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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, August 30, 1946, Image 6

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Military Operation
/it Jail Won Election
GIs Had 'Lost'
(Continued From First Page.-)
lieutenant, had later become sheriff.
Reports of brutality on the part of
deputy sheriffs had disturbed the
people. The perennial charges that
the county had been stolen from
the Republicans had been ampli
fied by new evidence at the opening
of the campaign. When the GIs
decided to Tun a ticket, they en
tered into a “fusion” agreement with
the Republican party which in
dorsed their candidates. The cam
paign against the party in power
was fought on the time-honored
moral issue—“Throw the rascals
The GIs had worked hard on the
election. They had raised a $15,000
campaign fund and had beaten the
opposition at the poll tax game.
Harry Johnson, Jr.. 21-year-old
treasurer of the league, estimates
the league paid the $1 poll tax for
3.500 citizens and that the county
Democratic machine probably paid
the tax for about 41000. That left
the machine in the lead, but the
boys knew that hundreds of per
sons, who annually got their poll
tax receipts from the Democratic
party workers, had promised to vote
for them.
Deputized Authority.
Sheriff Mansfield was exercising
his powers to the fullest extent on
election day. Talk about “too much
power for one man” on the national
scale! Consider the power vested
in a rural sheriff. He can deputize
his authority to carry arms and
make arrests to as many men as
he pleases. The lowest estimate
I heard of the number of deputy
sheriffs patrolling McMinn county
that day was 200.
Pat Mansfield was using the
power to continue the machine in
office. In every polling place the
GI Nonpartisan League and the
Democratic county machine were
equally represented with two watch
ers each—equal with one exception:
The machine watchers were deputy
sheriffs with loaded revolvers. And
more armed deputy sheriffs were j
at the boundaries of the polling;
places and still more were walking
about in the streets. Most of them
were young—probably GIs them
selves. A lot of them were strangers.
They had no police experience—no
training to restrain the impulse
to exercise their power by drawing'
that gun.
The tension in the town was!
caused entirely by the county elec
tion. Voting in the primary contest j
between Edward W. Carmack and
Senator Kenneth McKeUar. who
won with the backing of the Crump;
machine, was conducted at different i
polling places and unmarred by
Shot Disrupts Peace.
Sheriff Mansfield had his law
and order until 3 p.m. Then Deputy
Sheriff Windy Wise, whose regular
job was racking balls in triangles
in an Athens pool room, shot Tom
Gillespie, colored, who had been
refused admittance to the 11th elec
tion precinct where he had always
voted. He was hit in the back
and is recovering.
Fifteen minutes later at the 12th
precinct (they were both within a
block of Athens courthouse square)
Bob Hairell, a GI watcher, was
beaten with a blackjack when he
objected to a man voting twice.
He was taken to the jail, but Dr.
W. E. Foree, who was unimpressed
by the show of arms and refusals
to release the prisoner, pushed him
self past the deputies and took
the boy to his hospital. He had
suffered a concussion, but he re
John Peck, the one reporter of
the daily Post-Athenian, went to
the jail to ask about Hairell. John,'
a 28-year-old GI, was new at the
game. He had connection with the
Chattanooga Times, and a week
before he had taken a Times re
porter into a McMinn County road
house, had a whisky with him and
watched the crap game in progress
on the standard green cloth that
allows odds for the house. A few
days later a story describing the
place and reporting the illegal sale
of whisky and the gambling ap
peared in the Times. The sheriff
and his deputies blamed John for
It, challenged him to swear out a
warrant against the place to legalize
a raid on it. While John was on
the porch of the jail a deputy sher
iff hit him on the jaw, knocking him
flat on the grass.
Apology Promised.
Chief Deputy Bo Dunn picked
him up.
"John." he said, “I'd rather have
given you $50 out of my own pocket’
than have that happen. Don't ask
who hit you. Things are white
hot now. But I'll give you my word
of honor that he will apologize to
you tomorrow."
John went back to his paper, a
block away. He told the editor
owner what happened.
“I’ve got to get my daddy out of
town before he hears about this,” j
said John, “or he'll get his gun and
come downtown and get killed."
The editor, who understood the
situation, excused John who got his
father and drove him into the n?xt
county, a circumstance which left
the paper a little short-handed
when the top story of the Nation
broke in Athens that night.
At 4 o'clock the polls closed. Quite
a throng was milling about the llth
precinct. The report that there
had been a shooting (Tom Gillespie)
had brought them out. About 45
minutes after closing, they saw
Bomething. Ed Vestal, a GI son of
a local manufacturer, and Charlie
Scott, another GI, came right
through the plate glass door of the
store which was serving as the
polling place. Blood was flowing
down on young Vestal’s face from
glass cuts. Deputy sheriffs in front
of the store pulled their guns and
inarched the youthful GIs off with
their hands above their heads. Neal
Ensminger, manager of the Post
Athenian, told me that this sight
did more to arouse the populace
than anything else.
Watchers Ordered Away.
The GI watchers at the 12th
precinct, Edgar Self of the staff of
Tennessee Wesleyan University, and
Les Dooley, who lost his left hand
In Normandy, were forced by the
armed deputies to go to the front
of the place, quite a distance from
the ballot box, while the votes were
being counted. The door was barred
with two - by - fours, and they
couldn’t break out.
Back at the GI Nonpartisan
League headquarters gloom pre
“We’re licked.” said Otto Kennedy,
, “and we would not have been if
you had done what I told you.”
The GIs had failed in military or-l
CAPTURED DEPUTY SHERIFFS—After a dynamite blast forced the surrender of the Athens
(Tenn.) jail, the deputy sheriffs within had to run a gauntlet of GI blows. The captives then
were locked in the bull pen, after which the GIs Invited photographers to take this picture.
—AP Photo.
ganization on the day on which it
was so Important. No one had ar
ranged to post 25 to 50 men at each
polling place as had been planned.
Instead, as things began to happen
around the time the polls closed, the
GIs had gone from one precinct to
another in confusion.
Otto went across the street to his
garage. His two brothers, both GIs
and one a boxing champion, were
with him. Just then two of the
deputies came walking down the
street from the courthouse.
"They were strutting so big with
their badges and their guns." said
one of the GIs later in telling the
Kindle Spark of Fury.
The youthful depuly sheriffs' atti
tude was the spark that kindled the
fury. The hard work Otto and the
GIs had put into that election, the
money they had spent—frustration
and resentment at its being stolen
mounted to the explosive point. Otto
and his brothers jumped the depu
Chattanooga Times reporters were
in the street at that time, and they;
recorded that the Kennedys were;
unarmed The deputies were dragged
into the garage and beaten unmer
"Did you ever w^atch mob spirit
mount?” Harry Johnson, jr.. asked;
me in recounting the events. I told
him I never had. “It's awesome,”
he said.
Two more deputies came along
They passed Johnson's hardware
store and went on to Kennedy's ga
rage next door. Both are across the
street from the GI headquarters.
Young Harry Johnson was in front
of the garage. When the deputies
tried to enter, he threw his body
across the door. Harry, who is 21.
was a slender door block. He is 5
foot 10 and weighs 145 pounds.
Taken at Gun Point.
"We are going in,” said the depu
"Oh, no you re not, said Harry.!
Just then Otto, who was behind him,
poked the two 45s taken from the
first deputies past Harry’s ears. The
deputies W'ere grabbed and thrown
w'ith the first two on the garage
floor. One cf them whimpered and
said lie had nothing to do with the'
opposition. He had been arrested
for speeding that morning, he said,
and impressed as a deputy.
Four more deputies came down the
street. Three of them were caught
and carried into the garage. The
fourth ran back to the Jail. Emmett
Johnson, Harry's 65-year-old grand
father. offered the use of his car and
the seven deputies were driven out
of town.
Sheriff Mansfield was mobilizing
his deputies at the jail. The dep
uty who had escaped had reported
what was going on. It was revolu
tion, armed attack on legally con
stituted authority. And it was also
5:30 pjn. Every one who knows
the South will understand what
happened next. The GIs went home
to supper.
Harry Johnson, jr., reflected at
the supper table on what a fool
he had been. Harry is a member
of the Methodist Church—joined
just before going in the Army. He
had gone on the beer parties with
the other boys in high school and
drank his full. During his four
years in service, he had never
touched hard liquor and drank beer I
only once when no other beverage
was available. He was married and
expecting offspring in December.
And here he was legally guilty (he
had no moral qualmsi of aid in
attacking officers of the law and
shanghaiing them out of town.
GIs Return Armed.
“I would have gone to the peni
tentiary if things had not worked
out the way they did,” he told me.
At 7:30 the GIs began to gather;
at their headquarters. This time
they were armed. Most of them
had shotguns used in the quail
and squirrel shooting, which is about
all the hunting there is in the'
Sweetwater Valley. But many of
them had Garand rifles and Thomp
son submachine guns and there was
one Browning automatic rifle
i BAR i, a two-man affair. Some
how or other the GIs had found
the magazine of the National Guard
unit in the county unlocked.
They marched on the jail at 8:45.
One GI went forward, knocked on
the door and demanded the sur
render of the ballot boxes. The
ultimatum was answered by a shot.
It was then that the siege began.
“It was a good military opera
tion,” a former captain of infantry,
who had been in the campaign
across France, Luxembourg and
Germany told me. "After the first1
big burst, the boys did just enough
firing to keep them scared and
away from the windows.”
The GIs were critical of Pat
Mansfield's military tactics. They
seemed to feel he had violated a
maxim any one who had been in
combat would know. He had con
centrated his force instead of de
ploying it and left it in a position
that afforded no opportunity for
Gov. McCord Informed.
Pat Mansfield later gave an inter
view in Carterville, Ga., saying he
had ordered his men not to fire on
the crowd as he did not want to
kill any one. That may be so. But
after seeing the craters that BAR
land the Garands left in the bricks
near the windows—big enough to
insert a 50-cent piece-^-I know there
was another reason there was little
firing from the jail.
Georgie Woods, Speaker of the
Tennessee House of Representatives
and a member of the Cantrell ma
chine, drove from Etowah in the
county, to Chattanooga and tele
phoned Gov. Jim McCord.
“An armed mob has Paul Cantrell
trapped in the jail,” he said, “and
I am afraid they are going to kill
Long after midnight some one
suggested dynamite. First they
threw a fused stick on the lawn
near the front of the jail. Then they
threw two sticks on the steps. Then
they throw a bundle of five sticks
on the porch.
“Here it goes,” they said, “the
next one will be through the
window. ”
The charge almost took the roof
ofT the porch.
A voice shouted down:
“Stop that blasting. We give up.
We're dying in here.”
Killing Urge Ran High.
The men in the jail had a wicked
gantlet to run as they came out.
One deputy had his neck cut going
through in a knife swipe that just
missed his throat. Many of the men
outside were eager to kill. The sur
rendering force was beaten as it
went through the passage opened for
them in the crowd.
“We let Germans, who surren
dered, come out of pill boxes with
out doing that to them,” said one
Ralph Duggan, the lawyer who
had written the raHio scripts for the
GI Nonpartisan league, was ac
credited with saving lives by urging
that there be no killing.
The deputies who were strangers
were taken to the outskirts, stripped
naked and chased into the next
county. The local deputies were
escorted to their homes. Pat Mans
field fled to Georgia.
The mast seriously injured was an
elderly man whase presence in the
jail could not be accounted for. He
lost an arm.
“God took care of it,” Harry John
son, sr., the hardware merchant, told
me. “He saw our boys running about
like chickens all confused. He got
the deputies to congregate in the
jail. Why, when Paul Cantrell ran
out of the jail, one of the boys shot
at him. His gun clicked but it didn't
go off. Another did shoot, but a
third boy knocked the gun up. Do
you mean to tell me that you don’t!
think that God was looking after
things here when all that happened
and no one was killed?”
Tomorrow: What happened in a
community with no government.
<Continued From First Page.)
posals are concerned, to try to solve
any difference of opinion and to ap
prove recommendations of the
“2. In the event of any continu
ing disagreement among themselves
with respect to amendments, the
members of the Council should still
support agreed articles of the draft
treaties and at the same time remain
free to vote in accordance with their
own judgment on matters not cov
ered by the agreed articles."
Nobody here thinks this agree
ment is going to make the difference
between life and death for the con
ference, but it obviously will help
Put simply, it means that the Big
Four will see in advance if they can
not agree to accept some of the
amendments. If they can, it will
not be necessary to wage hour
long debates on the subject of these
amendments, which are virtually as
sured of conference approval.
The difficulty has been that with
out such prior consultation, the
Big Four have been bound to vote
against an amendment no matter
how sensible they thought it. Nor
has any member of the Big Four
felt free to Indorse an amendment
without knowing first that the other
members of the- Big Four agreed
with him.
Of course, there has been some
hurried running around in com
mission sessions as the Big Four
representatives try to find out how
they stand on the issue of the mo
ment. But by the time they find
out, the bitter debate more often
than not is under way. It is this
absurd situation which yesterday’s
agreement was designed to do away
There is nothing new in part two
of Mr. Bevin’s formula, which is
simply a restatement of what has
always been the agreement between
the Big Four. It clearly was in
cluded in yesterday’s council pro
ceedings as part of an effort to re
assure the Russians, who have be
come increasingly uneasy of late as
to what the British and Americans
may do about some of the suggested
amendments to agreed-on treaty
Silence Irks Russians.
Soviet uneasiness has not been
allayed by the fact that the United
States and British delegates re
peatedly have listened in silence
during angry debates while Russia
alone defends the Big Pour treaty
texts against the attack of a dele
gation offering an amendment. The
American and British silence results,
of course, from the fact that they
like many of the amendments better
than they like the text, although
they are bound by prior agreement
to vote for the text.
The meeting yesterday In the
closely guarded Quai d’Orsay office
of Georges Bidault, French Presi
dent and Foreign Minister, was de
scribed by one who was there as
"easy” in atmosphere. Mr. Bidault
With the ministers were: For the
United States, Senators Connally
and Vandenberg and Charles E.
“Kaap Rollin’ with Nolan”
Favorable Rates
No Indorsers
1102 Niw York Avo. N.W.
Gnyhoud Bos Terminal
Bohlen of the State Department.
For the British, Hector McNeil ana J
Gladwyn Jebb. For Russia, Andrei |
Y. Vishinsky, Fedor Gusev and
Nikolai Pavlov. For France, Couve|
de Murville and Latour Dupin.
The four deputy foreign ministers
are expected to meet for preliminary
organization of their work of sorting j
through amendments this afternoon
at the Luxembourg palace. As soon
as they have found enough agreeable i
amendments to make worthwhile
another meeting of the ministers,'
such a meeting will be held, probably
next week. The Foreign Ministers, it:
was agreed, will continue to hold
their sessions in Mr. Bidault's office.
The deputies are James Clement
Dunn for the United States, Mr.
Jebb for Britain, Mr. Vishinsky for
Russia and Mr. De Murville for
Molotov KeDuns rian.
Secretary of State Byrnes at
tempted to persuade Mr. Molotov;
yesterday that it would be a good
thing if some group such as the con- j
ference's general commission could
deal with cases in which the same
amendment has been offered to all
five treaty drafts. He said it would
save time, trouble and general wear
and tear on the tempers of delegates
if a way could be found to void hav
ing identical arguments fought out
in five different commissions.
Mr. Molotov, however, did not like
this suggestion. He insisted that cir
cumstances were different in the
case of different treaties, although
the amendments might be the same.
Mr. Byrnes then sought to put
over the idea that the general com
mission, perhaps, might serve as a
battlefield for these general amend
ments, with the other commissions
agreeing not to repeat the debate
but simply to vote. However, Mr.
Molotov adhered to his previously
expressed position.
Before adjourning, the ministers
exchanged views on the timing of
the meeting of the United Nations
assembly, scheduled for September
23 in New York, and it was at this
point that Mr. Molotov surprised
his colleagues by expressing the view
that the assembly should not try to
meet ♦hile the Paris Conference is
still in session but should be post
Byrnes Opposes Delay.
Mr. Byrnes argued against post
ponement of the assembly session.
He said the assembly was the most
important international body in the
world today, and that he did not
think it proper for the foreign min
isters of four powers to seek its post
ponement. He added that Trygve
Lie, United Nations secretary gen
eral, had told him further postpone
ment of the projected session could
be effected only with great diffi
Asserting it was not necessary for
the foreign ministers to be at the
assembly session, he reminded his
colleagues that when the assembly
met in London last January he had
been there only for 10 days, Mr.
Bidault for a week and Mr. Molotov
nofe at all. Mr. Bevin then added
that he, of course, had been in Lon
don, but had not gone to the as
sembly very much.
Mr. Molotov complained it would
be hard for the Soviet to obtain
adequate representation if the two
international conferences went on
simultaneously—that Russia did not
have enough diplomats to go around.
He said this might also be a dif
ficulty for the smaller states repre
sented in Paris."5
The British, after careful study,
had concluded that the assembly
meeting should not be postponed,
Mr. Bevin testified.
Mr. Bidault said he had not an
ticipated this difficulty arising and
therefore had not consulted his gov
ernment. The ministers decided to
give the matter some additional
Finnish Group Sets Example.
While all this was going on, the
Finnish political commission was
supplying an object lesson to the
conference on how to get things
done. Cynical observers pointed
out they did it by virtually rubber
stamping the Big Four textual de
cisions, but even at that the record
was impressive. In 30 seconds the
commission approved the first
three paragraphs of the draft pre
amble. They never lost their mo
mentum. They accepted a minute
Australian amendments to ar
ticle 4, a matter of wording, and
then mercilessly squashed another
Australian amendment. At the
end only four articles within the
province of this committee had not
been acted on. These, tied up by
Australian amendments, were de
ferred for later action.
Meanwhile, the Romanian po
litical commission was spending
four and a half hours deciding to
hear the views of Hungary and
Romania as to article 2 of the draft
Romanian treaty, having to do with
(Continued From First Page.)
into the global Ideological clash, be
coming an inseparable part of it
with the added importance of their
strategic geographical position.
Early in the occupation Gen. Mac
Arthur startled the world by an
nouncing his occupying force of ap
proximately 450,000 would be halved
—and he did so. Now, key officers
say there is no prospect for the
immediate decrease in the total
American occupation forces num
bering about 138,000.
Only two major jobs remain to
be completed before the purely mili
tary aspect of this occupation is fin
ished. One is the final definition
and clarification of reparations.
The second is the detailed blueprint
of Japan’s economic future, which
will require military supervision to
Indecision Persists.
Both these assignments have been
delayed by international indecision.
After one year there still is no clear
indication of the extent of repara
tions or the exact type of economic
state industrial Japan will be per
For months most occupation
troops have been engaged solely in
garrison duty. Nevertheless, it is
plain that military authorities are
not willing to hand over occupational
supervision to civilian agencies while
the Soviets, currently stalemated by
Allied military control of the islands,
would be likely to increase their
political activities or even to move
in physically with troops.
Allied officers have warned pub
licly that Japan's regimented masses
still might be susceptible to "a
regimentation of the left,” which
they charge "certain elements” are
now seeking to accomplish by in
terfering with Japan’s labor move
At the outset the Soviets showed
little interest in the occupation, but
now they have the largest foreign
mission in Tokyo. Many travel fre
quently throughout Japan and to
There is no doubt they are here
to stay—and occupation authorities
indicate clearly they will continue
their attempts to block Soviet ac
tivity at every turn.
(Continued From First Page.)
along with the completely out
spoken statements of the Australians
plus the startling indictment of
"British-dominated Greece,” by the
Ukraine have removed all question.
Contrasted With Versailles.
In the middle of this there came
the sound of shots from Yugoslav
fighter planes and the explosion of
a falling American transport.
Contrast this with Versailles—
also a travesty and tragedy—27
years ago.
At Versailles there were days when
Georges Clemenceau, furious with
the British attitude toward Ger
many, refused even to speak to Da
vid Lloyd George. But there never
was a day during the conference
itself when French guns opened fire
on the British. Nor was there ever
a day when one "ally” described
another as "a menace to peace.”
If Versailles bred World War II
in 20 years, how long will it take
the conference of Paris to start a
De Gaulle Predicts Conflict.
In this bleak pattern, adding to
the sense of foreboding that hangs
heavily over Paris today, there has
been the voice of Gen.* de Gaulle.
Frenchmen and foreigners have
varying views of Gen. de Gaulle as
a politician and as a national leader,
but very few people question his vi
sion, his feeling for the future.
Long before World War II he
foretold in military terms the kind
of war it would be. Just before
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big outdoor
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It started he said France would be
overrun. After she was overrun,
he declared in the darkest days that
Germany could never remain & win
ner. What is he saying now?
At bar-le-Duc recently he spoke
of an inexorable collision of Rus
sia and the United States. This
week he criticized the proposed new
French constitution on the ground
it gave the President too little
power. ,
Behind his words Frenchmen feel
was this implication: France was
disorganized in 1939. Another 1939
is close at hand and this time she
should have a strong hand at the
helm equipped with sufficient powers
I to hold the nation on one course—
whichever course that may be.
'Loose Ends' May Threaten
New War, Evatt Says
j SYDNEY, Aug. 30 OF).—Herbert
■ V. Evatt declared today that a
| third world war was inevitable
unless “loose ends” of World War
II were tied up.
“You can only stop a third world
war if you settle the Second World
War on the basis of Justice and
democracy,” the Australian Foreign
Minister told a news conference.
“That is where Australia has taken
the lead in world discussions. I
think it is coming out that way.”
Mr. Evatt returned this week from
the Paris Peace Conference.
He declared the Australians,
“trustees in the Pacific for all Brit
ish interests.” would resist any four
; power meeting to discuss th? future
of the Pacific before the Pacific
Conference is held.
(Continued From First Page.l
membership of about 1.000,000 Ger
man officers and men. It is reported
that all the members of this move
ment have been converted to Com
munism and that some of them have
returned to the United States zone.”
Committee Reported Dissolved.
The committee was reported dis
solved, they said, along with the sub
sidiary League of German Officers
sponsored by the Soviet in 1943 as
an anti-Nazi propaganda weapon.
I “However, the best available in
formation points to continued exist
i ence of the Free German Commit- j
tee, which is illegal in the United
! States zone and the British zone,”
it was added.
I -“Some of the German officers
have returned to Germany to assist;
in German Communist Party ac-j
The officers refused to say how
many members of the “Free Ger- j
many Committee were in the zone!
or were suspected of acting as
Soviet agents.
“Clandestine activities of the
group have cropped up from time i
to timfe within the American zone,
Army and Navy Union Studies
Baseball Link With Russia
ly th» Aiteciolvd fr«i
MILWAUKEE. Aug. 30. — The
Army and Navy Union today con
sidered a plan to uniform and equip
1.000 baseball teams in Russia "to
make friends of the Russian peo
The resolution, laid before the
union's 58th annual national en
campment by the organization's
National Council of Administration,
declared that, “the rulers of Russia
are not to be confused with the
people of Russia. We must treat
the rulers with fairness and firm
ness. but we must treat the people
as fellow human beings and as
friends. We can launch this pro
gram through the many Army and
Navy Union members who are con
nected with our Embassy in Russia.”
Other resolutions proposed the
. construction of multiple dwelling
units to provide rented homes for
veterans so that the latter are not
forced to buy single-family dwell
ings at high prices; and asked that
strong armed forces be provided
| “until the United Nations has the
power to cut world armaments.”
A message from Maj. Gen. Edward
F. Witsell, adjutant general, read
by his executive assistant, Lt. Col
Ralph D. Foster, declared that “our
strongest, perhaps our only, assur
ance of a lasting peace, lies in a
united and contented force of typ
ical young Americans who are suf
ficiently convinced of the dignity
and importance of their task to vol
unteer for military'service.”
The encampment will be addressed
tonight by Undersecretary of War.
Kenneth C. Royall.
but they have been smashed every
time they have raised their heads,”
an officer declared.
In connection with the Stutt
gart arrest, an American source in
dicated that one Russian officer in
volved in the spy ring's dealings
had been allowed to return to
Soviet territory.
. “We'd like to be har^J on them,”
he declared unofficially, "but their
treatment is policy laid down by
the State Department and military
Explanation of Activity.
One American source said the ac
tivities of the Free Germany group
were "by no means” restricted to the
Stuttgart area.
Explaining how the Stuttgsrt
group* operated, headquarters
The ringleader, Walther Kaz
mairek, first began to gather in
formation on United States troop
movements last fall. He confessed
that he turned over American se
rets to the Soviet repariation mis
sion ni Stuttgart.
Last December, he had gathered
around him a group of Soviet sym
pathizers, all of whom were mem
bers of the “Free Germany Com
Kazmarek then made contact with
Maj. Droschin, a Russian secret po
lice agent who was associated with
the founding of the committee in
Moscow, and began to ,iuild him
self a larger organization.
Kazmarek got himself a job as an
agent of Stuttgart military govern
ment's "special branch,” an intelli
gence outfit. He also posed as an
informer of the army’s counter
intelligence corps.
All the while, he worked hard to
gain official recognition of his "Free
Germany” organization. The army
realized what he was doing and en
couraged him, giving his organiza
uon legal rignis ana allowing 11 10
grow larger.
I The CIC, however, maintained an
informer .in the ranks. Kazmarek
became known as a powerful man
and a dangerous one to cross.
The forced protection money and
food from small Stuttgart shop
keppers and businessmen who had
Nazi party records to conceal. He
ousted any members of his group
who disagreed with him.
When he felt his group was strong
enough to contact Russian agents
again, Kazmarek sent a courier into
the Russian zone of Germany to
announce his program of long-range
support of Soviet policy and oppo
sition to American authorities. The
CIC immediately cracked down and
broke up his organization.
"Support Soviet PolicT.*
The Army announcement quoted
Kazmarek as saying:
“It is clear we support the Soviet
policy to the limit. A few of us In
a small circle are more to them than
a few divisions. When the east at
tacks, ministers will disappear in
a hurry."
Electrical recordings of conversa
tions among the conspirators dis
closed that the group was dedicated
to a long-range political program
intended to penetrate American
military circles with Germans sym
pathetic to Russia, USFET said, y
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