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With »*n4*y Mornlnt Editian. WASHINGTON, D. C. Published by The Evening Star Newspaper Company. FRANK B. NOYE8, President. lisin Office: llthSt and PennxjlVini' Av*. New York Office: 110 Isit 42d 8t. Chlcaso Office: 435 North Michisan Art. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. The Evenin' and Sunday Star. »0e per month: when 6 Sundays in the month, SI .00. The Evenin' Star Only, 05c per month. The Sunday Star, 10c per copy. Nl'ht Final Edition. lOe per month additional. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advanee. Anywhere fas United State*. _ . . _ . 1 month «months. 1 year. Evenin' and Sunday.. *1.25 *6.on *12.00 The Evenin' Star__ .75 4 00 *00 The Sunday Star_ .50 2.50 6.00 Telephone National 6000. Entered at the Font Office. Washtn'ton. D. C., as seeond-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. „ Th« Associated Frees Is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all- news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this Paper and also the iocal news published herein. All rishta of publication of special dispatches herein also are reserved A—H^^HURSDAY^Au^st_^m6 Mr. Anderson's Decision Secretary of Agriculture Ander son, acting In accordance with an obligation laid upon him by the last Congress, has decided to impose ceilings on beef and pork somewhat higher than those which prevailed on June 30, but which still are sub stantially lower than the recent “free market” prices. His decision seems to be a wise one. It is true that in coming to this decision Mr. Anderson found him self in conflict with the views of Price Administrator Paul Porter and was compelled, in effect, to override him. Mr. Porter has made no public statement of his position, with the result that there has been no opportunity to appraise the factual basis on which he advocated lower ceiling prices. But Mr. Ander son’s statement, even standing alone, is persuasive. TT. _J _1_ _ • _ 1 ... _ ounu UUUU All ULIRM1 from Congress “to promote the earliest practicable balance between production and demand.” In his view this means not a temporary, but a continuing balance. The fact Is, however, that because of uncer tainty over price ceilings there has been a rush to market animals not yet ready for slaughter, and this current slaughter of underweight hogs and cattle; while providing immediate meat supplies, is certain to result in a serious shortage next year. Mr. Anderson wants to curb this dangerous trend by establishing a price structure which will remove the incentive for premature market ing of livestock and which also will encourage farmers to increase their production of meat animals during the coming months and make it feasible for corn belt farmers to buy the range animals and fatten them in feed lots. If this is not done, he says, the end result will be the sale for slaughter this fall of large num bers of range arpmals which ought to go to the feed lots, with a cor responding shortage of beef avail able for consumers this winter and epring. His position seems to be a sensible one, and past experience indicates that he is right. Even if he is mistaken, however, the error is one of judgment, and no rational person will doubt that Mr. Anderson has made an honest decision. Because of this it is astonishing that the CIO Cost of Living Committee should attack him as the “mouthpiece of profiteers” and demand to know whether the President stands behind him. These are the tactics of a reck lessly irresponsible group seeking to browbeat a public official. If the President indorses Mr. Anderson’s decision, which he probably does, he ought to make that fact unmistak ably clear. The Dardanelles Nobody knows who first looked over the water from Asia into Eu rope and pondered the meaning of the connecting link between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. What is certain is that the Hel lespont of the ancient Greeks and the Bahr-Sefed-Boghazi of the modern Turks always has been of strategic importance. He who con trols the strait controls the south door to the Danube Valley, Bulgaria and Russia. The Dardanelles is larger than most Americans suppose. Its length is nearly fifty miles. On a clear day one shore can be seen from the other, but the horizons are hazy. Neither side is heavily populated. The castles of Sedil Bahr and Kum Kelah guard the entrance. Hissar lik, the site of classic Troy, lies near the lower shore. The whole neigh borhood is richly historic. Legends of remote origin tell how Helle, the daughter of Athamas, king of Thebes, was drowned in the stream while trying to escape with her brother Phrixus from their step mother Ino on the back of the ram of the Golden Fleece. As well known, perhaps, is the story of the death of Leander of Abydos, who perished in a tempest while striving to swim to the arms of Hero, priest ess of Aphrodite at Sestos. In mem ory of their ill-fated romance Lord Byron and a Lieutenant Ekenhead swam across on May 3, 1810. Mahomet IV sought to make the strait impregnable for the protec tion of Constantinople in 1659. A test of the efficiency of his en deavors came in 1807, when a British squadron under command of Sir John Duckworth passed the Dar danelles and then repassed it in retreat with great loss. English and French ships went through pgain at the request of the Sultan fp 1853, and the British negotiated jitill another passage in spite of Ihe protest of the Ottoman govern jftenfc in 1878. But in the First World war no navl^l force equal to the ! task of smashing through In the face of determined Turkish oppo | sition was available. The Allied expedition was carefully planned in Egypt. Five points of attack were developed. Australian and New Zea land detachments especially covered themselves with glory. But the Turks, led by the German General Liman von Sanders, could not be dislodged. Finally the Allies with drew. Among the casualties was Rupert Brooke, the poet, who died in Scyros on Shakespeare’s birthday, 1915. On Helping Tito Herbert Hoover’s proposal that the United States stop sending relief Supplies to Yugoslavia until the Tito government lives -up to its pledges, particularly with respect to the holding of a general election, will j not sit well with those who contend j that our relief activities should not be tied in any way to the attain ment of our political objectives. J Theirs is a point of view which is difficult to support logically, how ever, and which takes little or no account of the realities which pre j vail in Eastern Europe, i During and since the war the j United States has spent something like $270,000,000 in aiding Yugo slavia, primarily through lease-lend j and UNRRA. The distribution of : these supplies is controlled by the i Communists and it would be naive in the extreme to suppose that the distribution has not been manipu lated with a view to fastening the Tito regime on the people of Yugo slavia, who, according to Mr. Hoover, have not been permitted to know i that they have been getting food, medicine, machinery, etc., from the United States. Furthermore, Tito maintains an army of 750,000 men out of a population of 14,000.000. If these men had not been in uni form they could have been at work the past year producing food and ! other commodities for themselves and their country. Why does Tito keep such a relatively large armed force, and why should we help him, directly or indirectly, to maintain it by sending him food and other sup- | plies? Certainly, with Russia standing behind Yugoslavia, Tito does not need his army for purposes of na tional defense. More probably he is using it, first, to maintain himself in power and, second, to take advan tage of such opportunities for terri- ' torial grabs as the future may bring. If these assumptions are sound, then it follows that this country, through its relief program, is assisting Tito in a course of action that is squarely opposed to the political purposes for j which we fought the war and which ' is inimical to the kind of peace set tlement for which we are striving. The question which this raises is larger than the issue presented by the action of the Yugoslav air force in shooting down two unarmed American transports. Standing alone, these might be viewed as shocking and deplorable incidents. But they do not stand alone. They are integral parts'of a whole pic ture—a picture of a calculated pro gram on Tito’s part to frustrate and nullify the political objectives | toward which we are working and which we believe to be vital to the maintenance of peace. And we should at least face the fact that in sending supplies to Tito we are not merely rendering a humani tarian service to the Yugoslav people. We are also helping this Balkan Hitler to stay in power and sabotage our efforts to build a better world out of the shambles of the war. ; First Month at Paris Every one is familiar with the saying that “the first hundred years are the hardest.” Wearied observers of the current diplomatic gathering in Paris can only hope that the slightly cynical remark will apply in this case, and that the first month of the Paris Conference, which completes itself today, may mark the beginning of smoother and more i profitable progress toward the goal for which it was ostensibly con vened. The initial month has set a new i record in the annals of diplomacy for wrangling, recrimination and systematic sabotage, with virtually nothing accomplished in the way of concrete business. The basic reason is, of course, the obstructive tactics of Soviet Russia and its satellites, their purpose obviously being to delay everything, both to enforce their views on the conference and to better Moscow’s position in the j regions now under her de facto con trol. The wrangles over procedural points are being supplemented by a flood of proposed'amendments and suggestions to the draft treaties for j the former Axis satellites and Italy, which, if all discussed and argued : about at length, could postpone the ; windup of the conference almost ; indefinitely. It is presumably in an effort to pull the conference out of the rut ; into which it has fallen that the j Big Four Council of Foreign Minis ters is slated to meet and consider what, if anything, can be done. This meeting may be fruitful if the par ticipants are all animated by a genuine desire to facilitate matters. The fear expressed in many quar ters, however, is that the Russians will make another attempt to short circuit the general conference of the twenty-one nations by arriylng at a Big Four “understanding” which would be imposed upon the smaller nations, reducing the Paris Confer | ence to a sort of. rubber stamp on the Big Four decisions. This is what Moscow has aimed at from the start, and this is also what our Govern ment, in particular, has most strenu ously opposed. Indeed, this clash of antithetical concepts has been be hind much or even most 6f the t trouble which has arisen in the con i ference itself. It remains to be seen, therefore, whether the foreign ministers’ meet ing will mark a change for the better in the diplomatic picture as reflected at Paris, or whether it will merely shift the difficulty to another field. Court Spurns Gobbledygook To those who have been exposed, even superficially, to the mumbo jumbo which has characterized the evolution of law through the process of Judicial interpretation, a recent decision of the local Court of Ap peals will be received with a degree of amazement bordering on stark in credulity. A local husband had been con victed in the District Court of con spiring with his wife to commit a crime. His attorney, on appeal, argued that the conviction could not stand because, at common law, a husband and wife were treated as one person and a person cannot con-# spire with himself. Not so many years ago this would have been a tough one for any court. The chances are that the argument would have lasted for hours and the ultimate opinion, if readable at all, would have taken the better part of a day to peruse. But the Court of Appeals, in an all-out contribution to the war on what Maury Maverick used to call gobbledygook, disposed of the point in two brief paragraphs. It agreed that some old decisions adopted the common-law “fiction” cited by the lawyer. But it also in sisted that the fiction is obsolete, and, in plain, ordinary English, de clared: “No reason remains why the law should not recognize the obvious fact that the relation of husband and wife does not prevent two per sons from conspiring to commit an offense. The interest of society in repressing crime requires that the fact be recognized, and our common law system does not require that its recognition await express legislative action.” io which a multitude or laymen, harried these many years by the whereases and the nunc pro tunes of the law, will append a fervent amen. The President's plane, the Sacred Cow, is being used by numerous delegates to the Peace Conference in the effort to spread the milk of human kindness. Two Virginia matrons mistook the scene of a Democratic caucus for a maternity hospital. Perhaps they wanted to give the party new life. The housing shortage could, prob ably be eased if it were tackled with tape measures instead of red tape. This and That By Charles E. Tractwell. "HYATTSVILLE, MD "Dear Sir: "I read your column every night, since I, too, am a nature lover and bird feeder. "I have never been able to decide whether to save the cantaloupe and wa termelon seeds for winter or feed them now when the birds and squirrels both seem to relish them fresh! “But this is what I particularly want to tell you about: Ten days ago when I was visiting Northeastern Pennsylvania. Susquehanna County, I observed a large flock of birds, about two dozen, on the golf links bordering on a lake. "They looked a bit lflce kildeer, but had a different call, having a single clear voice. I also noted that they had one black band about the throat and I thought I could see flashes of yellow and white as they flew. “I looked in my ‘Birds of America’ iedited by Gilbert Pearson', and have decided they were semipalmated plover. What is your opinion? “The book says about the call only that it is 'distinctive.' Can you tell me more about it? About six years ago I saw two kildeer about 6 miles from there, but these were not kildeer. “Sincerely yours, C. B. A.” * * * * May Thatcher Cook says: “The kil deer is a common summer resident and a few usually winter in the Washington area. Twenty-five years ago this was a very rare species here, but has gradu ally increased. Nesting begins early in April, if not before, for eggs have been found April 3 to young Just hatched, April 24.” Of the semipalmated plover, she says: “This is an irregular migrant, more often reported in spring than in fall. Since the marshes have been more carefully watched in late May, there has been a decided increase in the number reported. • "All early records are of only one or i two birds at a time, but since 1923 i flocks have several times been reported, usually in late May.” The word "semipalmate” refers to the anterior toes joined only part way down with a web. “Anterior,” in this sense, means the front toes. “Birds of America” says more of this bird’s cry than our correspondent gives it credit for, to wit: “From the flats, before we discover them, comes that singularly attractive characteristic call which always makes my pulses bound in response. When they take to wing these notes are speeded up and reiterated as the flock circles out over the water and dashes past.” So a real birdman, the great Herbert K. Job, felt about the semipalmated plover. When your pulses bound at a bird call, you are elected to their eternal friend ship. ’ The first wood thrush song in the spring sends thousands of suburban pulses bounding. This plover breeds as far north as the Yukon, and spends its winters in Chile. Job writes: “The breeding grounds I are mostly in the Far North, even be yond the Arctic circle. “The southernmost point where they are known to breed is the Gulf of St. Lawrence. “There I have studied them, on the Magdalen Islands, finding a scattered colony on a long sandflat, bordering a lagoon, that stretched for miles between two of the larger islands.” Dr. Job declares that in many cases the young make the great southern journey after most of the parents have gone on before. This observation seems to refute the belief that experience has something to do with the marvels of migration. The young semipalmated plovers take to the air, and go in the right direction, and keep on until they go tar enough. How do they know? The name “plover,” by the way, means rain bird, and comes to us from the French pluvier, through the Latin word for twin. Letters to The Star Differs With Mr. Ickes’ Views On Political Purges To the Editor of The Star: I want to register a protest against ! the views and sentiments expressed by i Harold L. Ickes in a recent column ! appearing in The Star regarding the results in the Democratic primary in the 5th congressional district of Mis souri. In my opinion, it was not “salutary” j for such a fine Congressman as Roger i Slaughter to be defeated for renomi- ! nation when it was necessary for Presi- ' dent Truman to invoke the aid of the corrupt Pendergast machine to bring it j about. The vote in the wards controlled by the machine tells its own story, and it is not to the credit of Kansas City i nor to the President. I According to the views expounded by Mr. Ickes, a Congressman has no right to think and vote as his conscience dictates. He should be a mere auto maton and take his orders from the man in the White House. What rot! Again, Mr. Ickes tries to justify the late President Roosevelt's attempt to purge the Senators of his own party who refused to go along with his plan to pack the Supreme Court in 1937. Mr. Ickes declares that the President's program had been Indorsed again and again by the voters and the inference is that the members of the Senate had no moral right to interfere with the carrying out of that program. Just to keep the record straight, it should be kept in mind that the Presi dent said nothing about his plans for packing the Supreme Court until some months after the election of 1936, and the voters had no opportunity to pass Judgment on that part of the Presi dent’s program. The late Senator Carter Glass, who was a good Democrat, stigmatized the President's plan for packing the court as “constitutional immorality.” That is what the majority of the people of the Nation thought about it, too. And now Mr. Ickes comes along and tries to make his readers believe that this scheme was perfectly harmless and regular. ir he really believes that himself, he must have a big blind spot in his brain and conscience. AMERICAN. W right Field Problem Again To th* Editor of The 8t»r: Since coming to Washington, I have been a constant reader of your very good newspaper. Your editorials gen erally appear to be well written and based on facts. That probably accounts for my noting in the August 24 edition the editorial "Penny-Wise and Pound Foolish,” which, fortunately, is not a good example of editorials appearing in your newspaper. The basis for the editorial obviously was the statement of one man. It also was obvious that whoever wrote the article did not attempt to get the facts, some of which are the following: 1. That a very large percentage of the employes at Wright Field are engaged in procurement, supply and inspection activities, which activities decreased to about 10 per cent of the volume handled during an equivalent period of time during the war. 2. That the amount of development 1 work done at Wright Field is not great. This fact may be poor policy, but it nonetheless Is a fact. 3. That the facility is greatly over staffed with literally thousands of em ployes not being utilized. A cursory survey or talks with any of the con scientious employes would reveal these facts. I’m sure your newspaper doesn't intend to advocate keeping large num bers of employes on Federal payrolls when these employes are not being utilized. But that is exactly what the editorial proposes in the suggestion to the War Department that it ask the Budget Bureau for an exception in the case of the Army Air Forces. The presence of large numbers of employes not being utilized not only is wasteful, but it is harmful to the morale and prestige of all Federal employes. Very likely, the Budget Bureau has the facts. So, let’s get behind it in its attempts to make government more efficient and more economical. Nothing will tend to raise the stand ard of living more quickly than the better utilization of our manpower both in and out of government. That would be a real objective for a newspaper to I promote. A SUBSCRIBER. Condemns ‘Scare’ Headlines To the Editor of The St»r: Yesterday’s main head tPage 1) In one Washington paper read: ’300 Women Rioting Over Sugar” or words to j that effect. I remember wondering when j I read the headline just how much it ! was based on. Then I found a ‘‘stick ’ at the bottom of Page 1 in The Star, relating that one woman had been jostled in a single store. I wish to commend The Star for judicious handling of a minor story. Unthinking or hurried people, reading the bald headline in the other paper, and having little imagination, are apt to vision conditions under which they must expect to have to fight for food. Certainly this is not a healthy attitude j and, under conditions of world trouble, I think it is a real disservice to the com mon weal. I trust that The Star will continue to deflate such vicious and unfounded stories in the future. LEROY E. PEABODY. Statesmen Only Temporary To th« Editor of The Star: To be cynical Is the best policy for the world we live in today. Notice how the past statesmen of the world with their apparent good motives led nations blindly into war after war. The policies of a competent leader do not mean any thing, if they cannot be duplicated by the man following in his footsteps. The administrator of a state is only temporary, whether he is qualified or not. He cannot be kept on eternally. Who knows what course the next man succeeding will follow? Maybe disas trous! The fallacy of seemingly good doctrines is self-evident by the outcome of them, for in most cases they have been proven naught to the better in terest of mankind. Maybe some one can f change my opinion on this theory, but past history makes me doubtful. HENRY J. SOMMERS. Of Course, They Don't! From th« St. Louli PoM-Dl*p»trh. Dr. Schacht says he found many good things in the Nasi program. The prose cutor failed to ask if they still look good to him. I 4 This Changing World t By Constantinr Brown me c»reeic situation is described in official quarters in Washington as highly inflammable. The domestic disturb ances which are expected to occur during next Sunday's piebescite are considered less explosive than the open hostility shown toward Greece by the U. S. S. R. and its sate^ites on Greece's borders. The departure of Yugoslav Ambassa dor Isadot Cankar, followed by that of Soviet Ambassador Admiral Konstantin K. Rodionov is regarded here as highly significant. Neither diplomat took advantage of the time-honored formula that he was returning "to report" or was leaving be cause of overwork and fatigue. These are diplomatic niceties employed by the Democratic nations. The Russian and Yugoslav representatives banged the door and said bluntly that they were going home because of the "hostile" tone of the Greek press. It is true that a number of royalist and anti-Communist newspapers have printed unkind words about Russia and her satellites. These editorials were nowhere near as rough and provocative as those printed in the government-con trolled Russian and Yugoslav press or as violent as the Russian and satellite broadcasters. + * * * The Greek government, which lives in fear for the country's independent existence, ordered the suspension of the guilty newspapers—a measure neither Russia nor any other puppet govern ment adopted when their writers in sulted their former allies. The fact that the Greek "apology” was rejected by the Russian and Yugoslav Ambassadors is considered ominous. King George is expected to win the piebescite by a narrower margin than Tito, for instance, received in Yugo slavia. According to available estimates from Athens, dating before the day Russia threw its gauntlet at the Greek government. George's majority is not likely to exceed 65 per cent. American and British observers who have spent some time in Greece say that had it not been for the fear of communism, the Greek voters who don’t want the coun try to become a satellite might have cast an even less favorable vote. Many people in Greece favor the republican to the monarchic form of government. The activities of the Mos cow-supported Greek Communists, to gether with the continuous pressure from Russia, have influenced these voters to cast their ballots in favor of George. The Greeks are more politically minded than any other people in the Balkar peninsula. This explain* the frequent political changes which have occurred in that country since it ceased j to be a Turkish protectorate in the last ■ century. But the Greeks also are ardept patriots who know instinctively when their national existence is in jeopardy. The activities of the Russian-supported j EMA and ELLAS organizations have I opened their eyes to what Greece's fate 1 will be if their otherwise wieak monarch ; were not returned, at least temporarily, i These trends, which are known in Washington, are, of course, even more fully realized in Moscow. » The Russian and Yugoslav Ambassa dors are reported to have been ordered to leave their posts when Moscow be- j came aware beyond any doubt that the plebescite would favor George's return. The departure of the two envoys will permit the Greek Communists and the Moscow government to declare the pleb escite a phoney. This may lead to an open break of diplomatic relations be tween Russia and her satellites and Greece. * * * * The implications of such an action are clear. The Ukrainian Foreign Minister, D. Manuilsky, sounded the alarm that - Greece—a weak and economically broken 1 down country-t-was a threat to world peace when he referred the ' case' to | tile Security Council. The mythical "Macedonian govern- | ment” is now being brought to the fore as representing something tangible. The Macedonians claim Northern Greece— the country's breadbasket—with Salon ika, the most important port in the Aegean Sea. as their future capital. Political weather prophets in Wash ington and London fear that the sequel . to next Sunday's plebescite will place j the Greek government in the predica- ! ment of having to cope at home with an armed insurrection caused by the mili tarily well-organized Greek Communists and an attack from the Slavs from out side. It is doubtful, becausg of Russia's veto power, that the U. N. can effectively intervene in the expected troubled area. The presence of some 40,000 British troops on Greek territory, together with the arrival of American warship* at Piraeus and Salonika, may be of aome help. But Moscow and its stooges throughout the world are expected to denounce the “imperialistic aims” of the United States and Great Britain and shout “capitalist intervention.” while helping their supporters place Greece behind the iron curtain. The Political Mill S By Gould Lincoln Tne Republican nauonai organization is striving in the present congressional campaign to break the hold which the now defunct Roosevelt administration had on the Negro vote in important States and congressional districts of the North and West. It used to be “Jim” Parley’s maxim that as long as the. Democrats put up candidates capable of getting the labor and Nego votes, the party could and would stay in power. The Roosevelt administration did everytmng it could to keep in the good graces of these two groups of voters, winning the Negro vote first by “relief” of various kinds and mag nitude during the early years of the depression. How important the Negro vote is in many of the big and industrial States, and in a large number of congressional districts, is clear from a comparison of the size of the Negro voting popula tion (those who are 21 years of age and over) with the total voting population of those States and districts. The latest figures available are those of the 1940 census. Since that census was taken there has been an influx of Negroes into some of the large industrial areas of the north and west which probably increases the importance of the Negro potential voting power. In eight important States where the fight for control of the House and the Senate is being waged this year the ratio of Negro voting population ipotential voters) to the total voting population tells its own story. It em phasizes the reason why both Repub lican and Democratic organizations are doing their best to win or to hold support of this group. v * * * New York's total potential voting population is 8,327,563 and its Negro po tential voting population, 343,062—42 per cent of the total. The figures for the seven other States are as follows: New Jersey, total voting population 2.592,978, Negro voting population 141,077—5.4 per cent: Pennsylvania, 6,031,192—297,704— 4.9 per cent; Illinois. 5,119,854—262,200— 5.1 per cent; Michigan, 3,131.722—136,020 —4.3 per cent: Delaware. 171,856—22,837 —13.3 per cent: Maryland, 1.153,510— 182,068—15.8 per cent; Missouri, 2,463. 726—164,418—6.7 per cent. In each of these States, except Illinois. United States Senators are being elected this year as well as Representatives, and in most of them, Governors. The Republican* realize well the im portance of the Negro vote in many of the socalled "marginal” congressional districts—districts where both parties have fighting chances of victory. In 20 of these districts the Negro voting popu lation is 10 per cent or more of the total. inaeea, in iwo MRiyuina uiAtiivta, win now represented by Democrats, the 4th and the 1st districts, the Negro voting population percentages are 28 and 23, respectively. In 35 districts, the Negro voting population per cent is 5 per cent or over, and in 60 districts it is 3 per cent or over. This Negro voting population plays its part in Los Angeles districts, in New York City, in Philadelphia, in Detroit, in Chicago, in Kentucky, Missouri, New Jersey and Connecticut districts. The GOP must hold its own in the present House and win 25 seats from the Demo caj'ts to get a bare majority there. Representative Hull of Wisconsin, a Progressive today, has been nominated as a Republican and will win election beyond a doubt, accounting for the new 25 figure needed by the Republicans in the House. * * * * Chairman R^ece of the Republican National Committee, in an address in Buffalo, gave many of the arguments which his party is making to the Ne groes for their support at the polls. He asserted that "it is irrational for the colored people of the North to give political support to the Democrats." either on sociological or economic grounds. The Democratic party, he said, is composed of three groups: The Southern bloc, which believes in racial discrimination, from whom the Negroes can expect nothing; the Democratic machines in the big cities, which Mr. Reece insisted are out merely for power and graft and care nothing about the advancement of the Negroes, and the • Red-Pascist” group, which is seeking to exploit the Negro vote in order to break down the American system. This group, Mr. Reece contended, would "return the Negroes to the bonds of slavery, from which the Republican party ireed them.” Chandler Owens—a Negro—has said that “most Negroes think only of polit ical jobs when appraising g political party. This is a mistake.” Mr. Owens pointed out that Federal and State political jobs number only 4,000.000 out of a total of about 60,000.000. and that the Negroes are really more interested in 94 per cent of the total jobs—not political. Mr. Reece argued that the Negroes are given better protection in their jobs in States now controlled by the Republican party, and will continue to have that protection. The dominant position held by South ern Democrats as chairmen of congres sional committees and their ability to hamstring legislation in which Negroes are interested is another reason given to the Negro voters by the Republican campaigners for "coming home.” If Italy Won’t Sign By Bertram Benedict * XI. - ^_i •_.1 Tl_1 _ _ *• Y»a fAllAi»AJ »UU A Ill blic UianiUI§ BV * MS so vsswv (SWVWVW for a peace conference, the Italian delegates have several times threatened to refuse to sign a peace treaty that doesn’t make further concessions to Italy. But Italy is in no position to refuse to sign on the dotted line. Italy is an occupied* country; and every Italian. Communist or Fascist or something in between, ardently de sires an end to the military occupa tion. Until a peace treaty goes into effect, the foreign occupation will con tinue. Also, Italy wants credits, un trammeled foreign trade, and recogni tion again as a great power or, at least, semigreat power. These aspirations can not be realized while Italy retains the technical status of a defeated enemy. After World War I, threats to refuse to sign the treaty of Versailles came out of Germany when the Reich dis covered the terms of the treaty. But the threats came to naught. * * * * Germany was not a party to the Paris Conference in 191# which formu lated the terms of peace. The peace treaty was ready for presentation to the defeated foe in less than four months. The German delegation to Parte, headed by Count Brockdorff Rantzau, received the draft of the treaty on May 7, 1919. The Germans were allowed full intercourse with their government, but were denied access to the Allied peace delegations. The Germans wanted the right to argue orally, but were told that argu ments would be received only in writing. The German delegation thereupon is sued a steady stream of protests and observations on various parts of the treaty. The definitive counterproposals of the German government, running to 443 pages, were handed in on May 39. They concluded with a prophecy that the treaty would reduce Germany to despair and extremism. Count r prediction that Germany would never sign. The Allies set up 10 commissions to consider the German counterproposals. As a result, the terms were modified in some respects. The boundaries with Poland and Denmark in certain local ities were altered in favor of Germany, i in other localities were to be governed by the results of plebiscites. Germany received also certain concessions on coal, and was allowed a longer time to disarm <!). Treaties were to assure fair treatment to German minorities. The Allies’ answer was handed in on June 16, and Germany was ordered to accept or reject. Meanwhile, the Allied armies made preparations to move into Germany; conversely, Germany was assured that the blockade would be lifted as soon as the treaty was accepted. The Scheidemann government of Ger many resigned rather than sign; so did Brockdorff-Rantzau. But unrest was spreading in Germany, and the leader of the Catholic Centre, Erzberger, ex erted every effort to have the treaty accepted. (In 1921 he was assassinated for his pains.) A new Socialist-Centrist government was formed. It offered to sign with reservations on handing over the Kaiser and other war criminals for trials and on accepting full responsibility for the war. But the Allies would make no ; more concessions, and on June 26 a new German delegation signed the Treaty of Versailles. . * * * * Earlier, in 1918, the Soviet government had at first refused to ratify the peace ireaty forced upon it by Germany, but had to ratify when German troops began to re-invade Russia. After the war. a new government of Turkey under Mustapha Kemal repudiated the peace treaty accepted by the old government, and made good its defiance by force of arms. yjf Third Atomic Bomb Test Held Unlikely Practical Value of Deep-Sea Detonation Now Doubted By David Lawrence The third test on the atomic bomb, which was scheduled tor some time next year, may have been proved su perfluous by what the first two testa have taught. The practical value of detonating a bomb 3,000 feet under the aea is be ginning to be doubted. In the first place, it is questionable whether any sure way can be devised for suspending a bomb that can be aet off at auch great depth. But, more than this, it is beginning to be recognized that even if a bomb were touched off at 3.000 feet below the surface, it would hardly prove that targets in the future would be exactly in similar spots. Ships sre too mobile to remain in any area very long, and it would hardly seem possible that If a bomb were deto nated at 3.000 feet undersea It would prove that such a weapon could be put to use against moving fleets. The stationary targets used in the tests received all the damage that the atomic bomb can inflict from a com paratively low depth, and this is suffi cient to indicate what the bomb can do from an underwater explosion. With the data gathered on the dropping of an atomic bomb from the air and deto nation in relatively shallow water, all the information needed to redesign ships and figure out what defense, If any, is available is now at hand. Immediate Value Doubted. The atomic bomb tests, moreover, take a lot of personnel and ships and consume the time of top-ranking offi cers. Unless a test has an assured vslue, it does not warrant all the expense and time given to it. There is a feeling here that the atomic bomb tests should not be continued unless they are going to be of some Immediate value. Unless some purpose can be served, there Is a disposition not to flaunt the bomb before other nations. The trend, therefore, now is toward the elimination of the third test for all the reasons mentioned above, but, if in the examination of data by the re search men any practical value can be seen for a third test, there would not be the slightest hesitation to order such a test. To explode the atomic bomb at 3,000 feet underwater requires an apparatus which can contain the bomb and yet afford some method of detonating it chat is sure. Once such a bomb is exploded, it would be difficult to make sure that ships on the surface would be In the exact spot needed for the experi ment. Altogether there has been much learned already from the second test about the way an atomic bomb behaves under water. It was conducted under Ideal conditions which showed the dam age to hulls as well as the extent of radioactivity. Certainly a bomb at a greater depth than that used in the second test could not tell any more than the second test did, and the naval officers of the world would be inclined to say that no means of deto nation in actual warfare has been or could be devised which would not also injure the ship that dropped its cable overboard or tried to carry the bomi to some depth below ships. It is quite conceivable that, instead o underwater explosions, some means of using the atomic bomb In guided mis siles either above the water or on its surface may be used. But the first and second tests already tell what dam age could be done by detonation of the bomb close to targets. Question ef Defense. Whether a defense against the atomic bomb will ever be devised remains in the realm of the speculative, but it is noticeable here that since the first and second tests there is more confidence in the ultimate development of a de fense than there was after the two bombs were chopped on Japan. " It has been apparent, too, that those who design ships believe that they will be able to overcome-in future construc tion some of the ill effects of the atomic bomb. It would seem that the danger of radioactivity to human life is of far more concern now than the ability of the designers to use materials or ao arrange for their coverage as to miti gate the effects of the atomic bomb. In the Held of science, however, the study of radioactivity may lead to some coun tervailing substance that might neutral ize the radioactivity. In short, the In formation derived from the first and second tests is adequate for all practical purposes, and that Is why a third test for next year seems improbable. (Reproduction Ricbts Retorted.) Dilemma Trout th« Boston Glob*. Paraphrasing the classic injunction to eat cake if bread is not available, one might sey, "If you can't get flour and bread here, go to Canada.” However, according to complaints to Congress, Canada is coming to us In the form of bread and flour. New England millers have protested shipments of these com modities Into this region from across the border even while they themselves fail to supply their normal markets. Obviously, If Canada has wheat aup plies, she must be handling the situa tion better than we. Our own milling extraction rate is being continued at 80 per cent, while grain elevators and farm bins are far from empty and millions here go without and millions abroad starve. Canada continues to scoff at higher extraction rates While using sensible ways and means of weaning gmin stocks from storage places for export. We suggest that a congressional com mittee investigate this situation, com pare the Canadian and American sys tems and prepare a remedy that will really work. As conditions are now. we have shut off our own customary bread supplies while European lardeas remain empty. There must be some solution for this ridiculous dilemma. A Boy's Heart Some days when the clouds blow over the sky, And the winds are fresh and strong; A boy will see a thousand fingers Beckoning him along. Or the world may be mellow, and soft and still, And mapped in a purple haze— A boy will hear a thousand voices Calling his name these days. But when the rains come fiercely down. And the sea ie an angry foam, A hoy’s heart, runs ahead of his feed To the yellow lights of home. MARGARET TYRRELL QRiJTIJt , J '