Evening star. [volume], September 26, 1946, Page A-14, Image 14

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A—14 THURSDAY. September 26. 1946
Postwar Traffic Picture
Traffic Director George E. Keneipp
presented a persuasive case for his
expanded traffic budget request
when -he appeared before the Com
missioners’ Traffic Advisory Board.
It is not surprising that the board,
after hearing Mr. Keneipp outline
some of Washington’s more acute
postwar traffic problems, agreed
unanimously to support his plea for
what he calls a “rock bottom’’ $792,
000 budget for the next fiscal year.
It was but natural that during
the war years of abnormal traffic
conditions, the Traffic Department
should have experienced a letup in
long-range traffic studies and re
medial .pleasures. The new traffic
director consequently finds himself
facing a serious lack of information
on which to base his program for
the peacetime motoring era ahead.
Traffic counts and special analyses
of danger spots made in 1941 are of
little value today, for the traffic
picture has undergone drastic
changes since then. For example,
the Pentagon and other Federal
developments across the river have j
created new bottlenecks on the i
Washington ends of the Potomac <
bridges, with traffic effects extend- !
ing far beyond the immediate Dis
trict approaches to the bridges.
Moreover, the influx of new resi
dents has added war-born traffic
and parking problems crying for
solution.
With this picture in mind, Mr.
Keneipp is seeking additional per
sonnel, especially in the engineering
section, for the purpose of making
fresh studies of traffic concentration,
signal light controls, warning signs,
one-way streets, cross-town thor
oughfares and pedestrian safety. By
thus diagnosing Washington’s post
war traffic ailments, the Traffic De
partment will be in a position to
make intelligent recommendations
for improvement of conditions.
Meanwhile it is encouraging to learn
that the department is taking im
mediate steps to tighten up licensing
procedures and to speed up the
crack-down on drivers whose offenses
justify suspension or revocation of
permits. Traffic Director Keneipp
will find that he has widespread
public support in his determined
efforts to make Washington safer
for motorists and pedestrians alike.
'Temple of Confusion'
The House Merchant Marine Com
mittee has gotten off to a most in
auspicious start in its proposed ex- j
tensive inquiry into wartime profits j
of nearly a score of shipbuilding j
companies. If its subsequent hear- J
ings are not on a higher plane and
are not productive of more conclu
sive results than its three-day in
vestigation of the Kaiser operations,
it is hard to see what will be ac
complished by the widely heralded
“expose.”
One member of the committee
confessed that the Kaiser hearings
left him with the impression that
he had been in a “temple of con
fusion.” He explained that “we start
out with very large figures but when
we get through I don’t know whether
you (the Kaiser interests) are a plus
or minus quantity.” The public also
finds itself in a “temple of confu
sion” after reading accounts of the
proceedings. The “very large figures”
to which the committeeman no
doubt had reference were the Gov
ernment’s initial estimates of ship
builders’ profits. At the outset of
the hearing, for example, a repre
sentative of the Controller General
made the muctf-publicized assertion
that never before in the history of
American business “have so few men
made so much money with so little
risk.” He testified that the Kaiser
companies, with a total investment
of only $2,510,000, had “made profits
estimated at $192,237,284.”
But Mr. Kaiser replied that these
estimated profits made no allowance
for taxes, corporate or individual,
and that the committee has ignored
the fact that renegotiation proceed
ings, by which the Government
seeks to protect itself against un
reasonable wartime profits, are
under way. And the sum total of
the evidence adduced during the ap
pearance of Mr. Kaiser and his son
was to the effect that Mr. Kaiser
did make a “potential” net profit of
about $5,000,000 from his shipbuild
ing activities during the war, but
that this was offset by a loss of
$18,000,000 chalked up against the
Fontana steel plant, which he built
to supply steel to his shipyards.
Actual profit and loss figures can
not be determined until the renego
tiation of Kaiser contracts is com
pleted.
John A. McCone, president of the
California Shipbuilding Company,
who followed the Kaisers to the wit
ness stand, joined with them in the
charge that the public is being mis
led by sensational statements about
wartime profits that fail to allow for
taxes and renegotiation cuts. It is
certainly unfair to make generalized
»
accusations of a sort that tend to
give a distorted picture to the public.
And on the other side of the picture,
it must be remembered that Ameri
can industry's “profit system”
worked miracles of ship production
that confounded the enemy, helped
to defeat the U-boat menace and
played a vital part in winning the
war. Truly, it can be said that never
before in history have so few men
built so many ships in so short a
time.
If any industrialists profited un
duly in performing these feats, that
fact should be exposed and the
profits recovered. The renegotiators
already are delving into this ques
tion, under congressional authority,
and it is not clear what more the
House Merchant Marine Committee
can hope to do at this stage of the
renegotiation proceedings.
Contempt
In the strict legal sense, there may
be some doubt as to the validity of
the contempt-of-court sentence im
posed on George L. Mueller, presi
dent of an independent union of em
ployes of a Pittsburgh power com
pany.
Certainly, from the layman’s view
point, Mueller had exerted himself
to bring the courts of Pittsburgh
into contempt. He had publicly de
scribed an injunction against a
strike as “less than a scrap of
paper.’’ He had challenged the city
officials to “put us in jail” for refus
ing to work for the power company.
And, in the courtroom, he had re
fused to exercise such authority as
he had to call off the strike in com
pliance with the terms of the in
junction.
For these cumulative offenses, he
was sentenced to serve a year in jail
for contempt of court, and, despite
talk of a general strike among AFL
and CIO unionists in Pittsburgh,
there will not be any widespread
sympathy for Mueller, even though
a taste of imprisonment persuaded
him to apologize last night and
appeal ineffectually to his union to
go back to work. Strict legalities
aside, he has been in flagrant con
tempt, not only of the court, but
of the right of the people of the city*
to have the use of a vital public
utility service.
When this is said, however, the
fact remains that the court’s action
does not appear to rest on sound
legal ground. Mueller’s contemptu
ous statements with respect to the
injunction were made outside the
presence of the court, and that fact
makes the legality of his sentence
questionable. Beyond that, Pennsyl
vania has a law forbidding injunc
tions against strikes, and this casts
doubt on the authority of the Pitts
burgh court to forbid the electric
power strike, or any other strike—
a fact that fortifies Mueller’s union
in refusing to go back to work until
the injunction is dissolved.
It is entirely possible, of course,
that the courts, through resort to
the contempt-of-court process, can
break this strike. In fact, the indi
cations are that this will be the re
sult of the firmness shown by t^e
Pittsburgh tribunal. Nevertheless,
and despite the strong probability of
public support, this is an inadequate
and dubious remedy.
The condition which has prevailed
in Pittsburgh—and in many other
places—does not amount so much to
contempt of court as it does to con
tempt of the people. It is a state of
affairs which falls not far short of
anarchy, and as such it should not
be left to the doubtful remedy of
judge-made penalties. These may be j
reversed in the higher courts or, in
the case of sufficiently strong unions,
they can be ignored.
The only real remedy lies in pub
lic recognition of the fact that it is
the public which is being held in
contempt. When that point is
reached, and not until then, will it
be possible to secure from Congress
legislation which will effectively pre
vent a scatter-brained union leader
or even 3,500 union members from
riding roughshod over a city of
1,500,000 people.
A Reminder to All
Although more than sixty days
have passed since the second atomic
explosion at Bikini, the effects of
that test still linger on with grim
meaningfulness. About seventy-five
of the one hundred-odd ships of
the “guinea pig” fleet are tied up
now at West Coast ports and at
Pearl Harbor, but they must be
boarded with caution. They look all
right, but even at this late date they
are spotted with remnants of radio
activity—long after their bath in the
great waves and the vast spray that
was sent up, filled with death, when
the A-bomb was detonated under
water.
In a way, this news is not alto
gether surprising. Early in August,
in their official reports on the second
test, the President’s special com
i mission and the evaluation board of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff placed par
ticular emphasis on the persistent
nature of the radioactivity unleashed
by the shallow undersea blast. They
estimated that the water was filled
with a deposit of lethal rays equiva
lent to “many hundred tons of
radium.” If the fleet had been in
action, they said, every vessel within
2,000 yards of the explosion “would
probably have been inoperative and
a lapse of weeks might well ensue
before relatively undamaged ships
; could again be used in combat,” the
contaminated ones being “radioac
tive stoves” that would have burned
“all living things aboard them with
invisible and painless but deadly
radiation.”
On the strength of these reports,
it was perhaps to have been expected
that a good part of the target fleet
would require decontamination crews
for a long time after the explosion.
Even so, it comes as something of a
shock to be told that about three
| fourths of that fleet still call for a
measure of personnel precaution.
The fact is more than a measure
of the drastic adjustments that must
be made by navies in the future;
coupled with all the other informa
tion now available on the subject,
it is a striking reminder to the whole
world of how harrowing are the
potentialities before us if the atom
is not controlled.
Moscow papers. please copy.
Food—For Thought
The constituents of House Ma
jority Leader McCormack are eating
horse meat, and apparently it is not
to their liking. So Mr. McCormack,
normally a down-the-line adminis
tration supporter, is calling for a
sixty-day suspension of price con
trols on meat and other scarce foods.
(The congressional elections are less
than sixty days away.)
Secretary of Agriculture Anderson
is another administration Supporter,
but he has just announced that
“ceiling prices do not seem to be
impeding the needed production of
any agricultural commodity (this
includes meat) and we in the depart
ment feel that price adjustments are
now behind us and that there should
be few if any additional recommen
dations for upward ceiling prices.”
Mr. Anderson had some additional
things to say. ‘‘Some people,” he de
clared, ‘‘have been quick to condemn
the farmer for holding lightweight
livestock off the market. They should
praise him. Our need at the moment
is to convert our record feed crops
into meat rather than rush livestock
to market before it is ready. Live
stock men are converting that feed
today. The result may not be ap
parent for some months to come but
it will be more meat than we other
wise would have. * * * It is to the
interest of the American public to
see markets slowed up temporarily
and meat hard to find while 52,000,
000 head of cattle and 58.000,000
head of hogs convert 160,000,000 tons
of feed into top-grade beef and
pork.”
So what the country has here, on
the face of the matter at least, is a
tug of war between two loyal ad
ministration men—one calling for
the lifting of price ceilings so more
meat will reach the public now and
the other urging that ceilings be
maintained and warning of the dan
gers in a rush of livestock to market.
Surely, somewhere in this, there is
food for thought. But it is also be
coming painfully obvious that there
is not apt to be much in the way of
steaks, roasts and chops—the sort of
food that most of us would infinitely
prefer to chew on.
Christianity and democracy are
declared to be facing severe tests.
Events in the Holy Land and the
United States make it look more like
final examinations.
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
“BETHESDA, Md.
“Dear Sir:
"You once wrote an article on pic
tures in the every-day life that present
themselves just for a few seconds and
then are gone, and must be grasped In
stantly if they are to be seen at all.
“Well, I had one that way the other
day. We have a small cat in our house
hold now, a nice little fellow given to
posing. Wherever he is he strikes a
post and holds it, but not for long.
“This day he was seated on his
haunches in the back corner of a big
chair, and suddenly he simply laid his
head sideways on the arm of the chair
and went to sleep.
“It was a marvelous pose, and would
have made a wonderful photograph, but
I knew that the first click of the shut
ter—it would have had to be a time
exposure—would have made him raise
his head suddenly, spoiling the shot.
“I could not get the picture, but I like
to share the idea of the picture with you.
"Sincerely, J. D. S.”
* * * v
The cat and the dog, both, often take
marvelous poses.
Nothing can excel the look a dog
can give you when suddenly he cocks
his head on the side.
This is a fine pose in a cat, too, often
taken when he is surprised.
Such gestures are the finest photo
graphs, but, as our correspondent sug
gests, one is seldom lucky enough to
get them.
Even an expert might work all day
trying to get such a "shot.”
Then it might be spoiled at the last
moment.
So the best way for the average per
son to enjoy these sudden poses is in
the mind, where they may be kept un
sullied and intact for a long time.
In this way they may be brought out
of memory at any time for enjoyment,
the true savoring of experience which
is one of the joys of life.
Too many persons keep in the pre
cious mental gallery pictures and images
which should not be there, for their
own good.
Ana onen iney tail to register the
little things of the everyday, so deserv
ing of a good place because they hold
so much satisfaction in the days to come.
Life is full of these sudden “photo
graphs.” The most wonderful of cam
eras is on hand to register them. One
precious part of the eye is actually a
prolongation of the brain.
It does not take brains to see, at
least not conscious mind. The ani
mals, existing but not knowing them
selves to be existing, see as well as or
better than humans, but their minds
do not register the resulting pictures.
They have no mental picture gal
lery, into which they may consciously
walk in the days to come. It is pos
sible for every human to open the door
of his own private gallery at will. But
what will he sqe when the door is
open?
Momentous photographs bum them
selves into the memory. The little
everyday ones often pass unrecognized,
and sometimes by the very persons who
ought to know better than to let them
glide away.
The whole world today is living on
the brink of a disaster which has its
origin only in the human mind.
This disaster, if it comes, is mind
caused.
Otherwise it does not exist. It is a
picture in the human mind. Only bits
of it come to most minds, but evidently
there are some minds, fairly well scat
tered around the world, who have built
up these horrible pictures of disaster
to a lifelike point. What are the rest
of us to do? Slowly, bit by bit, accept
their mental pictures? Not as long as
there are enough persons left to see a
cat in a comer and to recognize that it,
too, makes a worthy picture.
A
! Letters to The Star
Reno Road Widening Deplored
By a Citizen-Taxpayer
To the Editor of The Star:
My comments have not to do with
generalities such as foreign policy, labor
and housing problems, OPA and the
like, though they may be a small part
of the sum total, but rather a matter
of needless government spending in
such trying times, both District and
Federal.
I am a citizen of the United States, a
native of Washington, D. C., a tax
payer. I am one person, one among
millions who has been and is still
willing to do his share in making sacri
fices, paying taxes and balancing the
budget. It is I, plus the millions like
me, who constitute the United States
and what it stands for.
The crux of my story is this: Living
on one Reno road in the District of
Columbia, and undergoing the pangs of
gas and sewer pipe replacement in our
section, said Reno road must, of neces
sity, be repaved.
Now I welcome the repaving of any
street in the District of Columbia that
is' torn up and, since the long-range
plan for the Reno road is a wide arterial
highway, I readily can understand and
realize the necessity for widening this
road as well as repaving it, if the entire
three miles of this street and its exten
sions could and would be widened.
But in passing, I wish to say that said
Reno road is being widened only 6 feet
in one mile only out of three; 20-year
old trees are to be sacrificed which, in
some sections, cannot be replaced at
all. Drawbacks to this project are
many. The creation of traffic bottle
necks at the narrow sections, the added
danger to children in a section of the
city where schools are numerous and
increased speed of cars is inevitable, to
name two. This roadway cannot be
widened in Its entirety without tearing
down private homes which, I under
stand, sorely are needed.
A committee has attempted to dis
cuss such situations with responsible
employes of the District government, but
have been shunted to their underlings
until such discussions have resulted in
mere formalities.
Open hearings are not to be held.
The fact that residents of the District
involved in this needless spending of
the taxpayers’ money have no say in
. metier seems to have no bearing on
the subject whatsoever.
Does not the resident of this fair city
have a right to his or her opinion? Are
there not more worthy and needy proj
ects to be considered in these times than
one which is useless, expensive and
carried out only in part because the
Federal Government will foot half the
bill provided the road is widened?
Whether it is District or Federal gov
ernment money, will we not pay for it
in the end?
WILLIAM R. CASADAY, D. D. S.
A rarable tor the limes
To the Editor of The Star:
“Ship Ahoy! .What name?”
“Ship of State, of the United States
of America,” answers the skipper.
“Where bound?” continues the ques
tioner across the turbulent waves.
“Utopia, but sorry, we are strike
bound.”
“Then how, pray tell, do you sail on,
Ship of State?”
"Impelled by circumstances, propelled
by display of force, compelled by exer
cise of might, harnessed to atomic
power, geared by diplomatic action,”
replies the captain to the challenging
question.
“Very well, sir; I might have used a
bit of dead reckoning, but you will per
ceive that this, your servant, is a mar
iner of ye olde sailing era—1776 to be
precise. We squared our sails, braved
the storms and rode our rudder hard,
never striking our colors. We were lashed
to the wheel many a night, boisterous
and wild, but morning came and an
other day; a trick at a time it was for
all.”
“Indeed, you old-timer, this is another
age. We have fought many battles—
1812, 1846, 1861, 1898, 1917, 1941—in our
history, yet our Ship of State still car
ries on,” declares the modern skipper,
“for our battlewagon is geared for bigger
things after the experience we have ac
quired in 17 decades. We aim to make
dne world, subdue all things, unite all
peoples.”
“Truly, I hardly comprehend through
this thick skull of mine just what is
meant by your aim, if, pardon me, sir,
your ship is veering once to the right,
and again to the left; if, as you say, you
are ‘geared by diplomatic action’ and
‘harnessed to atomic power’ with forces
which require no sails, and depend on
no vagaries of the wind. Why do you
not, dear sir, make up your own mind,
and steer straight for your destination,
barring intervening shoals?”
“Ahem! . . . We are having a bit of
trouble with our steering mechanism.
The rudder, to tell the truth, is running
a bit off center. It is this way: A few
of my mates are in the wheelhouse, and
they do not trust the quartermasters
nor the compass, nor the sounding
eqdipment. Each mate runs a lane for
a trick, one on the left side, pardon,
to port side, and the other to the right,
the starboard. That is our navigating
philosophy, our political action, our
world ambition—and we’ll get to harbor
some day.
"And the passengers? Do they stil!
trust the captain and the steward?”
continues the old mariner.
"Yes, the captain, for the passengers
are very democratic, but we fear the
mates may agree to make the steward
walk the plank.”
"What for, sire?”
“For suggesting to the captain how to
navigate this Ship of State, not that I,
the skipper, would mind so much, but
you see, the rules of the sea, or mari
time laws have something to do with
that.”
"In that case, my captain, I might
happen along and pick up a steward
struggling in the tfater and save him.
Perhaps he can study to be a captain
some day. Good-by, sir.” The old
mariner bends his back to his oars and
shoves off.
The good captain of the Ship of State
becomes nostalgic and tries to recall
some of the good old days, sweet days
of peace, so hard to revive after a quar
relsome time. We wish him a further
bon voyage and fair havens.
CHARLES ALLEN RENTFRO.
Satisfaction Not Guaranteed
From the Arkansas Gazette.
Tito's promise of "satisfaction” sounds
like accepting the challenge to a duel
r\
This Changing World
By Constantine Brown
while Prune Minister Stalin of Russia
stated last Monday that the new war
scare was being spread by jingoists to
cover domestic difficulties, reports from
Greece and Iran have been received in
the last 48 hours indicating a grave
situation which might turn into a major
conflict.
In Greece the Communists are on
rampage. According to an official spokes
man of the British Foreign Office, they
are supplied with arms and ammunition
from Albania and Yugoslavia.
American observers in Athens have
been reporting ever since the Greek
people voted to return King George to
the throne that a civil war was con
sidered inevitable. This was not due
to the discontent of the population, but
to the maneuvers of the EAM, the
Greek Communist-dominated national
liberation front. These observers main
tained that if it were not for the prod
dings from outside Greece's borders, the
wnoie movement would amount to little.
But, according to them, a civil war in
Greece will be only the signal for
greater operations for which Yugoslavia,
Albania and Bulgaria—all Russian sat
ellite countries—have been preparing for
several months.
The military equipment In these
puppet states comes directly from
Russia- and consists of war material
manufactured in the U. S. S. R. or some
of the available lease-lend supplies
sent to Russia by America during the
war. None of these three satellites had
much war material a year ago. The
Yugoslavs had some, while the Alba
nians had none. Bulgaria, a former
enemy country, was supposed to have
been completely disarmed except for a
small military police force. The rest of
the war material was to be destroyed in
accordance with the terms of the armi
stice. Yet there is every evidence that
the EAM troops are well supplied for
more than a guerrilla warfare.
* * * *
The situation is serious, particularly
in view of the fact that Greek Com
munist headquarters has announced
that in the event of an attack on the
country from outside', the Communists
will fight on the side of the invader
against the “present Fascist regime.”
In the new Moscow dictionary, Fascists
are those who oppose the Communist
expansionist plans.
A civil war in Greece would not seri
ously affect the precarious international
situation. But responsible diplomatic
and military quarters in Washington
fear that a civil war would be only a
curtain raiser which would be followed
by an early concentrated attack from
Yugoslavia, Albania and Bulgaria. For
several weeks reliable reports have in
dicated an important concentration of
forces on the three borders of Greece.
The number of men involved is esti
mated at between 200,000 and 250,000,
all equipped with modern artillery,
tanks and some aviation. The Greek
Army is in no position to meet a com
bined attack from inside and outside.
This may mean that the government
will ask help from the 50,000 British
troops who are still stationed in the
country. Then the fat would be on the
fire. Such a situation would become a
“must” for the Security Council. But
the Council’s work in the past has been
slow and doubtless would be in this case,
particularly if the Russian delegate uses
his veto power as skillfully as heretofore.
A. A A A
In Iran the situation has been de
teriorating for many weeks. The Tudeh
(Iranian Communist) party is now striv
ing to extend its domination to the
south, where the British have important
oil interests. Attempts of its followers
to start a large-scale rebellion were
frustrated in the past by the determined
stand of some of the tribesmen who
could neither be won over to the idea
of Soviet tutelage nor be defeated.
In recent weeks, however, there has
been a peaceful invasion of Russian
tourists in Iran. They wore civilian
clothes with trousers stuffed in typically
high Russian military boots. Since
their arrival, Iranian “democrats” have
increased their efforts to stir up trouble
and reports received in Washington
during the last 10 days indicate that
successful attacks have been made
against the important city of Bushire,
which was reported to have fallen into
Tudeh hands. The result of the at
tacks against the ancient city of Is
fahan is uncertain so far.
The British intend to defend their
position in Southern Iran not only be
cause of their oil investments, but also
because of the strategic position of the
area. Fresh troops from Indiar—about
four Indian divisions—are reliably re
ported to have arrived in the Basra
area, ready to intervene if the situation
deteriorates further.
Although Britain is as little prepared
for military action as the United States,
it is believed in Washington that the
London government will not hesitate to
defend Its position if the Iranian Com
munists, who are only puppets in the
hands of Moscow, make a determined
drive to get hold of Southern Iran as
they did so successfully in Azerbaijan.
The Political Mill
By Gould Lincoln
The appointment of W. Averell Harrl
man to be Secretary of Commerce
brought from Henry A. Wallace—who
had just been ousted from that cabinet
post by President Truman—a revealing
comment. Said Mr. Wallace: ‘‘I am
sure that this appointment will be re
ceived with the greatest enthusiasm by
the business community.” When Mr.
Wallace was appointed Secretary of
Commerce by the late President Frank
lin D. Roosevelt there was no such en
thusiasm on the part of the business
community. If the protests were re
strained it was because members of the
business community feared that there
might later be a bureaucratic crack
down.
Mr. wauaces appointment also was
In payment of a political debt—not be
cause he was fitted for the post of Sec
retary of Commerce. He had cam
paigned for the Roosevelt - Truman
ticket in many parts of the country—
particularly in industrial labor centers
—after he himself had been eased out
of the vice presidential nomination at
the Democratic National Convention of
1944 largely through the assistance of
Mr. Roosevelt. For some reason best
known to Mr. Wallace he demanded
appointment to the ofllce of Secretary
of Commerce. To give him the job, Mr.
Roosevelt broke with Jesse Jones—then
Secretary of Commerce.
The Senate nearly defeated confirma
tion of the Wallace appointment—and
did not confirm him until it had made
certain that Mr. Wallace would not also
have the office of director of the Re
construction Finance Corp. with its
billions of dollars of loans and invest
ments. Mr. Wallace at one time was
reported as saying he would not accept
if the RFC were taken away from him.
He did, however, accept—it was that or
nothing.
* * * *
For the business of the country Mr.
Wallace has done nothing since he be
came Secretary of Commerce—except to
cause trouble. Soon after the war ended
and there was a wide discussion of what
should be done about wages and prices,
Mr. Wallace permitted the publication
of a report which held that wages in
the automotive industry could be in
creased 25 per cent without a rise in
prices. It was his contribution to the
wave of strikes which swept across the
country, delaying production and recov
ery, and finally giving a great boost to
Inflation. Later Mr. Wallace had to ad
mit that the report did not give a’cor
rect picture. But the damage, so far as
he was concerned, had been done. No
wonder the appointment of Mr. Harri
man—as Mr. Wallace said—has been
received “with the greatest enthusiasm
by the business community.”
Mr. Harriman has been a New Dealer
—a confidant and adviser of the late
President Roosevelt as he has been of
President Truman. He has, however,
been a successful businessman in the
past and he knows something about
what makes the wheels of industry go
round, and his appointment inspires con
fidence. He also is distinctly opposed to
the appeasement of Soviet Russia policy
advocated by Henry Wallace, and he
does not believe in nor does he have a
Communist following in this country.
The exchange in the Commerce Depart
ment is a boon to the country.
* * A lir
The administration having ousted Mr
Wallace because, instead of paying real
attention to his job as Secretary of Com
merce, he gave his time to evolving a
foreign policy in opposition to that of
the President and Secretary of State
Byrnes, is now showing signs of weak
ening. It is reported that some of the
Democratic high command are anxious
to get Mr. Wallace on the stump during
the present congressional campaign,
hoping by so doing to “get out the vote”
of the radicals and of some of the labor
groups. Mr. Wallace, being the willing
worker that he is, is reported to be
ready to go to work in the industrial
centers. Perhaps if he does, and the
Democrats are victorious, he may be
rewarded later with another Federal
appointment.
The Wallace episode had at least one
value—it brought to light the spread
of Communist propaganda and senti
ment in this country. The uproar raised
by the Communists and fellow travelers
has been remarkable—although the Com
munist vote in this country is still very
light. But the Communists and sympa
thizers have moved into strategic posi
tions, and can make themselves heard
in a way that makes their influence in
this country seem great—although it is
not. It is the kind of thing that a
closely knit, fighting minority, however
small, can do in a free country.
If the Democratic high command
would leave Mr. Wallace to the Commu
nists and the other radicals who dote
on him jt would be better off in the end.
They want him, the Communists say.
'Appeasement’ Politics
By Jay G. Hayden
President Truman’s latest stroke of
appeasement—this time softening his
initially firm ban against administration
sanctioning of any campaign speeches
by Henry A. Wallace—is likely to prove
no more successful than the earlier truce
on the same subject which the President
ended by firing Mr. Wallace.
Modifying his previous announcement
that Mr. Wallace and Senator Pepper,
Democrat, of Florida, were out as cam
paign speakers so far as President Tru
man and the Democratic National Com
mittee were concerned, Representative
Sparkman, Democrat, of Alabama, chair
man of the Speakers’ Bureau, said it has
been decided that Mr. Wallace and Sena
tor Pepper might speak under either of
two arrangements:
First, their appearance would be spon
sored officially by the Democratic na
tional organization, provided they
promise In advance not to attack Presi
dent Truman’s policies, foreign or do
mestic.
Second, if Mr. Wallace and Senator
Pepper did not care to give the above
assurance the national committee would
relay to them any requests for speeches
by them that it received. They then
could make their own arrangements with
local committees or individual candi
dates. •
Mr. Wallace promptly indicated that
he would re-enter the campaign, but
reserving the right to look over the vot
ing records of Democratic candidates be
fore determining whether to speak for
them. It also was announced that he
might refrain from any discussion of
foreign affairs until after the 21-natlon
Paris Peace Conference, now scheduled
to conclude on October 15. Three weeks
will remain between that date and elec
tion day.
*■ * * *
Mr. Wallace's seemingly superfluous as
surance that he will not speak for Re
publicans, regardless of their voting rec
ords, merely was a backhanded way of
inviting Invitations from non-Demo
cratic candidates so long as they do not
wear , the Republican label. A case in
point was Mr. Wallace’s support of Jo
*
hannts Steel, an American Labor leftist,
against Arthur G. Klein, the successful
Democratic candidate in a New York
congressional bi-election last year.
There are eight congressional districts
in New York City now where American
Labor candidates are entered because
the Democratic candidates, mostly in
cumbents, are regarded as not sufficient
ly left wing.
There is scarcely a State in the North
or West where the Democratic nominees
are not sharply divided between con
servatives of the James A. Farley school
and the Wallace brand of ardent New
Dealers.
And nobody who has felt the atmos
phere in Mr. Wallace’s political camp
during the past few days can doubt that
the whole trend of his campaign speak
ing, whether on domestic or foreign
issues, is going to be to separate the
New Deal sheep from the conservative
Truman-Farleyite goats.
* * * *
There is the certainty also that wher
ever the Democratic local, organizations
fail to invite Mr. Wallace to speak, the
CIO-PAC or some other leftist outfit
will do so. And whether or not Mr.
Wallace himself discusses foreign af
fairs, his leftist supporters are sure to
make a business of whooping It up far
him and Stalin, while booing and hiss
ing Secretary of State Byrnes-rand
quite probably also President Truman.
The stake in all this is the presidency
in 1948. Because he hopes to capture
the Democratic party, Mr. Wallace, for
the time being, is doing his best to head
off third-party talk. And so, of course,
are all left wingers running for office
under the Democratic label.
It is well nigh a certainty, however,
that if the Democratic conservatives
from the South and agricultural West,
now definitely a majority within the
party, nominate one of their ilk for
President in 1948, there will be a left
ist third party bolt, preferably behind
Mr. Wallace but with Senator Pepper
an almost equally favored alternative.
(North Amtrlcm Nowipaoor AUUbm.)
I
i '
I Stock Market Slump
Contains a Warning
Signs of Major Change Seen in
Unbalance of Economy
By David Lawrence
The steady decline in the stock mar
ket since last month has produced a
healthy spirit of re-examination in busi
ness and industry generally.
The recession or readjustment which
is under way in some lines and will not
really begin in earnest until some time
in 1947 will not bring about the sharp
psychological reaction which came in
1929 or In 1933. Rather, the opinion of
many economists here is that the re
cession will resemble the postwar re
adjustment that came in 1921 shortly
after President Harding took office. It
lasted about a year.
The elements of a major change in
the national economy are, of course,
present today, and, while public atten
tion has often been focused from a
long-range viewpoint on inflation due to
the large war debt, the possibilities of a
brief period of deflation in industrial
and business operations have been over
looked.
Economy Oat of Balance.
The national economy Is out of bal
ance. Irrespective of what the causes
of this imbalance happen to be—and
opinions will differ—there is little doubt
about what has to be done. Purchasing
power has been declining due to the
high prices. It is not so important to
determine who started the price spiral
—the politicians will blame one another
for this—but it is important to discover
what can be done to bring back the
purchasing power of money.
This cannot be done by continued In
creases in wage levels or in hourly earn
ings. What can be done is to bring
prices down by increasing productivity.
If business volume could be attained at
lower and lower unit costs, prices could
be turned downward.
There are evidences that wage unit
costs are being brought down in some
lines and that a start has been made
toward increased productivity. This, to
be sure, is the true answer to the trend
toward depression. It will not be
discerned in time by all businesses but
when the peak of the present price trend
is reached, which is expected to be early
in 1947, it will become imperative for
economies to be made in production op
erations so that more goods can be pro
duced at less and less cost.
Price Situation Distorted.
The shortages, of course, at present
tend to distort the price situation. Once
an abundance of a product is achieved,
it will be necessary for the producer to
figure out ways and means of attain- ,
ing continued sales and this may prove
possible only by inducing purchases
through the lure of lower prices.
There are some lines, such as durable
goods, where prices have not gone up
as they have in other categories. In
such instances, prices can be stabilized
or reduced in due time.
What is most needed at the moment
is an atmosphere of stability. The un
certainty because of strikes and the
Government’s control programs make it
difficult to get such stability. With all
due respect to the needs of the GI, it
has been a mistake to single out a par
ticular group and attempt to channel
materials into that category. It would
be far better to bring about a balance
between supply and demand of materials
at the earliest possible moment and out
of the general increase in housing the
GIs would get the needed benefit
sooner.
Controls Upset Industry.
The artificial control of housing ma
terials is producing the most serious
upset in the construction industry. Un
less remedied, it may inflict damage for
many years to come on an industry
that should be in the forefront of re
covery. Most war .veterans cannot pay
for the houses they are expected to
buy and many of them are too unset
tled as to residence to buy houses now.
What is needed is more houses for rent,
but the present program has not thus
far yielded that result.
When Congress gets back here in
January—or perhaps sooner, when the
elections are over—it may be that some
of these controls can be modified. The
era of readjustment and repair of un
sound economic conditions will not be
gin, however, until next year, when the
full effects of the imbalance in our eco
nomic structure are universally recog
nized.
(Reproduction Rishts Reserved.)
A Gloomy View
From the London Dell? Express.
Reluctantly asked, reluctantly granted,
the American loan now becomes part
of the history of Britain, and of the
United States. Its consequences will
make more history. The seeds are
sown, the fruits will be gathered in due
season. They will be bitter in the
mouths of the young men and women
who had just finished winning the war
when the project was first announced.
And still more bitter to the children
whose teeth are to be set on edge 10 or
20 years hence. . . . What follows? The
cornerstone, imperial preference, will
go the way of these into dusty death.
It will be eliminated. The great empire
markets will topple while Britain chases
orders in Bogota and Buenos Aires. The
loan may be good for Britain on the
short view. It may ease our path in the
next few years. But on the long view
it will, for the reasons given, threaten
Britain with separation from her em
pire. It is bad news for the people at
home. It is bad for the overseas do
minions and colonies. And bad for the
world.
'No Less Horrible'
From the Toronto Star.
The world was horrified when It
learned that under the Nazis, thousands
of scientists and technicians devoted
themselves to inventing and producing
death-dealing devices for inhuman mass
murder, for the torturing of their vic
tims, for their destruction in gas cham
bers; even for burning them In ovens.
It Is no less horrible to learn that
thousands of scientists and technicians
in democratic and humane countries are
being employed in peacetime to find
new methods of killing people.
Woodland Cures
The old wives took their wiUow baskets
And searched the woodland hills
Tor ginseng, plantain, pennyroyal
To cure their household ills.
No doubt, included in their searching
Were sharpened leaf-mold smell,
And from a tall tree top the singing
Of a bird urith a crystal bell.
They knew anemone’s pale whisper
And a spring wind curled inside a leaf
Could be the anodyne restoring
A heart made 111 by any grief.
ROSK MYRA PHILLIPS.
f