Evening star. [volume], September 20, 1946, Page A-8, Image 8

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A—8 ** FRIDAY, September 20,1946
Mr. Truman's Decision
After a distressingly erratic week,
the President has come to a final
decision between the policies ad
vocated by his Secretary of Com
merce and those of his Secretary of
8tate.
Mr. Wallace is out of the cabinet.
Mr. Byrnes is assured that he has
the President's full confidence. He
has. furthermore, the assurance that
the President now recognizes the
“fundamental conflict" between the
foreign policy advocated by Mr.
Wallace and the foreign policy which
Mr. Byrnes has been pursuing. In
this clash of views, Mr. Truman
stands firmly with Mr. Byrnes, and
in doing so he asserts his con
fidence that “the great body of our
citizens" are in agreement with the
Byrnes’ position.
This puts a welcome period to an
Incredible episode. For coming to
this decision, and announcing it
publicly in unequivocal terms, Mr.
Truman deserves the warmest com
mendation. It could not have been
an easy thing for him to do. His
statement that there is a funda
mental conflict between the policies
of Mr. Wallace and Mr. Byrnes is
diametrically opposed to his state
ment last week that he could see
no conflict between the two. Thus,
the President, in effect, confesses
his error, and It takes courage for
a man in his position to do this.
There is the further fact that the
request for Mr. Wallace's resigna
tion may be expected to hurt the
Democratic party politically, and of
this, too, the President was fully
aware.
But there was a larger considera
tion involved than personal pride
or partisan politics. The President
summed it up when he said that
“we could not permit this conflict
to Jeopardize our position in rela
tion to other countries.” That is
the important thing. And now that
the President has done his painful
duty, it is the obligation of the
American people to rally behind him
and present to the world a united
front on this most vital issue of our
time.
In the Labor Day steeplechase at
Timonium, Md., horses went off the
eourse Snd ran into spectators, many
of whom had a close call. This is
a»id to be the first contest in which
the bettors also ran.
Anglo-Argentine Pact
The economic agreement just
signed after months of arduous
rtfcgotiation at Buenos Aires between
a British mission and the Argentine
government is a comprehensive
document covering finance and in
vestment as well as trade, though
this latter aspect has been the most
publicized. Taken as a whole, the
agreement represents a constructive
atage in what appears to be a basic
transformation in the economic
relations of the two countries.
Argentina’s meteoric rise from a
neglected Spanish colony to a great
and rich nation in a trifle over a
century was largely due to British
capital and enterprise. This was
especially true of the railroads, as
vital to the development of Argen
tine natural resources as they were
to our own Middle West. Later on,
the marketing of Argentine meat
products was chiefly in British
hands, from packing to transporta
tion in refrigerated ships. All this
produced an intimate Anglo-Argen
tine economic relationship which
made of the South American republic
something analogous to an unofficial
dominion of the British Empire.
That relationship was long mutually
profitable. Argentina acquired a sure
market for its expanding stock
raising and agriculture while Britain
had a major outlet for its manu
factured goods and surplus capital, j
The first modification of this
economic intimacy came with World
War I, when the sweeping disloca
tions of that conflict disrupted the
channels of trade, leaving Argentina
with unmarketable surpluses and
deprived of the manufactured goods
vital to its economic life. This
induced the development of local
industry, besides the large-scale
entry of trade from the United
States and elsewhere. Alongside this
went the quickening of Argentine
national consciousness toward the
goal of a well-rounded economic life
instead of a ‘‘colonial” status de- ]
pendent on foreign trade and capital
for the marketing of its agricultural
and animal specialties.
World War II dealt still sharper
blows to Britain's economic hegem
ony by compelling it to liquidate
many of its Argentine investments
and pile up credits of ‘‘blocked’’
sterling, today exceeding $600,000,
000. This put Argentina in a favor
able trading position, which accounts
for the advantages its government
has gained in the new agreement,
ftritain is still the major outlet for
a
1
Argentine products; but this market
is guaranteed and at prices far above
those before the war. The blocked
sterling balances are to be gradually
liquidated and. as part of the finan
cial picture, provision is made for
the eventual purchase by Argentina
of the British-owned railroads.
Gross Distortions
An excellent illustration of how
mischievous loose vrords can be—
how they can distort facts and mis
lead the hasty reader or listener—
is afforded by Secretary Wallace’s
thesis that the United States, besides
"getting tough” with the Russians,
harbors "a school of military think
ing” that “advocates” waging war
against them now before they can
manufacture their own atomic
bombs.
The War and Navy Secretaries,
declaring that there is definitely no
such thinking in their departments
and that they know of no responsible
officer who has “ever advocated or
even suggested” the idea, have just
issued' an effective answer to Mr.
Wallace’s startling charge. But the
answer ought never to have been
necessary because the charge ought
never to have been made, and pre
sumably it would not have been
made had Mr. Wallace given proper
thought to the subject and used
more careful language.
It may well be, of course, that
some members of the armed forces,
like any number of laymen, have
been talking along the same lines
as Dr. Harold Urey, the distinguished
nuclear physicist. But what has Dr.
Urey been saying? Simply this: That
unless there is effective interna
tional supervision of the atom, the
United States may yet find it a
"strict necessity” to wage a world
conquering preventive war. He has
said this, however, not because he
supports such an idea or because he
feels that the American people arc
likely to favor it, but only because
of a desire to emphasize the fright
fulness of the logic that will obtain
among nations if they engage in an
atomic armaments race instead of
establishing a system of genuine
control. If others have been speak
ing similarly—as they have, and
rightly so—they have been engaging
in speculation so unavoidable that to
describe them as "a school of mili
tary thinking” that “advocates” an
immediate attack on Russia is to
give voice to a gross distortion, made
all the worse when measured against
the vast extent of America’s demo
bilization.
Much the same thing may be said
of Mr. Wallace's idea that we have
been "getting tough" with Russia in
the diplomatic field. The demon
strable fact is that the phrase "get
ting tough" (among the first to use
it was Earl Browder, former head of
the American Communist party i is
a woefully inaccurate oversimplifica
tion. As Secretary Byrnes and Sen
ator Vandenberg declared last July
after the Foreign Ministers’ meeting
in Paris, the truth is that our policy
is simply one of trying to establish
a decent world peace with as little
delay as possible, on strong founda
tions of mutual trust and under
standing. But past experience has
taught us that to do this we must
combine tenacity and firmness with
patience and fair play, dealing
bluntly and frankly with the Rus
sians in an earnest attempt to win
their full collaboration by convinc
ing them that our motives are
honest, that vjje are not ganging up
with anybody against them, that we
are eager to co-operate with every
land showing reciprocal good will,
and that we want to do away with
war forever but refuse to be forced
or pressured into positions which we
deem to be wrong or which would
oblige us to bargain In "human
rights and fundamental liberties
anywhere on earth.”
When the United States pursues
such a policy it is not "getting
tough” with Russia. It is merely
living up to its traditional principles
in the field of foreign relations and
to its commitments under the At
lantic Charter and the Charter of
the United Nations. Mr. Wallace
will be doing himself, the Nation
and the world a service if
he studies this subject a bit more
thoroughly and resolves to guard
against the distortion of loose words
when he discusses it again. The
same holds true, of course, for any
thing more he may have to say
about our schools of military think
ing.
Sir James Jeans
The name of Sir James Hopwood
Jeans will survive in association
with those of the great physicists
and mathematicians who were his
contemporaries. But he also will
be remembered for a talent which
not many of them possessed—his
skill as a master of English prose.
The best clue to an explanation of
his success in fields crowded with
competitors of distinction is to be
found in his natural gift for putting
words together attractively. Even
if he had not been a first-rate
thinker, he still might have won
fame and a comfortable degree of
fortune in the art of literature. It
was by accident perhaps that he
devoted his ability as a writer to
astronomy and its connotations.
Had he chosen biology o» geology or
archeology instead, his achievement
might have been even more notably
popular than in fact it was.
But Sir James’ preference for the
exploration of the heavens was de
liberate and purposeful. He stuck
to celestial research and analysis
when he might have used his ener
gies in pursuit of the rich rewards
of chemistry, for example, or medi
cine. The supposition is that he was
happy studying stars, making them
reasonably intelligible to the lay
public, theorising about the meaning
of a yet Incompletely explored eos
\
mos. He saw the problem growing
more tnd more difficult to solve.
Progress in science in his epoch led
to confusion rather than to simpli
j flcation. What he accomplished
! was an interpretation of the newer
! knowledge.
I And the quality of his performance
I was in itself a considerable triumph.
| Sir James Jeans guessed that the
universe is disintegrating, but he
was no pessimist. The thought of
t Creation, he trusted, would survive,
and the thought would be beautiful.
Thus he was reconciled to a philo
sophic tolerance of disaster in the
manner of a constructive fatalist.
In this way he completed the circle
of his philosophic experience, re
turned to confidence in the scheme
of things in which humanity is not
| an inconsequential detail. He
I bridged one mystery to another—
j the riddle of life with the longing
! for life more abundant. The fact- !
finder in him merged with the poet,
and the world is the gainer thereby. !
Interstate Cab Fares
Chairman Flanagan of the Public
Utilities Commission has opened the
way for a possible solution of Wash
ington's interstate taxicab fare
problem by his proposal for a uni
form rate agreement between Dis
trict and suburban authorities. In
fact no other approach to the vexing
problem seems to offer any hope,
pending expected congressional con
sideration of special legislation to
deal with the situation.
As had been predicted, the PUC
abandonment last month of control
over taxi rates to th^s Pentagon, Na
tional Airport and other Federal
areas across the Potomac River was
followed by a chaotic inflation of
cab rates which varied according to
the fancies of the company or inde
pendent driver concerned. The for
mer PUC-approved airport fare was
discarded in favor of a $1.50 rate in
the case of one company, of $1.25 for
another group of cabs and of vir
tually anything the traffic will bear
in the case of many individual
owner-drivers disposed to take unfair
advantage of the new “sky-is-the
limit" freedom. Similarly, charges
for taxi service into Maryland coun
ties also lack uniformity.
This is a situation that is contrary
to the best interests not only of the
taxicab-riding public but of the
taxicab business as well. Exorbitant
charges made by a few unscrupulous
drivers tend to give a black eye to
the whole industry. It would be dis
tinctly to the advantage of all drivers
to have an orderly rate schedule as
a guide. Such a schedule presup
poses a co-operative understanding
between District and county officials
respecting interstate cab fares. With
out this voluntary co-operation of
agencies and co-ordination of rates
there can be little prospect of an
early return to sanity in over-the
boundary taxi charges.
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
„ ‘'BETHESDA, Md.
"Dear Sir:
“I saw • small bird walking around
in mf yard today.
“He seemed to be a thrush, but I
never saw a thrush walk before, so I
suppose he is something else.
“He really did a grand job of walking,
very stately and dignified.
“He had stripes on his head, and
spots on his chest, and altogether he
was a beauty, but I could not identify 1
him.
If you can. you will add immeasurably
to my everyday happiness.
"Sincerely, E. L. D.”
* * * *
This, was the oven bird, a famous
walker.
Other walkers are the water thrushes,
the larks, starlings and grackles.
We are so used to birds hopping that
sometimes we fail to note, in watching
a strange species, that it walks.
This is a sure identification to the
members of a very small group.
Just why they walk, instead of hop
must be referred to specialized muscular
construction, but there is more to it
than that. Birds have built up their
habits over centuries, and mostly it will
be foi^nd that the walking species do so
because in this way they can find the
sort of food they like better than if
they hopped.
If our correspondent had looked a
little closer, he would have seen that
the oven bird wagged his tail as he
walked.
This is a pretty trick indulged in
also by the water thrushes.
The Louisiana water thrush is the
same size, slightly over 6 inches. (Both
it and the oven bird are warblers, and
large for warblers, i
Both are called wagtails. Other com
mon names for the oven bird are teacher,
teacher bird, golden-crowned thrush,
nightingale, golden-crowned wagtail and
wood wagtail.
The Louisiana water thrush is some
times called water wagtail.
It is an odd thing, that these birds
should be called thrushes, and it ac
counts for much confusion.
Oven bird is a good name. It comes
from the nest, made in the ground
and arched over with dead leaves. The
"arch" shows very little, so that the
nest is seldom discovered unless the
mother bird is seen leaving it.
The bird is sometimes called teacher,
because to some ears its song is "Teacher,
teacher, teacher.” each stronger than
the last, with the accent on the second
syllable. Often the bird ends with
“teach.”
ine oven bird has what is called a
flight song, that Ls, it goes up through
a tree, then flies straight up and when
it reaches about 75 feet above the top.
it bursts into song, quite different from
the call outlined.
Then it closes its wings, »nd drops
down. It is this habit that gives it in
some sections the name of nightingale,
although “skylark" would come closer
to it. The song, however, is not long
enough to Justify a real comparison
with that famous bird.
The oven bird really is better named
wood wagtail, although he no longer
goes In for woody places as much as
he used to, another trait in which he
resembles the wood thrush.
You are just as likely to see him in a
suburban yard as in the forests, and
the most favored place is along the
driveway. Watch for this one these
days, and do not be content to think
he is a thrush, because he is much
smaller, and really does not look like a
thrush at all.
The oven bird in spring may sing
from a perch, or even on the ground,
another trait he shares with the wood
thrush. He also likes to sing in the
evening, also thrushlike.
Letters to The Star
Mr. Mitchell Clarifies Opposition
To Over-All Loyalty Quiz
To the ItiHor of The St*r:
An editorial in your issue of Septem
ber 18 indicates that The Star has re
ceived a wrong understanding of my
ideas regarding disloyalty investigations
of persons in the Government service.
I never made any statements at St
Paul or anywhere else which would
justify a conclusion that I objected to
the removal of persons now in the serv
ice who are disloyal. Such persons
should be removed. What I do object
to is a wholesale investigation of all
Government employes in order to de
termine their loyalty, such as has been
talked about.
Within the limits of its resources, the
Civil Service Commission investigates
the loyalty of persons seeking employ
ment in the Government service. I
believe the commission has performed
that duty as thoroughly and fairly as
possible.
With the exception of persons ap
pointed subject to investigation, the
commission has no authority to initiate
investigations of persons at present in
the Government service. It has, and
will in future, so far as its resources per
mit, make an investigation when asked
to do so by the agency employing the
person under consideration and report
the result to that agency for such action
as it deems wise. I believe it would be
unwise to order the commission to
make wholesale investigations of all
Government employes, because,there does
not seem to me any occasion for investi
gations of that sort.
There has been an effort to create
the impression that the Government is
saturated with disloyal persons. There
may be a few. but there are so few that
I believe the various agencies can handle
the situation adequately without investi
I gating all employes. •
HARRY B. MITCHELL,
President, Civil Service Commission.
Editor's Note:
The Star is glad to publish Mr.
Mitchell's letter in amplification of his
address to the meeting of the American
Federation of Government Employes
at St. Paul. It should be pointed out,
however, that The Star's editorial did
not advocate a "wholesale investigation
of all Government employes in order
to determine their loyalty,” nor is it
aware of any such advocacy from any
source. The substance of the editorial
to which Mr. Mitchell's letter is directed
is well stated in the following excerpts
from an address to the St. Paul meeting
by Civil Service Commissioner Flem
ming:
"We must make sure that no one
works for this Government of ours if
there is a reasonable doubt as to his
loyalty to the Government of the United
States.
“This means that there is no place in
Government for Communists or follow- i
ers of the Communist party line.
"Persons who themselves follow the |
dictates of a foreign political group or
who actively and knowingly associate j
with organizations that follow the die- I
tates of a foreign political group cannot 1
be entrusted with public office.
"This means that there is no place
in Government for members of a Ku
Klux Klan or for members of any other
organization that espouses the Nazi or
Fascist way of life.
“Let's do everything we can to keep
such persons out of Government in the
first place. And if they do get in, let's
make sure that they are invited, in no
uncertain terms, to leave.”
Readers Discuss Wallace Episode
To the Editor of The Bur:
While we are busy getting tough with
Russia, lets also get tough at home. I
am ashamed to think that weakling
Americans like Secretary of Commerce
Wallace represent you and me in the
United States Government. Politics 1
has been a foul, rotten game played
at the expense of the public, allowing
such irresponsibles to hold key positions !
in our Government. For the good of
the country, let's get rid of them. What
does it matter that we hurt the feelings
of a few when the health of the Nation
is at stake?
The party that will get my support
in the next election will be the one that
will clamp down on un-American activi
ties promoted by Communists, their fel
low travelers and New Deal-weakling
Americans. EDWARD P. THOMAS.
To the Editor of The Bur:
When are we going to be honest
enough to admit what is becoming
more evident every day, namely, that
we lost the recent war—to Russia?
The Soviet Union, as a result of the
war, has acquired additional territory,
Including slave nations, having an area
nearly as large as the entire United j
States with a population of some 85
millions.
We, on the other hand, possibly may !
acquire a few island bases.
When are we also going to admit that
Russia now is actively operating her
25-year-old program of communlzing
and making slave nations out of the
rest of the world and that Russia is
now stronger and a greater menace to
our security than Germany ever was?
Russia has rehabilitated the industry
in the territories under her control nd
now is working all munition factories
overtime, as well as drilling and equip
ping new armies—for what purpose?
We—like fools—could not wait until
we had blown up all the munition fac
tories in our occupied zone in Germany
and are doing little or nothing to re
habilitate even light industry. We
should be making friends of the Ger
man people, training a German army
and building up the German industrial
and munitions potential, so that when
we withdraw there will be some hope
of preventing the Russians from moving
in. Instead, we still are pietending to
be afraid of the Nazis. Our soldiers can
marry all the Communists they wish
but not the German girls—they might
be Nagi. We are killing Germans un
der pretense of law for atrocities
committed at Buchenwald while raising
no protest against the Russian opera
tion of the same camp in probably
much the same fashion. We are per
mitting fifth column-inspired strikes to
tie up our industrial production at
home. We are permitting ’ higher loy
alty" boys in our Government depart
ments to play into the Russian hands
at every opportunity. And now as a
final blunder, one of the cabinet mem
bers is blatting around the country
shouting for appeasement and backing
the party line. This puts the question
squarely up to Mr. Truman.
OBSERVER.
*
This Changing World
By Constantine Brown
The American delegation in Paris is
suffering a severe headache as a result
of the flve-dav "Wallace binge" in
Washington. The in-between stand
adopted by President Truman is re
ported to have been interpreted by the
delegates of the other 20 nations as
proof that Secretary of State Byrnes
and his associates are behind the times
and represent a policy which the Presi
dent may have favored when they left
Washington, but no longer fully in
dorses. This feeling is reported to be
prevalent particularly among the rep
resentatives of the other three major
powers and may seriously affect their
stand at the forthcoming major de
bates.
The European diplomats teke little
stock in official assurances nnd official
statements. They always look for what
is behind them.
In the present situation thev see ‘hat
Mr. Truman has not gone the whole
way to disavow Secretary of Commerce
Wallace and that Wallace has accepted
his temporary gag merely to avoid dis
avowing the official American delegates.
Prom the American point of view,
it may appear understandable that the
President, for reasons of domestic poli
tics. should have been satisfied with the
Secretary’s pledge to say nothing more
about foreign affairs until the end of
the Paris Conference, while maintaining
the views expressed at Madison Square
Garden and in his letter of last July.
Mr. Wallace's utterances on foreign
affairs may be taken lightly by the
rank and file of the American people.
But. because of his high official posi
tion. his views are significant to the
representatives of foreign governments.
* * * *
The Soviet delegation, in particular, is
jubilant. The fact that Mr. Wallace still
is a member of President Truman’s
official family, after having launched
two political atomic bombs, confirms
the advice Moscow has been receiving
for some time from its agents in this
country that the ’’toughness’’ of Mr.
Byrnes and his associates must not be
taken too seriously.
Until September 12, the date of Mr.
Wallace’s speech, Mr. Byrnes had vague
hopes that the attitude of the nations
which don't belong to any bloc—and
particularly those which are not mem- •
bers of the Soviet bloc—might persuade
the Russians to make some minor con
cessions which would enable the speed
ing up of the peace conference These
hopes are vanishing. Not only Is the
Soviet delegation more exacting than
formerly, but the representatives of
many other countries are now taking
stock of the new situation and wonder
whether it would not be advisable to
change their policies.
This applies particularly to France,
one of the Big Four countries While
flirting mildly with the Russian repre
sentatives. Foreign Minister Bldault was
outside the Slavic bloc on all major
Issues. The French frankly admit In
private that they are scared; they fear
that should there be another war In
Europe. France would be among the
early sufferers. Bidault is extremely
worried over his country's domestic situa
tion. The French Communists have lost
ground in recent months because the
French people felt that they might have
America on their side in case of trouble.
Socialism is in the ascendancy in France
because it does not deprive the in
dividual of his freedom. But Com
munism may be favored if the average
Frenchman feels that it is the only wav
to avoid trouble from the east.
V » * *
And how France goes so goes the rest
of Western Europe. Belgium, Holland
and Norway, small nations which have
been able to put their own houses in
order quickly despite great difficulties,
are worried and will be compelled to
follow* France by necessity.
Secretary Byrnes has displayed re
markable diplomatic skill in the last
few months. His aim was to do away
with camps, blocs and groups.
By placing the United States on a
plane above land and gold grabbing. Mr.
Byrnes expected at least a temporary
success. His policy was predicated, how
ever. on a solid official support from the
home front and especially on an un
wavering attitude on the part of the
Chief Executive. The “here it is and
here it isn't’’ attitude of the White
House in regard to Mr. Wallace's
speech and the limited gagging—obvi
ously for foreign consumption—of the
Secretary of Commerce may have com
pletely jeopardized the efforts of the
Secretary of State.
On the Record
By Dorothy Thompson
The boldest and most unconscionable
danger to the sources of public opinion
in the United States lies in a plan
already accepted by the Screen Writers'
Guild of Hollywood and now being
submitted by that guild, and by the
Radio Writers’ Guild which has like
wise adopted it, to all other organiza
tions of American writers.
Perhaps by the time this column ap
pears the Author's League of America,
the embracing organization of American
writers, will have rejected it decisively.
I hope so. Launched like a blitzkrieg,
writers thus far—apart from screen
and radio writers—have insisted on
time to study it. But in any case,
the American public should understand
this proposal thoroughly for, though it
may be laid aside today, it will almost
certainly wait underground for some
new chance of revival.
It holds the possibility of just such
suppression of freedom of thought as
was effected by Dr. Goebbels in Hitler
Germany, and has always existed in
the Soviet Union. It emanates from
the stronghold of Communism and
Communist sympathy among writers
and artists in the United States: Holly
wood. This despite the fact that Holly
wood screen writers are by no means
the most struggling of American
authors.
Technically, it is much closer to the
Goebbels methods of thought control
than to the Communist.
* * * *
A month ago the Screen Writers’
Guild voted to create a monopoly to
be called “American Authors' Author
ity.” Any American aspiring to sell
his works to the movies, radio, maga
zines. or book publishers wrould. under
the proposal of this stupendous plan,
be compelled to submit his work to the
AAA and to have it copyrighted in
the name of the AAA—neither in his
own name, nor the publisher's or
producer's.
The AAA would not deal with
any publishers, networks or producers
who would refuse to comply with the
basic agreements of the authority. The
authority would not permit writers un
der its Jurisdiction to work on any
material not leased through it.
The authority would therefore exer
cise the same power over writers and
publisher* and producers that Mr.
Petrillo exercises over musicians and
producers, but in an even more impor
tant field—the field of the expression
of ideas.
Most novelists and dramatists look to
Hollyw'ood for their great financial suc
cesses. Their works, furthermore, usu
ally go through the hands of the pro
fessional script writers for adaptation
to the screen or radio. Any writer could
be blackballed by the refusal of these
adapters to handle their works.
* * * *
How did Goebbels establish thought
control in Germany?'By the Fascist
variety of syndicalism to which this
proposal belongs. He established an
authors' authority—the Association of
German Writers—which barred from
publication all nonmembers. This asso
ciation became the sole agent through
which writers could market their works.
It was then only necessary to keep it
Nazi-controlled to see that non-Nazis,
or those of dubious attitude, were eco
nomically strangled unless they con
formed.
When this association was formed in
Germany many writers were highly
critical of Naziism, but it finished them
off in a few months. And the German
people thus lost the articulate instru
ments of their own doubts and criti
cisms.
Theoretically, of course, the proposed
authority would be controlled by its
own membership. In practice it would
be as subject to political manipulation
by closely organized minorities and con
trol by its directors and paid leader as
the Petrillo organization or the mari
time unions. An ambitious, disciplined,
firmly controlled minority could easily
capture it, especially as writers are
notorious individualists primarily bent
on their own creative activities.
The result could be, and* in my belief
the aim of a clique among the screen
writers actually is, -that the thoughts
of America would be put under that
clique's influence or control.
■* * * *
Screen writers, like other writers, have
fought for years against the outright
sale of their works and copyrights. But
what they have worked for is the re
tention by themselves, as the creators
of a w;ork. of copyright. To turn copy
right over to a monopolistic authoritv
and sole agent is not to realize their
aims, but to pervert them.
This proposal should be compared
with the attempts of the Communist
party in France to win control over
public opinion through similar means, j
with the fight going on in the American
Communist party to exercise political
control over even the nonpolitical I
writings of their own members, and ]
with the renewed discipline and con
trol over Soviet writers, leading to many
purges.
Fortunately, large numbers of Amer
ican writers, among them the most dis
tinguished, see clearly through this pro
posal and are up in arms against it.
(Keleoed by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.>
Pains of a Hybrid Party
By Raymond Moley
The issue this fall may. in many con
gressional districts, come down to a sim
ple question addressed to the Democratic
candidates: “Are you a Truman Demo
crat or are you a Wallace Democrat?”
This issue Messrs. Truman and Hanne
gan will desperately try to avoid. But
Wallace is not so anxious to avoid it.
And that is what makes it so serious.
The question whether we are to have
a Democratic or Republican Congress
will not be decided on a Nation-wide
basis. It comes down to a few States
and to certain specific districts in those
States. An examination of the 1944
vote shows that neither the Republican
nor the Democratic party needs to make
much of a campaign in 40 of the United
States. The result in those States is
either a foregone conclusion now, or the
number of seats at issue is so small
that it could not possibly affect the
control of the House. The fight will be
in California, Connecticut, Illinois. Mis
souri, New Jersey, New York and Penn
sylvania. Forty-eight seats in these
States were won by Republicans or
Democrats in 1944 by less than 4 per
cent over half the major party vote.
These 48 seats constitute 70 per cent
of the seats closely won in 1944. If
the Republicans are to win a House ma
jority, their greatest inroads must be
made among those seats. For they can
not win the South and they already have
most of the seats elsewhere.
* « * *
This situation underlines, once more,
the fact that in 10 or 12 years a new
alignment of parties has taken place in
this country. The South remains solidly
Democratic; the rural North and West
have become solidly Republican; the
heavily industrial sections of cities are
solidly Democratic-New Deal. Political
uncertainty remains only where these
solid elements are mixed. That is
roughly in districts which are partly in
higher-priced residential sections of
cities, partly in suburban areas, partly
in rural areas and partly lower-priced
city areas. Also, political uncertainty
exists in those districts where the North
and South meet. This stratification was
somewhat noticeable 25 to 50 years ago.
But now it becomes fixed and distinct.
(
The Roosevelt-New Deal appeals to class
over the years have had their effect.
So we cannot, as was the case before
F. D. R., reckon on a gentle swing from
Republican to Democratic and from
Democratic to Republican majorities in
Congress. In the main, the normal pic
ture is Democratic control. Only two
big factors can change it. The first is
a severe economic upset, for depres- ,
sions cut class lines. The second is a
wide split in the Democratic-Labor
coalition.
There is little prospect of a general
depression before election. There may
be some easing off soon and more eco
nomic slowing up later. But it will take
more than the recent stock market
break to affect the election seriously.
The second factor — a Democratic
labor break—may well be involved in
the Wallace episode. Mr. Wallace—a
specialist in hybrid corn and, it is said,
in the cross-breeding of poultry—is him
self a political hybrid. He has deep j
emotional feelings about international
and domestic issues. He brought these
with him to Washington in 1933. Mr.
Wallace's sympathies are implemented
by an active and somewhat extensive
intellectual curiosity.
* * * *
His years in Washington have given
him some of the qualities of a mass
political leader. He has learned how to
appeal to prejudice. He has learned the
politician's bent for Invective and ex
aggeration. Henry Wallace, loose and on
his own. could be a menace to the as
sorted following of the Truman ad
ministration. This following is a party
only in name. In any event, it will hold
together only during those few minutes
while the new Congress votes to organ
ize itself. After that, we shall see the
coalition of the past session resume. 1
But a break between Truman and Wal
lace could well drive this division into
the electorate and tip the balance in
the close districts mentioned above.
That is why Republicians have so
quickly seized upon this sign of dis
sension.
(Released by Associated Newspapers, Inc.)
Wallace Talk Paves
Way to Another War
Mistaken Zeal May (Jive Aggres
sors New Ideas
By David Lawrence
Mistaken zeal by Secretary Wallace
to prevent war has perhaps done more
to make the whole world think a war is
inevitable than he ever intended.
For the Secretary of Commerce, speak
ing with the prestige of a member of the
President's cabinet, has put the stamp of
authority back of the charge that some
where in the American Army and Navy
a school of thought is contemplating an
attack on Russia 'now’’ before she makes
any atomic bombs. Though this charge
has been formally denied by the Secre
taries of War and Navy. Mr. Wallace has
advertised this story throughout the
whole world.
Mr. Wallace may contend that he
didn’t intentionally make public the let
ter which he wrote to President Truman
and which he gave out only when he
heard that a columnist had a copy.
Yet Mr. Wallace was exceedingly care
less and indiscreet when he put such
thoughts on paper at all.
Showed Letter Himself.
It turns out that six copies of this
letter were made and that Secretary
Wallace showed — in confidence, of
course—to one newspaperman a copy of
that letter in August. The newspaper
man was the Moscow correspondent of
the Associated Press, who is on his way
back to Russia. That correspondent now
I tells the world from Stockholm that he
knew' all about the letter and. of course,
would have preserved Mr. Wallace's con
fidence.
But Mr. Wallace chose to show copies
of this highly confidential correspond
ence with the President to persons out
side the Government. Small wonder that
one of the six copies got into the hands
of a Washington columnist.
Mr. Wallace naturally doesn't want to
provoke a third world war, but such a
contingency is far more possible today
than it was before Mr. Wallace made his
Madison Square Garden speech or re
leased his letter. This is because twice
a world war has broken out with the
aggressor state believing America was
unprepared and virtually disarmed and
divided by isolationist politics.
Disarmament His Idea.
Today Mr. Wallace wants America to
disarm again and trust Russia to behave
and give up her aggression. She has al
ready violated the Atlantic Charter and
has grabbed 250.000 square miles of ter
ritory. She has already shown that she
is making war on democracy throughout
the world. Though Mr. Wallace says
Russia shouldn't do these things with
her propaganda abroad, at the same
time he reveals a strange tolerance of
communism and totalitarianism which
is surprising.
The Secretary of Commerce argues
vehemently that he is neither pro-Rus
sian nor pro-Communist, but the effect
of his statements is to manifest a sym
pathy for what a totalitarian govern
ment is doing in Eastern Europe. He
overlooks the brutality of the Moscow
government in its treatment of human
beings in Eastern Europe and its robbery
and rapine which have horrified the
world. To Secretary Wallace this ap
parently is just another philosophy
alongside of which democracy should
make up its mind to live in a sort oX
friendly competition.
Communism, like Fascism. Is inhu
mane and brutal in its operations. The
Russian government has exiled for po
litical expressions thousands of men
who have had the temerity to express
themselves. There can be no common
ground between democracy and totali
tarianism. A clash is constantly going
on and will continue to go on until one
or the other is eliminated.
Reverts to 1920 Policies.
To advocate isolationism and ap
peasement now', as Secretary Wallace
has done, is to revert to the policies
which so many Republicans preached in
the 1920s when they persuaded the
United States Senate to reject the
League of Nations covenant. Mr. Wal
lace made some speeches attacking the
isolationists in 1940 and 1944. He now
owes them all an apology, for his basic
doctrine differs little from that of the
"America First" crowd. As a matter of
fact, in his charge that the United
States Government is pursuing policies
that will provoke war, he is using the
same line of reasoning as have various
extremists in the anti-Roosevelt camp
who claim Mr. Roosevelt provoked the
attack on Pearl Harbor.
America did not provoke World War I
or II and is not now provoking World
War III, but if Secretary Wallace wants
to do as Prime Minister Chamberlain
did at Munich, he will not find America
following him.
Also he should not be making the fol
lowing comment: “These appropriations
i military i are now more than 10 times
as great as they were during the 30s.’’
The reason Mr Wallace should not
make that argument is because a Demo
cratic administration was in power
throughout the 30s and 300.000 Ameri
can boys have just paid with their lives
because the United States was unpre
pared and both Germany and Japan
thought they could take advantage of
our disarmament.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
Should Stay With Farming
From the St. Thomas Times-Journal.
A Galt report says a farmer reported
to the police that he got in a card game
with two strangers in a hotel there on
Saturday and lost $1,200. Any man is
a simpleton who plays cards with strang
ers and lets them get away with a wad
like that. But waht manner of farmer
is this who walks around with $1,200
in his pocket? Judging by the hard
luck tales which farmers habitually
spread around, they just don t make f
that kind of money. Anyway, this man l
appears to have had better luck farm- '
Ing than playing cards.
Farm in September
This is September, and a gentle air
Broods on the waters o) the wayside
stream.
And all the quiet landscape seems to
dream,
After the rout of summer’s gypsy fair;
Nature the ever-bountiful sets free
A treasure hidden in the way side sod—
Wild carrot, feathery purple, golden
rod.
And the pale maiden blue of Chicory.
Note for a space our hands may idle he.
With all the busy tasks of August
done:
With placid gaze we look on field and
sky,
And mark the measured progress of
the sun,
Sat'or this peace, with deeper charm
imbued
Because it is but fleeting interlude.
HELEN CONNOLLY.
A *