914 and Hit ler in 1939. Russia can obtain easy vic tories if she decides that force is more telling than diplomacy and negotiations, but she must know by now that mili tary victories will not count in the long run against nations which are fighting for an ideal and, moreover, have a vast ly superior industry which can be geared for war. According to proved strategists, Rus- ! sian paratroopers might be able to drop on the United Kingdom, but the USSR has neither the ability nor the means to ; invade Britain across the sea. Mere paratroop operations are spectacular and tactically useful; their scope, how ever, is limited unless they form an ad vance guard for an invasion army which in this particular case must break through the barrier of the British Navy by an amphibious operation. In spite of the present weakness of the western nations, military men feel that the implications of a military chal lenge from Russia is fraught with too many dangers for the very existence of the present Soviet regime to permit a shrewd man like Stalin to attempt it. Whether the Paris Conference will give birth to a number of peace treaties, as it was intended, is a question which no one can answer at this time. * * * * But what appears certain now is that Foreign Minister Molotov has maneu vered himself into such a position that the USSR will either have to play ball or take such drastic measures that the W'orld may be thrown into a turmoil once more. In the latter event, Russia will suffer far more than the other coun tries. Mr. Byrnes went to Paris with the best intentions of causing treaties to be signed with the five defeated na tions. He expected to be the honest broker between the east and the west. He has become by force of circum stances the spokesman of the demo cratic nations. Being the representa tive of the most powerful of them, he became the target of the Soviet for eign minister's attacks. The only possible result of the Paris Conference seems to be henceforth that Russia will either accept the thesis of the western democracies with sufficient modification to save the face of her government or will wVhdraw from the international parley, In which case she may be expected to "act" in the not too-distant future. Sor.'e of Russia’s puppets like Yugoslavia 1 ave given in dications of restlessness. Marshal Tito is ready to move into tht Trieste and Venezia Giulia areas at a.e slightest nod from Moscow. The whole question is whether Prime Minister Stalin and the powerful Politbureau will give that nod. The Political Mill By Gould Lincoln President Truman s successful “purge” of the recalcitrant and conservative Representative Slaughter in Missouri's 5th congressional district has served to restore some of the Chief Executive s political prestige, which had been sag ging sadly. The prompt manner in which the President's chief political lieutenant, Chairman Robert E. Hannegan of the Democratic National Committee, pounced on the slim victory of the President's candidate, Enos A. Axtell, over Mr. Slaughter and held it aloft as an evidence that the people, not only of the 5th district but of Missouri and the Nation, have great confidence in Mr. Truman and his administration, is indicative. Mr. Axtell led Representa tive Slaughter by only 2,301 votes in the primary election, with a third can didate, Jerome Walsh, receiving 5,425. The victory of the President's candi date in this district, no matter how slim, was a livesaver for the adminis tration. The President had pretty well stuck his political neck out when he virtually called for a defeat of Mr. Slaughter, who was seeking renomina tion to the. House. A defeat for Mr. Axtell would have been hailed far and wide as a sign that the Truman sun had set. The administration forces, therefore, have a right to do a bit of exulting. * * * * Tn no more* convincing way than in the campaign against Representative Slaughter could the political lineup on which the administration hopes to elect a Democratic Congress in November have been demonstrated. It consists of the President, the local Democratic ma chine, and the CIO’s Political Action Committee. It took the combined ef forts of the administration, the Pender - gast machine in Kansas City, and the CIO committee to put Mr. Axtell across. Undoubtedly the tie-in of' the Presi dent and the Pendergast machine—of which the Chief Executive was once a beneficiary—will be seized on as an issue by the Republicans, not only in Missouri but in other parts of the country. However, the alignment of the Demo cratic administration with local party machines, like the Pendergast machine in Kansas City, the Hague machine in Jersey City and the Kelly machine in Chicago, is nothing new. The late President Franklin D. Roosevelt relied on these party organizations—and upon the labor vote, plus the Negro vote, for his victories at the polls. The combination proved most effective. Mr • Truman has. ever since he entered the White House, sought to keep these battle lines intact. They were dented severely when he delivered his message to Congress urging the drafting of labor, if necessary, at the time of the railroad strike. But there are many signs that organized labor, particularly CIO-led labor, is back on the Democratic band wagon. • The Republicans in Missouri are lay ing their plans to take the Slaughter seat in the November election, and they j express confidence they can do so. In the last off-year election, in 1942, they last this district by only a little over 1.000 votes, and two years later, with Mr. Roosevelt heading the ticket, they lost by a scant 5,000 votes. They feel that they have more than a fighting chance there this year. Indeed, some of the Republicans were anxious that Mr. Axtell should win, believing they could knock him off later. In addition to the Republican vote, they hope to have for their candidate, Albert L. Reeves., jr., a war veteran, as is Mr. Axtell, the support of many of the more conservative Slaughter Democrats and particularly of the Shannon organiza tion, which is an opponent of the Pendergast machine. * * * a The CIO will take much credit for what happened in the Slaughter district, though most of it should go to the ma chine, according to Kansas City ob servers. However, the CIO made little progress in its efforts to defeat Senator Harry Flood Byrd and Representative Howard Smith of Virginia. Both were renominated by overwhelming majori ties, although it was evident that Martin A. Hutchinson, Richmond attorney who had the support of organized labor, ran strongly in industrial centers. A CIO favorite won renomination in West Virginia, however—Senator Kil gore. who ran far ahead of J. Buhl Shahan, former State purchasing di rector. The Republicans, who hope to capture this Senate seat in November, have nominated Thomas B. Sweeney, a former State Senator, who was Mr. Kilgore's opponent six years ago. The vote in the primary was light, but it showed the Democratic vote well in excess of that polled by the Republicans. West Virginia is a "border State" po litically, and if and when it goes Re publican, the indications are the country is swinging politically toward the GOP. Postwar Defense Costs By Steffan Andrews Cold cash at the rate of a DUhon ana a half per month Is pouring out of the United States Treasury to pay for Amer ica's first postwar national defense program. Dwarfing all previous peacetime out lays, postwar security in terms of men, guns, planes, ships and aid to foreign countries the first full year after the war will cost the Nation almost one half of every tax dollar collected by the Government. This huge outlay, totaling $18,500,000, 000 the first peacetime fiscal year, is more than 18 times as great as the defense cost in the last prewar year and is twice as great as the entire 1939 cost of the United States Govern ment before the war. In addition to the $18,500,000,000 for direct national defense, there is an ad ditional $6,200,000,000 for veterans’ bene fits, which, according to the Budget Bu reau, forms the second largest item of the Government’s peacetime expense. These two items, say budget officials, represent the expenditure of almost two thirds of the estimated $39,590,000,000 revenue which the Government expects to collect from taxpayers this year. * * * * By far the largest chunk of this out lay will go to the armed services. Budget officials point out that the military budget appropriated by Congress this year calls for spending more than $13,000,000,000, largely for overseas in stallations, occupation forces and re search and technical developments. Despite the economy reductions advo i cated by.President Truman, the Army s peacetime budget still would not be whittled down to less than $8,060,000,000, nor the Navy’s to less than $5,150,000, 000—both previous peacetime peaks. The saving of $1,000,000,600 in Army spending and the cut of $650,000,000 in the Navy budget suggested by the Presi dent will leave the two services exactly $13,210,000,000 to spend. How this total is to be spent is entirely - up to the discretion of the Army and Navy strategy boards. There is no presidential edict ordering trimming either of essential overseas expenditures or needed inland United States pro grams. * * * * What the President would like to see, according to his economy advisers, is a postponement for the time being of such planned expenditures as construc tion of new ships and Army installations, which can be built later when material shortages have been overcome. Other major items in the national de fense budget are as follows: Lease-lend, UNRRA, surplus property and. other war agencies—$2,648,000,000. War Shipping Administration— $412,000,000. Maritime Commission — $290,000,000. (North American Newepaper Alliance.) The Lonesome Dollar From t-hn 8t. Louis Post-Dispatch. "A rose is a rose is a rose . . wrote the late Gertrude Stein, and it might appear equally true that a dollar is a dollar is a dollar. But this is not quite true, as is evidenced by this extract which we reprint in its pristine form from Miss Stein's latest book, “BreWsie and Willie”: “And, said Donald Paul, you were sit ting there with your lonesome dollar. What do you mean? said Fred. I may be a poor soldier, but 1 got more than one dollar. Not that, said Donald Paul, not that, what I mean is that the dollar, the United States dollar, is a very lone some dollar, it’s all alone, it’s riding wide and handsome but perhaps pretty soon we can t use it, it's a mighty lonesome dollar." Well, the higher flights of economics always sound more or less like that. CIO Called Best Ally Big Business Ever Had Consumer Price Policy Strikes Blow at Marginal Producer By David Lawrence The CIO takes a different view from the AFL on current economic condi tions. While the AFL urges more and more production and insists that the wage earner can get more by negotiation than by strikes, the CIO puts its em phasis on the need lor a consumer resistance movement and is not so sure about .the value of strikes as it was a few months ago. The CIO's philosophy, as expressed in its monthly bulletin, is somewhat contradictory in that it complains against the OPA, on the one hand, for raising prices and yet fails to note that a substantial part of the price increases are due to the CIOs own campaign of strikes last autumn and winter. The CIO economic bulletin says: "The OPA solution for the wage price problem . . . re-establishes for the postwar economy the same high-proflt. low-output pattern of operation that characterized American big business be fore the war. High unit profits permit industry to earn good returns on capi tal even though output is low. This policy requires that prices be high with respect to wages, and insures that every wage increase workers win will promptly be capped with higher prices on the products they make. Here is the root cause of continuous underemployment and recurrent periods of unemploy ment.” Fallacy in Reasoning. The fallacy in the foregoing is that, if high unit profits are visible, com petition becomes extensive, and small business has a chance to operate. Whether to increase production is not within the control of the major pro ducers if the profit is attractive enough for smaller competitors to enter the market. That is precisely what is be hind the new profit formula of OPA— an effort to furnish incentives for in creased production. If. to be sure, wage increases are not covered in the prices the producer can charge, who is to pay for them? Maybe the top few producers can absorb the wage increases but this ignores the high-cost marginal producers, who, un der the American system of competi tion. are entitled to a chance to pro duce. No antitrust law apparently can stop the big unions of today from aiding and abetting big business. The CIO appears from some aspects to be the best ally big business ever had and its price policy and consumer movement philosophy, if carried out, would be the worst blow ever struck at smaller busi ness in America. Eventually, of course, that policy would bring "recurrent pe riods of unemployment.” Statement Called Frank. The CIO economists deserve credit lor rhis frank statement: "Inflation as a wage cutting device is more efficient and more swift than any machinery we have yet discovered for raising wages. At the present stage of events we can accomplish more by price action than by wage action to maintain the purchasing power of our wage income. If consumer resistance cracks inflation, the resulting fall of prices will reverse the universal wage cuts that are now taking place.'’ When the CIO says that inflation cuts wages or what is known as "real income'’ as distinguished from “money income,” it is stating a well-recognized fact in economics. But the CIO doesn't concede that its own strike campaigns played any part in forcing up the very prices against which it now complains. Inflation is. of course, the greatest injury that could befall the working man. But there are various causes for it. One is the demand for wages with out. corresponding increase in output per man. The "something-for-noth ing" doctrine and the "more-pay-for less work” program of the CIO and other labor unions helped materially to bring on the present inflation. Another vital factor today i* the Federal Government s excess of expen ditures over receipts. Pressure group*, in exchange for votes, have persuaded Congress to spend vast sums. The un balanced budget is a menace to the workingman, but the CIO never tells the workers much about this or gets behind a program to cut the subsidies and special privileges out of the Fed eral budget. Yet. this is the duty, not only of the CIO, but of aU other organ izations if inflation's worst effects ere to be avoided. The answer to the present dilemma is more production at lower and lower cost. This means an increase in ef ficiency and output. The American economic system - cannot survive a vicious circle in which wage increases are forced by the strike weapon and then consumer resistance is stimulated to break up the producers' market so that many employers are forced out of business and their employes uprooted at the same time. The present trend is toward bigger and bigger unionism and bigger and bigger business corpo rations. In the end public opinion will demand that both be rigidly controlled, and that's the beginning of totalitarian ism. (Reproduction Rights Reserved ) Radar a Help From the New Orleans Times-Piceyune. If inflation should run away with the country, that contact with the moon might be the only way of keeping daily touch with price altitudes. Starting Something From the Kenses City Times. Of course the gigantic new machine that can set up a home in 24 hours will leave the maintenance of it absolutely to the. family, occupants. Horse of Thunder Ice-white against the dusky thundfr heads A single ctyud, a winged horse charges terraces of air, Charges, but slowly, as in a moving dream, The lovely stallion with the flying silver hair. His crystal hooves uphold the pending storm; More monstrous than the city are his flaming wings. And now his feet strike fire from the skies; Hail-chilled, the rising cold wind sings. An orchestra of thunder rolls about his flanks, Haloes of lightning play about his tat tered mane. Now in a sudden apocalyptic bolt of fire The bright horse vanishes in gusts of roaring rain. FREDERICK EBRIGHT.