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With Sunday Morning Edition. ~ WASHINGTON, D. C. Published by ~ The Evening Star Newspaper Company. FRANK 3, NOYES, President. B. M. McKELWAY. Editor. Main Office: nth St and Pennsylvania Ave. ; New York Office: 110 East 42d St. Chicago Office: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. The Evening and Sunday Star. 80c per month: » when 5 Sundays in the month, $1.00. . The Evening Star Only, 85c per month. The Sunday Star, 10c per copy. - Night Final Edition. 10c per month additional Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. _ 1 month. 6 months. 1 year. Evening and Sunday..$1.25 $8.pp $12.00 The Evening Star- .|o 4 oo g.po * The Sunday 8tar- .50 2.60 $.0o Telephone National 5000. Entered at the Post Office Washington. D. C., as second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches Herein also are reserved. A—8 « MONDAY. February 17. 1947 A Place to Reform There is more than ordinary interest in the current investigation of the office of Recorder of Deeds. Chairman Horan of the House Sub committee on District Appropria tions holds that an investigation into any agency of the local govern ment comas within the proper scope of his subcommittee and he evidently is having a “routine” check of the office made now. The Deputy Recorder seems also to be making an independent investigation and one employe of the office has been “furloughed” for the time being. Three years ago an efTort was made in Congress to remove this office from the anomalous status it occupies in the District government by making it subject to regular audits by the District auditor. Legislation along such lines failed. The office has remained a law unto itself. It has always been regarded as more important from the point of view of political patronage than for its efficient functioning as a Government agency. At one time the District auditor found himself caught between a ruling of the General Accounting Office, which placed on him the responsibility of audit, and the refusal of the Recorder of Deeds—possibly sup ported by the Department of Justice —to permit such an audit. A rider on a local appropriation bill a few year? ago, which directed formal audit of the office by the District auditor, was stricken out on a point of order in the House. The District auditor, faced with this refusal, made no further attempt. The expenditures and re ceipts of the office are not subject to the same audit which covers other municipal agencies. Whether' any important irregularities have been discovered in the current investiga tion is not known. BtolfrtHSran’s own interest in the office 'Slight' yield some beneficial results if it leads to a reform which will relegate ,tbe system of political patronage on which it has been run in the past and substitutes the merit system, with formal audit at periodic inter vals of its funds. Inasmuch as the office has been the property of the Democrats for the past decade or so, a Republican-controlled Congress may take a more active interest in putting it on a nonpolitical basis. =8= - China'sCrumbling Economy China’s economic situation has long been deteriorating. It is now j frankly desperate. Should it become chaotic, the results would not be confined to the economic field but would be political as well. It is an open question whether collapse ci'h be averted by Generalissimo Chiang’s drastic new order revaluating the Chinese dollar and calling for stringent wartime restrictions on currency dealings, hoarding, wages and prices, and strikes and lockouts. Eninas economic me nas naa many ups and downs ever since the revolution of 1912. That broke the traditional mold economically as well as politically with the over throw of the Manchu empire and its replacement by a republic influ enced in many ways by western ideas and methods. Out of a long welter of turmoil and confusion there gradually emerged the rela tively stable Kuomintang regime which by the early 1930s, seemed capable of putting through its pro gram of national reconstruction. Then came the Japanese interven tion, culminating in wholesale in vasion which disrupted everything, yet which did not effectively heal the feud between Kuomintang and Communists that had already be come the chief handicap to China’s evolution. The economic consequences of all this were as damaging as they were unavoidable. Eight years of gruel ing war against the Japanese in vader <vere financed largely through the issuance of paper money with out proper backing. That started the vicious cycle of inflation, with its disruptive effects on wages, salaries and prices, together with the spread of black-marketing oper ations. The victory over Japan brought no real improvement, since the elimination of the foreign foe coincided with the resumption of the Kuomintang-Communist feud in aggravated form, while the Rus sian looting of Manchuria deprived China of what might have been a solid industrial basis for recovery. How much the withdrawal of American armed forces from China and cassation of mediation efforts in China’s civil war has contributed to the present economic crisis is un certain. At any rate, it is doubtless a contributing factor in the current flight from the Chinese dollar, which has now become almost worthless. The chaotic effects upon wages and prices can be imagined. They must ineyitably intensify eco nomic and social unrest, already so widespread and so acute. But all this plays into the hands of the Communists, who have long aimed ruthlessly at the disruption of economic life everywhere outside the areas under their control. It was these ruthless tactics, along with those of the Kuomintang’s feudal - minded diehards, which General Marshall especially casti gated in his famous statement on the eve of his termination of his mediatory mission. The correspond ing weakening of the Kuomintang regime will tend to diminish its mili tary power and its general prestige and authority. Too Much Too Soon? In form and purpose the report of the Joint Committee on the Legis lative Budget will appeal to most Americans. Made mandatory by the congressional Reorganization Act of 1946, it represents the first attempt of its kind to co-ordinate the various House - Senate appropria tions and revenue committees and to arrive at a common over-all fiscal policy for the Nation. It is the result of a reform long needed in Congress. The report, too, has this added virtue: It emphasizes economy at a time when the Government needs to save money wherever it can to per mit tax reductions and make possible some payment on our colossal na tional debt. Yet, despite its sound and commendable objective, there is good reason to view it with an anx ious and questioning eye. Adopted by a vote of 50 to 22, it would have Congress enact a resolution placing a ceiling, of $31,500,000,000 on the budget for fiscal 1948. This would be $6,000,000,000 under the total deemed to be a rock-bottom neces sity by the President. A slash of such drastic proportions naturally would affect many of the Nation’s domestic and international under takings. The big question is whether it might not be dangerous. For its own part, the majority of the Joint Budget Committee is satis fied that its recommendations can be carried out with safety all around. Unfortunately, however, it is dis turbingly vague as to just where the cutting is to be done. It mentions, in highly generalized terms, the elimination of “desirable but not imperative” Federal functions: it speaks of firing at least 500,000 civilian Government workers; it suggests the shelving of public works projects that are not “vitally neces sary," and it hints broadly at other possible economies. Obviously, until these points are spelled out in detail, doubting Thomases will be justified in maintaining a “show-me” atti tude. i ms is especially true of national defense and foreign policy. The joint committee is understood to favor a cut of a billion dollars for the Army, $750,000,000 for the Navy and^500,000,000 for the War Depart ment’s civil functions. Economies of these dimensions could have grave consequences. At any rate. Secretary bf War Patterson has said that they would “invite disaster.” Secretary of the Navy Forrestal has warned that they would wreck the Naval Re serve training program, stop all con struction, cripple research and liter ally immobilize the fleet. And Sec retary of State Marshall, having in mind the world’s “very critical” po litical condition, has solemnly as serted that they would make our position “impossible” in occupied lands by depriving the Army of food for defeated enemy peoples. In short, if these worried authori ties are right, the proposed $6,000, 000,000 slash—wholly apart from its effect in otfcer fields—would threaten both our security and the effective ness of our foreign policy. Any such economy would be penny-pinching carried to the point of folly. Reduced Federal spending is highly desirable, but if it is applied indiscriminately by cutting too much too soon, it can do lasting harm to the Nation’s long-term interests. Congress will be playing with fire if it fails to make full allowance for this fact when the time comes to vote on the budget. Palestine to the U. N. Formal announcement by Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin that Britain has failed in its attempts to find a solution for the Palestine problem and has therefore decided to carry the case to the United Nations, opens up a series of interesting possibilities. In the first place, Mr. Bevin did not disclose just how the case will be referred to U. N„ and, under the provisions of the U. N. Charter, Britain will have at least three choices. By invoking one clause of the Charter, Britain could pre sent the case directly to the Security Council, thereby getting a quick hearing, sigce the Council is al ways available to consider such a matter. The second possibility is to refer the case to the Trusteeship Council, although that body is not yet in operation. A variant under that clause would be for the Security Council to refer the matter to the Trusteeship Council instead of itself considering the matter. Finally, Britain may carry the issue to the U. N. General Assembly. That would entail considerable delay, since the Assembly is not slated to meet until next September, unless the Security Council should invoke a special Assembly session, which it is em powered to do. Mr. Bevin is expected to disclose the British government’s plan of reference within a few days when he lays the entire matter in detail before the House of Commons. It should, of course, be realized that merely referring this explosive problem to the United Nations or ganization does not guarantee a workable solution. Any genuine solution involves not only a willing ness on the part of both Jews and % i Arabs to accept and abide by what ever U. N. decision may -be arrived at but also the absence of delaying or blocking tactics on the part of U. N. members themselves. The Arab League is strongly represented in U. N.; Britain has its imperial interests to consider, and other nations are practically concerned in the terms of settlement. Lastly, the Jews have no formal representation in U. N., and it is probable that the Arabs would strongly oppose the grant of such representation. Both Arabs and Jews have already indicated that, under certain cir cumstances, they would not be disposed to accept a U. N. decision, and there is at present no inter national police force such as is envisaged under the Charter for carrying out a U. N. directive. All in all, therefore, the case of what has been aptly termed “The Too-Much-Promised Land,” may well turn out to be not only the hottest issue yet laid before U. N. but also a crucial test of the U. N. itself. Automatic Landings Experiments being conducted on the West Coast by the Army Air Forces may herald a new era of safety in aviation—an era in which airliners will be landed safely in fog or darkness by electronically oper ated robots. Such elimination of the possibility of human error in bring ing a plane to earth under condi tions of zero visibility would greatly reduce the risk of accidents. The tests involve a system of com pletely automatic landing control based on a combination of GCA, or Ground Controlled Approach, and standard “automatic pilot” equip ment. Under the GCA system—soon to be in operation at Washington National Airport, La Guardia Field and several other municipal airports —planes are “talked in” by a control tower operator who watches the approach of the plane on a radar screen. The human element thus is still to be reckoned with. The new device would be an im provement oyer the “drone” appara tus which guides pilotless aircraft to a safe landing. With the electronic control, the regular pilot in time of poor visibility would turn control of the plane over to the automatic landing device and (it Is hoped) his worries would be over. Since it may take as long to de velop this inventiqn as it has to perfect GCA to the point where it could be installed commercially, air safety authorities are not likely to change their plans for wider use of GCA. This innovation has proved remarkably effective at Army and Navy fields. The sooner it is adopted generally fo^- commercial planes, the greater will be its opportunities for saving lives. This and That ,By Charles E. Tracewell. "DUMBARTON AVE. "Dear Sir: "Your column is indeed a helpful and interesting one. Seems a lot of people read it. “On the bus the other evening I recognized two rather important local bankers. “I managed to get close to them so that I could listen to their words of business wisdom. I had thought I might hear a way to increase the interest on my savings account. “This is what I heard: ‘Now Tracewell in his column the other night • * • ’ “Thought you might be interested in something I mixed for the birds in my back yard yesterday, and which they completely devoured by the time the sun went down. “I started yesterday morning to clear out and clean my pantry shelves, and found some things I could get rid of. “I started mixing them together, and this is what came out: • “A handful of ancient raisins (I soak ed them to soften them), four pounds of wormy graham flour, half a box of ceiery seed, a handful of old prunes (which I,soaked and cut into pieces), a few old boullion cubes, a cup of old molasses, a handful of broken crackers, and a box of poppy seeds which the mice had refused. “Fired with ambition by now. I went to the ice box and dragged out some ancient beef and mutton grease (about two cups), some left-over yams that even our dog sniffed at, a half cup of sour milk, two bad eggs, and a handful of rancid nuts. “X put the above concoction into a large kettle, and commenced to stir, adding water. When the mess was formed into a soft mass, I put it outside on the grass. The birds fought over it. How proud I was! Hey, I hope they didn’t get indigestion! Should I have added baking powder? “Sincerely yours, P. C. C.” * * * sir No baking powder was necessary. There was quite enough in that mix ture, as it was! It speaks well for the digestion of birds that they can handle such a con glomeration of foods, some of them not any too good, at least from a human standpoint. It must be remembered, of course, that their alimentary tracts are only an inch or so long, so that short of poison, they usually do not have much trouble with their food intake. It is best, however, to give them only good clean foods, keeping in mind that rancidity and the like will not harm them. There is no shelf, no matter how good the housewife, which does not harbor one or more unwanted items, but which, as our correspondent demonstrated, could be made into acceptable items for the songbirds. Probably mixtures of three or four things are better than more elaborate ones. All mixtures should be allowed to cool before being presented to the birds. Such spreads are best on the lawn, rather than in formal feeding stations. Bad eggs are best left out, because these high protein foods can elaborate, in decaying, some of the most virulent poisons. The famous poisoned arrows of some South American natives are made from proteins. We believe that birds love mixtures, getting an almost human “kick” out of seeing what they can find in them. A few good sunflower seeds ought to be put in, if possible, because there is nothing the birds like better, and es pecially to find among other foods. Sunflower seeds, however, should not be cooked, but should simply be dropped into the batter after it has been mixed, shortly before serving It to the song sters. I Letters to The Star Broader Health Insurance Base Advocated By Doctor To the Editor of The Star: The present debate over the wisest administrative form for our national effort more equitably to distribute the high cost of a basic health security is of vital concern to every citizen. The mounting cost-of-living burdens make some practical form of solvent, pre payable, low-cost, risk-sharing health insurance a “must” for all of us. Fortunately for the taxpayer’s guid ance, a recently publicized complaint by Garfield Hospital offers a constructive commentary on the demonstrated limi tations of community self-help insurance plans. Simply stated, this nonprofit, privately operated hospital claimed that the current contract rates Group Hos- , pitalization, Inc., and Group Health Association, Inc., were paying for hos pitalization for their subscribers was insolvency short of their actual cost of production. A formula of solvency will require these corporations either to in crease subscriber rates or reduce con templated benefits. This has a threefold social and eco nomic significance to the average citizen in desperate search for a solvent, pre payable, low-cost minimal health secu rity. First, privately operated hospitals all over the Nation are voicing Garfield Hospital’s complaint. Contracted serv ices for subscribers of Blue Cross-type plans are being provided at the cost of deficit-spending. This is in spite of the fact that Nation-wide shortages in hospital beds have not only shortened the average patient-stay but many eligi bles could not gain admission to hos pitals even in grave emergencies. Second, at least in principle both G. H., Inc., and G. H. A., Inc., substantially conform to the actuarial and adminis trative patterns of the kind of voluntary health insurance plans organized med icine has approved as an adequate form of health security for the solvent. Our third point is a logical inference from the previous two. Both G. H„ Inc., and G. H. A., Inc., predicate their sol vency on a careful selection of the good risks and a calculated avoidance of the poor ones. To this end the aged and those with existing disease are not eligi ble for participation. Even those who are eligible have the totality and dura tion of their health insurance protection carefully limited to keep the program solvent. Definitely, sucji policies leave an appalling No-Man's-Land of unmet need for both the poor risks and those whose health hazards are truly catas trophic. As a self-appointed consumer counsel for the public, this writer presumes to suggest a basis for urgently needed com promise. Limit a national health insur ance program to the essential and the possible. Without discrimination make a solvent national health insurance plan available to three classes of risks in greatest, need of cost-spreading relief, child-bearing, catastrophic illness and the malignancies and degenerative dis eases of advanced years. It Is a real need and a real challenge to democracy. But in dedicating ourselves to such a task, let us remember that our passing from the privileged status of favorable risks to the desperate plight of poor ones may be much closer than we think. THOMAS E. MATTINGLY, M. D. Questions Weirton Testimony To the Editor of The Star: This letter is in regard to an article in your paper on February 12 dealing with the testimony of an attorney, Earl Reed, before the Senate Labor Committee. As you reported, Senator Murray read into the record some pointed facts from the La Follette hearings, con cerning the purchase of industrial mu nitions by the Weirton Steel Co., Mr. Reed’s employer. By way of denying these facts, Mr. Reed first threw mud at the La Follette Committee and then went on to say that the Circuit Court of Appeals found the Weirton Steel Co. not guilty of engaging in labor espionage. Your reporter does not indicate that the C. t. A.’s decision had nothing to do writh the La Follette Committee’s report. It is concerned solely with the hiring of labor spies. As an inquisitive citizen, I should like to know why a company and its repre sentative who found it necessary to buy tear gas and riot guns m order to keep “industrial peace” should be allowed to testify in regard to constructive labor legislation. ARTHUR P. ANTIN. Communism ‘Unconstitutional* To the Editor of The Star: In no manner can Communism be included under and operated within our Constitution. They cannot be reconciled. The installation of Communism here would require prior total destruction of our Constitution. Such action would be unconstitutional, since our Constitution requires that it be preserved, protected and defended. A Communist Party, ipso facto, never has been a legitimate party under our Constitution. It is not an agent for the defense and preservation of our Constitution and Government but is a conspiracy to destroy them. With deference to our courts, repeated riots and peace disturbances, with their assaults, traffic blockades and depriva tions of property rights, are not the valid exercising of any right of contract, free speech or of the press. They are acts in violation of the constitutionally guaran teed right of the people to the common defense of their domestic tranquillity and general welfare. They are the visible effects of a disciplined direction to “bore from within.” Any political party that advocates or tolerates such acts is not properly qualified for power under our Constitution and the same may be said of public office and citizenship. A housecleaning is overdue, either by the legislative, executive or judicial divi sions of the Government of the United States or by the American people, act ing as patriotic Americans, without re gard for existent political parties. CHARLES GALE. Anti-Vivisection Bill Again To the Editor of The Star: Recently Congressman William Lemke re-introduced his bill, H. R. 462, exempt ing dogs from vivisection in the District of Columbia. I wish publicly to con gratulate Mr. Lemke for his courageous and relentless efforts to outlaw a brutal and sadistic practice. We feel confident that with increas ing public enlightenment the ranks of supporters of this bill will rapidly grow. EUGENE J. HURDI iE, «Jr., Secretary-Treasurer. National Society for ihe Humane Regulation of Vivi section. a Getting Russia on the Beam Our Short-Wave Broadcasts Begin—An Effort to Send Truth Through the ‘Iron Curtain’ By Newbold Noyes, Jr. (First of a Series of Three Articles.) Today the United States starts broad casting to the Russian people. By 1 pjn., the first of a daily series of hour long radio shows, concocted by our State Department and beamed at the U. S. S. R., should be on the airways. The department’s Office of Interna tional Information and Cultural Affairs is not unfamiliar with this sort of work. The Russians will make up the twenty fifth language audience reached in peacetime by OIC’s radio division. But this one is something special and it is getting special handling. More than a few Americans, since the proj ect was announced, have expressed the view that here is a great chance to bore our way through the so-called •‘iron curtain” and give the Russians a political earful. They are likely to be disappointed in the programs worked out by Charles W. Thayer, the smart, young (37) chief of the international broadcast division’s carefully assembled Russian section. Very definitely, this will be a kid-gloves operation. The Voice of America plans to speak to our 1 Soviet friends in dulcet tones. Today, for example, on behalf of the Un^ed States, a sweet young lady will greet our new audience in perfect Rus sian. She will tell them who we are, and where and when they can hear us. She will say we hope to explain our problems to them and to tell how we are trying to solve those problems. She will quote President Truman on the importance of the new venture. Next come 12 minutes of domestic and foreign news, presented as objec tively as possible. After that, a talk on the relationship between our Fed eral Government and the 48 States. (Later, when the Russians know us better, we will tell them about Chekov’s influence on American literature and how Horace Greeley’s writings affected the thinking of Marx and Lenin.) subject for misrepresentation. The ether crackles with lies about us, and a confused _ world listens. We need not regard ourselves as lily-white to know that, in general, the simple truth will best serve our •'propaganda" interests. The question is, how do we get people to listen to it? In broadcasting to Russia, we are dealing with all the problems met in other Voice of America projects, plus some new ones. „ Assembling the right people to do such a job is never easy. In the case of these new Russian broadcasts, it has been a major stumbling block, ac counting for the long delay is getting started. When word first went out that the State Department was getting ready to broadcast to the U. S. S. R., the division was swamped with volunteer applicants. Waiters in Russian restau rants and bogus relatives of the Czars —Communists and Communist-haters who could speak the language—all leaped forward offering to put in their respective oars. How Staff Was Chosen. The task of weeding them out fell to Mr. Thayer’s chief assistant and right hand man, Nicolas Nobakoff. He left Russia in 1920. A noted composer, he has recently returned from Germany where he served as cultural adviser to Ambassador Robert Murphy, specializing on things Russian. Before that he had been a professor at St. John’s College and head of the composition department at the Peabody Conservatory of Music. Mr. Nobakoff’s job was to get rid of applicants who obviously would not do and to decide which ones, technically speaking, were capable of handling the broadcasts. All who betrayed they had personal axes to grind were automatic ally out. He ended up with about 25 possible candidates. I Have You in My Blood, Baby. Following 10 minutes of American folk songs and a brief discourse on recent medical developments in the United States, an orchestra will give out snappily with Cole Porter’s "I’ve Got You Under My Skin.” The Russians will be told this means, "I have you in my blood.” The experts decided Mr. Porter’s phrase might confuse a dia lectically minded audience. Then, after a quick summary of head line news, the Voice of America will sign off. It will be 10 p.m. in Moscow. For more than three weeks the broad cast division has been holding “dry runs” on the Russian show at its New York headquarters. This has meant hard work. Each day a program was pre pared and presented exactly as though it were being put on the air. Instead, it was merely recorded. Then the ex perts want to work on it, criticizing, adding, pruning. The next day’s pro gram showed the results of this effort. The Russian section caught itself making few mistakes in these rehearsals, but the ones they found were worth catching. It was discovered, in this way, that one commentator had been referring-to “cosmetic rays” when he meant “cosmic.” He was letter-per fect in the language, but when he left* Russia people didn’t talk much about cosmic rays. The test period also developed a con siderable controversy about the busi ness of saying "good night” at the end of each program. Originally the sign ing-off speech was intrusted to the same young lady who opens today’s show She breathed the final good night in the sweetest way imaginable, with a lingering, up-swept lilt which, even in Russian, had a strangely disquieting effect on all who heard. There were objections—some felt such “noctidictory” warmth was a little out of place. At last it was regretfully decided to turn this particular announcing job over to a male voice, and the Russians will be sent off to bed tonight with a polite but matter-of-fact salutation. They will never know what they missed. These are trivialities, of course, but they are parts of ah over-all problem which is by no means trivial. What can the United States do to get its story— its problems and hopes, its ideas about man and his world-known and under stood? Telling Onr Side of the Story. It is important that the world know and understand us. The forces which oppose us abroad find we are an easy rnese were put tnrougn me most rigid possible security check by the FBI. Seventeen of them, including Messrs. Thayer and Nobakoff, survived. They are all American citizens. Radio professionals have warned Mr. Thayer it is impossible for 17 people to write and produce a daily radio program an hour long. They say he needs a staff of about 60. Perhaps it is as well for Mr. Thayer— a State Department foreign service offi rer who spent seven years in Moscow— that he has never tried radio work be fore and therefore does not know what cannot be done. For even if he could recruit 60 people, or half that number, he would not be able to pay them. The Russian broadcasting project, like all other OIC operations, is to be con ducted on a shoestring appropriation. We Need a Babe in the Woods. Like his suoeriors in the broadcast di vision (who seem. Incidentally, to have plenty of the technical familiarity with radio that he himself lacks) Mr. Thayer labors under no grandiose illusions as to the probable size, composition or attitude of the Voice of America’s Rus sian audience. There are an estimated 1.500,000 radio sets in Russia. Most of these are equipped to receive shortwave and are therefore capable of picking up our broadcasts, which will be powerfully relayed by transmitters we control at Munich. It is estimated an average of eight persons listens to each receiver. It seems certain that most of these radios are in the hands of persons who, in the Communist understatement, are “politically reliable.” Nobody dealing with this problem here thinks we shall be able to appeal to the Russian people over the head of their government, or anything like that. What the State Department does hope to do is to give influential Russians who care to listen, or who can be cajoled into listening, an object lesson in the honest use of information. We shall of course try to tell our side of the story. This may have some limited effect on the thinking processes of information-starved Russians who hear us. But the main point is that we shall try to tell our part of the story only as part of the whole story. Gradually, in this way, we may be able to make even “political reliables” in Russia understand that the truth is never an enemy to people of good will. On that basis, even as a gamble, this experiment in ideas seems to be an undertaking of unusual significance. (Another article in this series will appear tomorrow.) On the Record By Dorothy Thompson So far I have attempted to avert my eyes from the obscene performance In Washington staged by Senator McKel lar, Democrat, of Tennessee, in an at tempt to prevent the confirmation of David E. Lilienthal as chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. The performance has been all too humiliating for any one who has, and wishes to preserve, faith In the dignity of our most august legislative body. Senator McKellar, I have said to myself, is just one of those things that have to be endured. Meanwhile, Mr. Lilienthal has been giving such an exemplary demonstration of how a man should act under circum stances that humble not him but his attackers, that he is certain to emerge victorious—as light always is stronger than darkness. Therefore, I preferred to forget, as quickly as possible, the snide queries re garding the place of birth of Mr. Lilien thal’s mother and other irrelevancies. I wanted to remember, instead, his statement on the meaning of democracy. I was filled with vicarious pride that a fellow American should have the intel lectual talent and moral poise to avert with such clarity and nobility a slap across the face. I chanted to myself "integer vitae” and the rest of the col lege song, thinking Mr. Lilienthal, Amer ican Public Servant No. 1, was strong enough in his virtue to need no defense of journalistic arrows. However, there are reports that the Senate may not confirm him after all, and that Senator McKellar might win. So the unthinkable is thinkable. Sena tors White, Republican, of Maine; Bridges, Republican, of New Hampshire; Wherry, Republican, of Nebraska, and Taft, Republican, of Ohio, are reported to be closing in for the kill, in an at tempt to demonstrate, apparently, the neolithic character of the Republican Party. Among Republican leaders, only Senator Vandenberg appears to be re taining both dignity and sanity. * * * * The Republican Party seems to have become somewhat hard of hearing as the result of the explosion of Its recent victory. If its ears were more delicately attuned to the fickle sound of the ebb and flow of public opinion, it would know that if there is one thing the American people take seriously it is the fact of the atomic age with all its im plications. The American people associate Mr. Lilienthal. first, with the greatest con structive achievement of the New Deal, and second, with the report on atomic control, which became the basis of our 1 foreign atomic policy. This policy is, supposedly, we are told, “bipartisan.” The GOP should also know that the people trust the judgment of scientists on this matter a great deal more than they trust politicians. If Mr. Lilienthal is not confirmed, the scientists will, I think, make loud, derisive noises. The people realize that atomic energy, the greatest potential source of power ever discovered, belongs to them — and not to private companies and power in terests. They are bound to conclude (a) that Mr. Lilienthal has proved himself an intrepid protector of the public in terest and (b) that some of the Senators involved ip the fight against him have proved themselves intrepid protectors of private power interests. This combination of facts very easily can do what the Republicans now think is impossible—namely, re-elect Mr. Tru man. Republican support for Senator McKellar is just about the greatest political gift that has been bestowed upon the President. If David Lilienthal were a Communist, he would, I think, have been discovered by this writer, who lately has been ac cused of "Red-baiting.” I first exposed the life history of Gerhard Eisler. But Mr. Lilienthal is as much a Communist as the late Senator Norris—or Henry George! * * * * Atomic fission is the greatest chal lenge ever made to our civilization and to all its institutions and systems, in cluding the Communist. As Vincent Sheehan was the first to note publicly, its discovery challenges not only the orthodox capitalists but also the ortho dox Marxist. Mr. Lilienthal, thank heaven, is neither. It remains for Re publican Party leaders, however, to try by all means to prove the validity of Marxian reasoning! The only thing, in my estimation, that will control the atomic bomb, is the most rapid possible development of atomic energy. This will demonstrate that the perennial quest of states for raw materials—basis of Imperialism and war—is obsolete. The peace-atom and the war-atom thus face each other, and Mr. Lilienthal is the man who wants to start the peace-atom moving. We, for our part, have no desire to be pushed into the Ice Age by minds—like that of Senator McKellar—that are still in the Stone Age. (Released by tbe Bell Syndicate, Inc.) Robbing the Robbed Prom the Houston Post. Our candidate for the dumbest man of the year is the New Yorker who has been holding up people as they were leaving night clubs. Business Seeks Men Who Led War Effort Moreell’s Steel Appointment Latest Example of Trend By David Lawrence Announcement that Admiral Ben Moreell—the man who organized tha Seabees in the United States Navy— has been made chairman of the board and president of the Jones & Laughlln Steel Corp. is an indication of a trend toward the selection of generals and admirals for important posts in private industry. It means that the Government itself, with its budget cutting, is going to lose some of the best staff organizers and administrators it has had, but it means, too, that private industry is going to find in the roster of military and Navy men sopne executives of exceptional ability. Not long ago the Hoppers Co. of Pittsburgh, one of the Nation’s large industrial enterprises, put Gen. Brehon Somervell, former head of the Army Service Forces, in charge as president. The general—a man of extraordinary capacity—did the undramatic but nevertheless vital job of seeing to it that the front lines not only were backed up with the requisite supply of man power and equipment but that the necessary units behind the lines were available for the countless tasks that go with servicing the largest Army this country ever mobilized. It will be recalled that after World War I, industry took many of the mili tary men. Gen. Robert E. Wood went to Sears Roebuck as its chief executive and Gen. Harbord, who was head of the Service of Supply in France, became the chairman of the board of the Radio Corporation of America. Recently Ad miral Emory Land became head of the Air Transport Association. Other Officers Getting Posts. Other military and naval officers are being selected for important posts hi industry, and it is interesting to ob serve that Admiral Moreell will come into one of the large labor areas with a considerable experience. It was he who handled for the Federal Govern ment the seizure and operation of the oil refineries and pipelines when the Navy took them over, and It was he who acted as Federal coal mines admin istrator. Admiral Moreell has the respect of the labor groups in this country. His memo rable speech before the American Fed eration of Labor during the war was a frank and understanding statement of the labor problems of the Government and industry in relation to war produc tion. Sometimes it is assumed that military men are too rigid or even narrow in their experience to become executives of big business instlutions. But this is erroneous. The “military mind’’ of tra ditional concept is not the same with regard to administrative work as it is with respect to troops. Experience gained in the Army, Navy and Air Forces can readily be translated into benefits for industry and business, provided the men selected have actually had broad-gauged organizing and administrative problems to deal with. Business Needs Leaders. Thus both Gen. Somervell and Admiral Moreell operated business organizations and encountered all sorts of questions which are not unlike those found in private industry. Big business enterprises necessarily must have administrators who know how to organize and handle large numbers of men. Thus Admiral Moreell started the Seabees—the construction workers of the Navy—with a force of 3,000 which gradually grew to 250,000. He, himself, was not a Naval Academy graduate but he reached the four-star status just the same. His Seabees have been glorified and properly so, because they landed immediately after the am phibious operations of the Navy and, often under enemy fire, built strips for airplanes and housing facilities for the invading forces. To see big business taking the admirals and generals who made good on the administrative and organizing side is a recognition of the fact that nowadays war operations are not confined to men with a knowledge of war strategy alone but with the same kind of organizing and administrative ability which private business needs. The incident perhaps has broader sig nificance. Many a young officer looking for a job has been told he has had "no experience." When he has recited what he did in the Army, Navy or Air Forces, he usually has been advised that this isn’t "experience." Yet top generals and admirals are being selected who have had “experience" that business recog nizes. Maybe the personnel departments of the businesses of the country should think twice about the value of military experience for younger officers, too. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) Tall Talk From the St. Louis Globe-Democrat. The State Department suggests that what is bothering the world in this per plexing postwar era is "cartohypnosis." The department’s weekly bulletin de fines its diagnosis as hypnotism by car tography—or for the benefit of ordinary folk—map making. The world has had enough of cartography, to say nothing of etymology. With all due deference to the State Department, what Is both ering the world is governmental tall talk, an affliction which all diplomats are prone to acquire. A good many of the world’s problems may be solved if they can be reduced to language eveiy one can understand. There Will Be Others! From the Boston Daily Globe. Henry Wallace is on the high road to success as an editor. He’s just started m and already he has a squawk from an indignant reader. Where the Tree Stands Where the tree stands, its shadow grows In purple stain on the drifted snow. And where the sun descends the sky A crimson glow seems to defy The approaching dark. One star gleams bright— First of the jewels of the night. The cold is sharp as a dagger drawn From winter’s sheath; the air grows wan As the red recedes, and the shining frost Lies on the snow; the lovely, lost Day is forgotten. Aloof and chill Above the distant frozen hill The moon rides high. Now the silent tree Again throws shadowed symmetry. But black as soot on the moonlit snow Where tiny footprints come and go. MART WILLIS SHELBURNE. 1 '