Evening star. [volume], April 04, 1947, Page A-12, Image 12

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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A—12 FRIDAY, April 4, If47
Make the Mines Safe
In the light of alarming dis
closures concerning uncorrected
hazards at the Centralia mine, Sec
retary of the Interior Krug's drastic
order closing 518 other mines of
questionable safety, though it comes
late in the day, is thoroughly justi
fied. The Centralia disaster has
brought revelations of confused
jurisdictions in mine-safety enforce
ment, of failure to comply with
safety standards and of the admix
ture of State Inspection activities
with politics.
It has not yet been established to
what extent any or all of these fac
tors were responsible for the death
of 111 miners at Centralia, but it
Is evident that the Centralia mine
is not the only one affected by them.
In Illinois, at least, all mines have
been subject to the same sort of
politically controlled safety-enforce
ment service as prevailed at Cen
tralia." Ugly stories following that
catastrophe indicate that State
mine inspectors have been spending
a considerable amount of time and
enerjcy recently in the solicitation of
political campaign funds from mine
operators. Political shenanigans of
this nature are not conducive to
firm and impartial mine Inspection,
to put it mildly.
Since the States, not the Federal
Government, have primary respon
sibility for enforcement of mine
safety regulations, it behooves State
authorities to take stock of their
mine-inspection departments and
mak'i! certain that they are efficient
enforcement agencies in fact, not
political machines. Having been
Jealous of their right to control
mines within their borders, the
States have a heavy responsibility
which they must measure up to. But
for the circumstances of Government
seizure of the - mines, Mr. Krug
would have been powerless to close
the mines which Federal or State
Inspectors have found to be unduly
hazardous. Ordinarily the federal
Inspectors can only advise, not
command compliance.
Even now there is a question as
to how far the Government can go
in requiring the mine owners to
correct existing hazards. Some op
erators have reported inability to
obtain safety equipment recom
mended by inspectors, because of
shortage of materials. Cost of such
equipment is another deterrent.
Some miners have resisted safety
measures. The union itself shares
culpability in not having taken full
advantage of the authority rested
with its Mine Safety Committees.
Whatever the difficulties, it seems
obvious that either they must be
surmounted in some way—yet to
be determined by the various
Investigating groups—or the mines
which are definitely dangerous will
have to remain closed. This is one
point on which the general public
will find itself in full agreement
with John L. Lewis.
Our Air Strength
Not 'long ago the United States
had by far the greatest air strength
in the world. Today, however, it
does not have as many operational
planes as Russia. Indeed, accord
ing to Senator Brewster, its mili
tary aviation is rapidly falling be
hind-not only Russia's but Britain'»
as well.
Of bourse, with the war over,
there is no reason why our armed
forces should have scores of thou
sands of planes. If the Russians
and tfte British are ahead of us
merely in quantity, Senator Brew
ster's statement need not be taken
too seriously. Numbers alone do not
count for much if they cover only
the types ci planes useçl against
the Axis—types that [may be re
garded as largely obsolete now.
What counts is quality, plus the
ability to convert readily to the pro
duction of advanced aircraft of
every description. If we hold the
lead in that respect, we can feel
reasonably secure.
The truth seems to be, however,
that we are not holding the lead.
At any rate, Senator Brewster's
statement has been underscored by
some highly disturbing figures from
General Echols, our wartime deputy
chief of air staff for procurement.
According to General Echols, our
plane production in 1946—a total of
1,330 military planes and 467 trans
ports—"was worse than in peace
time 1939," when we built 2,500 air
craft. In his judgment, "if some
thing isn't done about the situa
tion. and quickly, we're going to be
right back to the point we reached
after World War I when we had
only three manufacturers in the
business." To support this warning,
he has estimated that we are now
turning out only about 400 plane
engines a month, with half of these
produced by a single company. As
he sees it, most of our heary air
craft industry is operating in the
red, and the danger is that little
will be left of it, or of its "know
how," if it continues to lose money
and is deprived of other incentives.
In terms of the future, this is a
potentially serious situation. We
cannot keep on producing planes at
the wartime rate, but certainly there
ought to be a systematic minimum
flow of orders for new and experi
mental types—orders designed to
give us a lead as regards both the
quality of our aviation and our
ability to convert swiftly to large
scale output. The air age makes
this a security essential.
Mr. Toft on the Atom
It is difficult to understand how
a man of Senator Taft's intelligence
can have taken the position he has
taken regarding the fearsome prob
lem of the atom. His attack on David
E. Lilienthal—which Mr. Lilienthal
happily survived in yesterday's re
commital vote—is of secondary im
portance. What is of prime impor
tance is the type of thinking that
went into that attack.
To begin witn, it may be saia inai
Mr. Taft has betrayed a woeful per
sonal misconception of the meaning
and purpose of the so-called Ache
son-Lilienthal report on interna
tional atomic control. That trail
blazing report was never meant to
be anything more than a tentative
but indispensable start on the pro
posals later submitted to the United
Nations by Mr. Baruch. Yet Mr.
Taft has interpreted it as having
been a "naive" final plan that would
have promptly handed over the A
bomb and our related secrets to
Russia. Any one who has read the
report,, or who has taken the trouble
to reread it, must regard such an
interpretation as a distortion that
is hardly excusable.
But much more serious than this
misinterpretation is Senator Taft's
attitude toward the whole effort to
subject the atom to world control.
Apparently he thinks the Baruch
plan is not much better than the
Acheson-Lilienthal report, out of
which the plan grew. He would have
the United States immediately with
draw it from the United Nations.
He would have the Army and Navy
run nuclear fission in this country.
As for the future, he would be will
I ing—on some vague and distant
date—to try to devise and negotiate
a "better" set of proposals. In short,
he is afraid of action now; he wants
to do nothing but hold on indefi
nitely to our secrets.
Unfortunately, however. Mr. Taft
does not seem to have taken into
full account the fleeting nature of
those secrets or the fact that every
nation of consequence—even though
we keep our knowledge completely
under wraps—very probably will be
able to produce its own A-weapons
five, ten, or fifteen years from now.
Nor does Mr. Taft seem to have
weighed the alternatives to world
control. If we are to have no con
trol, what must we expect? We must
expect the deadliest armaments race
in the history of mankind—a race
that could end in an abomination
and desolation not far removed from
the annihilation of humanity. Of
course, there is another possibility.
With nuclear competition already in
full swing, but with ourselves in ex
clusive possession of the bomb, we
could conceivably become ruthless,
amoral and frightened enough to
try to destroy all potential opposi
tion in a forehanded "preventive"
war.
To be sure, given continued Soviet
opposition to our atomic proposals,
the worst may happen. But this is
no time for Senator Taft and other
Americans of like mind to join Rus
sia—as they are now doing, in their
own fashion—in that kind of vision
less thinking that can be the death
of our civilization. It is much too
early to give up trying to harness
the atom for peace along the lines
of our American plan. If there are
risks in that plan, they are as
nothing compared with the risks in
volved in the alternatives.
War Game Teamwork
It is not surprising that the ac
cent is on interservice co-operation
in the first big postwar maneuvers
designed to test American defenses
in the new era of guided missiles
and jet planes. The war games were
Begun this week in Georgia, with
500 senior Army, Navy and Army
Air Forces command and staff offi
cers participating or observing. On
the sidelines also are military and
naval representatives of British,
Canadian and several Latin Ameri
can countries.
The imaginary invaders already
have consolidated a landing In
Florida and have moved northward
toward Georgia. Whether the land
ing was preceded by an atomic
bombardment of strategic cities and
strong points is not clear. Nor are
details available as to how the
enemy succeeded in breaching our
Caribbean defenses and pulling a
surprise invasion of our mainland. \
Where was the Navy? That is be
side the point. All that concerns
the defenders at the moment is the
task of throwing the invaders back
into the sea—or liquidating them
before they get there.
Dispatches from correspondents
make it plain that the war games
of today are a far cry from the
wooden-gun, simulated-tank ma
neuvers of prewar days. The tempo
is much swifter, the weapons awe
somely formidable (57-millimeter
recoilless rifles and 75-millimeter
howitzers raining from the skies
with men to use them) and the
tactics reveal lessons learned by
bitter experience in \yorld War Π. !
Above all, however, the maneuvers
are benefiting from the combat- i
proved system of all-service team- 1
«
work developed during the late war.
Army, Navy and Air Force officers
have found It not only practicable
but absolutely essential to work to
gether under a single, co-ordinated
command when taking the field
against a common foe. Thus, while
the Air Forces have been assigned
a major role in the current games,
it is reassuring to know that rival
ries evident in the merger contro
versy have been put aside and that
land, sea and air services are play
ing the game -as one team. Such a
combination is hard to beat, as our
enemies found in World War II.
Extending Rent Control
In view of the continuing scar
city of rental housing, President
Truman could not logically do
otherwise than request that Con
gress extend Government controls
over rents beyond June 30 next. If
Congress believed that these con
trols were necessary last year, it is
hard to see how it can fail to grant
the President's request for a year's
continuance, for there has been no
appreciable change for the better
in the rental situation during the
past year.
There has, it Is true, been &
gradual revival of home and apart
ment construction since the easijg
of construction controls, but there
still exists a country-wide shortage
of rental units, especially in the
cheaper categories. "Vacancy"
signs on desirable houses and apart
ments still are virtually nonexist
ent. Apartment seekers daily wait
eagerly in newspaper lobbies for
first-run editions which may con
tain newly advertised places to live.
A Federal survey of eighty-eight
cities in 1946 showed that these con
ditions are general.
Such being the case, the need for
further regulation of rents and
evictions to prevent any unscrupu
lous landlords from taking uncon
scionable advantage of distressed
families is just as compelling now
as it was when the rent-control
policy was adopted.
At the same time, there is merit
to the contention of some members
of Congress that consideration be
paid to the, plight of landlords
caught in the vise of rent ceilings
and increased maintenance and
operational costs. Those who are
being unfairly penalized by Federal
controls deserve some relief, whether
it be in the form of a flat percent
age increase, as proposed by the
House Banking Committee, or the
regional readjustment plan favored
by the Senate Banking Committee.
Even-handed justice» requires that,
landlords as well as tenants be safe
guarded «gainst inequities.
Ex-Mayor La Quardia may have
his faults, but once In a while he
says something significant—as, lor
example: "I think that a work of
art should be beautiful, should in
spire Instead of distress, and please
instead of annoy."
This and That J
By Charles E. Tracewell
' ' · - 1 -Î ; 1 ' !
Once every year Templeton Jones loses
hie right glove.
This annual affair is most likely to
take place on a snowy day.
Jones seldom wears the right glove,
because he cannot make change, use
a handkerchief or do anything else with
one on.
Hence, he carries his bare right hand
in his overcoat pocket.
* * * *
What worries our friend is the rapid
ity with which the glove disappears
when inadvertently dropped.
No matter if he realizes his loss in
two seconds, when he turns around to
look, the thing is gone.
If there is no one there, it is gone
just the same. Dogs may account for
it, we suggested.
Jones agrees that there is nothing a
dog likes better for a plaything except
a slipper.
"But how do you account for the fact
that I lost the two others on downtown
streets? There are not many dogs
there," went on Templeton Jones.
* * * *
"I do not mean the loss, of course,
but how do you figure it that the gloves
disappeared so quickly?
"There I was, on a normally crowded
sidewalk. I looked down and realized
my right glove was gone.
"I turned immediately and walked
back. I looked carefully, but there was
no glove in sight.
"What worries me is the speed with
which some one picked them up—and
concealed them.
"You might think that no one would
want just a right glove."
1 Ψ ψ Ψ ψ
Here we interrupted our friend.
"Maybe somebody wears only a right
glove, just as you practically wear only
a left one."
"Perhaps," admitted Jones. "Maybe
they are left-handed people, these who
pick up my gloves so quickly.
"I honestly believe that if I dropped
it out of my hand, with my eyes glued
to it, it would be gone before it hit the
sidewalk."
"That," we put in, "would be magic,
not cupidity: and it is greed, as we
gather it, which you suspect."
"You put it plainly, as usual," said
Jones. "I do not understand people
who would want one glove."
"But you wear just one," we could
not help but say.
"I have two," said Jones. "That is,
I do until I lose one. I can understand
the man who picked up that 25-cent
book I dropped one afternoon. He
simfily swept it- into his pocket. I must
say he had a good eye, because I got
another copy, and it was a swell story.
"He, at least, had the satisfaction of
some good reading. But what in the
thunder can a man do with one glove?"
"Wear it, of course," we stated.
* * * *
Templeton Jones drew on his left
glove.
"I will admit that the finder can wear
it, but there must be no «atssfaction in
it for him. He mus; have a guilty
feeling.
"Now I, with but one glove, know
that somewhere there is a glove that
belongs to me. I get satisfaction out
of that."
"And the finder," we interjected,
"knows that somewhere there is a man
wearing a mate to the one he has on.
If you two men ever meet, one without
a glove on his right hand, and the
other without one on his left, you can j
extend to each other the hand of fel- j
lowship without much trouble."
With this conclusion, however, for
some reason or other, Templeton Jones j
did not seem to agree. 1
i 1
Letters to The Star
A Registered NursePlead·
for Better Salaries
To the Miter oi Tht Star:
I am writing to you in desperation
regarding certain articles in the news
papers about the training of practical
nurses at Gallinger Hospital. Not only
do they intend to train them in a short
time, but will pay them à salary of $1,920
per year. I am one of the younger
nurses who gave up good war-time jobs
to enter training. Now, after three years
of good honest effort, I find that women
with much less training and experience
are to receive the same salary as I.
There an, besides the younger nurses,
thousands who served overseas and
came home to find that they had worked
to help save the lives of our men and
uphold the honor of the profession, only
to be shoved aside by an inexperienced
girl.
I have no objection to practical nurses,
but they are of little or no value in a
hospital. To check this statement you
might ask just how many duties they
are allowed to perform in regard to
charting, giving medication or treat
ments. Practical nurses on special duty
must rely on the floor nurse to do these
things and yet they are allowed to
charge the same fee as registered nurses.
My point is mai u tne money is το dc
spent, why not spend it on something
worthwhile? Instead of training ten
practical nurses for a few months each,
why not spend the money to train one
student for three years? There are
thousands of girls who have the ambi
tion, but are without funds.
Solving the Shortage.
I know the need is immediate but in
stead of singing the old song "Relieve
the Shortage" change the tune to "Raise
the Salary of the General Duty Nurse."
You would soon find many well-staffed
hospitals.
The minimum wage for registered
nurses in the District is $165 a month.
This (in terms of days) is $5.50 from
which withholding tax is deducted. This
is practically the same wage a domestic
receives for a day, except that she is
usually provided transportation. How
many professional people work for such
a low salary?
Other ways to relieve the shortage
would be:
1. Establish small day nurseries con
nected with the hospitals in order to
allow married nurses to work and yet be
assured their children are cared for
properly.
2. Establish schools for brush-up
courses in order that nurses who have
not worked for a long time could gain
a few lessons that they have half-for
gotten and so regain confidence to ac
cept the responsibility of caring for the
lives of others.
3. Lower the entrance fees in a uni
form manner, so that all nursing schools
in the United States have the same
rates.
4. Provide scholarships for high
school graduates who would make ex
cellent nurses, but can't affoi'd tuition.
REGISTERED NURSE.
The Numbers Racket
To the Editor of The Star:
Your editorial entitled "Penalize All
of Them" was read with a great deal of
interest. Your statement that "it is an
open secret that numbers betting goes
on daily all over the city" is quite true.
This practice may be stopped if
every offender caught is given the limit
of the law and not "let off easy" just
because he is not the "big shot." Jail
terms, perhaps, will lead some of them
to obtain legitimate employment.
I am not criticizing any particular
court because jail sentences have not
been given to "small" or "big" who·
violate the law. However, any kind
of gambling is bad. It is not only the
numbers racket. Gamblers of all kinds
should be either relentlessly prosecuted
and convicted in accordance with the
law or there should be a law passed
allowing gambling in the District of
Columbia to raise badly needed revenue.
If the law is so widely broken and can
not be enforced, it should be repealed
and a law which can be enforced should
be enacted.
SOTEEIOS NICHOLSON.
On Izzat, Yurt, Etc.
To the Editor of Tht Star;
Proemially speaking, it occurs to me
that acedia is largely responsible ior
the present lack of concinnity in mod
ern writing and speaking. However,
although I am somewhat of a younker
in the art of phrasing sesquipedalian
isms, I cannot let the alopecia of your
pedanticism go unchallenged.
The reason for not using the other
398,000 words referred to in your April
1 editorial ("Why Not Izzat?") Is pri
marily due to velleity and the fact that
improving the vocabulary encounters
the sequacious situation:
A man with a pronounced lisp
learned to enunciate the sibilants in
"Sister Suzy sewing shirts for soldiers."
But he later remarked, "It ith thuch a
hard thententh to bring into ordinary
converthathion."
Unless the newspapers of today desire
to burke the matter, it behooves ye
editors to improve the rhetorical izzat
of your writers. A simple editorial
accomplishes little. Distribute thesau
ruses to your scribes and penalize them
for failing to exorcise the anathema
of reconditeness.
With this parthian arrow, I shall "fold
my 'yurt' like the Arabe, and silently
steal away." LARRY PORTER.
Objects to Passion Play
To the Editor pt The Star: -
In your editorial "News From Oberam
mergau" you wrote with marked en
thusiasm over the prospect of a revival
of the Passion Play, which brought sucji
fame to that little village in the Ba
varian Alps.
I witnessed a performance in 1910 and
observed the emotional impact of the
Passion Play on the audience. Neither
I nor a Christian minister, my com
panion, carried away the Impression j
that the acting was a "consecration" and ;
the play itself a "sacrament." We saw
a performance that was conducive only
to the creation of prejudice in minds
that had harbored none before and to
the revival and intensification of re
ligious hatreds that had perhaps lain
dormant. The story fcf the Crucifixion
was enacted with blood-curdling realism,
and the spectator never was allowed to
forget its cardinal motif—that Jews
brought about the cruelties practiced on
the Christ agonizing on the cross. The
wonder to me, as well as to my com
panion, was that some in the audience,
with the deepest emotions stirred by the
ghastly, portentous spectacle, did not
fall upon the first Jews they met in the
street and tear them limb from limb.
Surely, you do not think that the anti
Semitism which brought millions of
I
A Quiz—Answers Supplied
Some of the Questions With the Replies on Our
Greek-Turkish Policy
Editor's Note: Following u a con
densed version of questions and an
swers relating to the Greek-Turkish
aid bill· The questions were prepared
by Senators and answered by the
State Department:
Question: Is not the Greco-Turkish
question one to be submitted entirely to
the jurisdiction of the United Nations?
Have we bypassed the United Nattons?
Answer: Mr. Acheson dealt at some
length with this aspect of the problem
* * * He said in part;
"If Greece had applied to the United
Nations or any of its related organiza
tion*, the essential element of time would
have been lost and the end result would
have been the same. The funds would
have to come primarily from the United
States. The United Nations does not of
itself possess funds. The Economic and
Social Council is an advisory body that
recommends economic, financial, and
social action to member states. The
International Bank, which is just now
completing its organization, is set up pri
marily to make self-liquidating loans
for long-term reconstruction purposes.
It has not yet made any loans what
soever. The Economic Commission for
Europe is still in its early organization
stage.
H may oe ui»i> si suuie iuvuic uuic
the United Nations will be organized and
equipped so as to render emergency aid
to member states of the kind now needed
in Greece ar.d Turkey. But, as the Pres
ident said, the United Nations and its,
related organizations are not now in po
sition to extend help of the kind that is
required. Even if some organ of the
United Nations should decide to recom
mend assistance to Greece and Turkey,
it would have eventually to turn primar
ily to the United States for funds and
supplies and technical assistance. Even
if the project were not blocked by the
objections of certain members* of the
United Nations, much time would have
Desn lost, and time is of the essence.
"In the longer range, the United Na
tions may be able to take over various
parts of the economic and financial
problems in Greece and Turkey. We are
giving serious study and consideration
to ways in which the United Nations may
take hold of this problem after the
present emergency is past."
U. N. Is Investigating.
Question: Does not the United Nations
have a commission in Greece right now
to investigate charges of external ag
gression by Yugoslavia and Bulgaria?
Why not wait for this report? When
is it expected? What action will the
United Nations take if its commission
reports agression? How will this tie in
with our plans? What will be our next
step if neighboring countries containue
to violate the Greek border?
Answer: The United Nations does have
a commission presently in Greece to in
vestigate charges of foreign interference
by Yugoslavia and Bulgaria and Albania.
As explained in the testimony given
by Acting Secretary Acheson before the
committee, the emergency will not per
mit us to wait for the commission's re
port. Also the commission is investi
gating only one phase of the Greek
problem which is before us. Conse
quently, its report will cover only that
phase and will not give an answer to the
problem as a whole. Finally the work
of the commission will be fruitless if all
authority in Greece should collapse for
failure to receive this emergency assist
ance.
It is expected that the commission will
begin writing its report April 7 and that
it may be ready within two or three
weeks thereafter.
In the event that the commission's re
port substantiates the charges made,
there are a number of measures which
the ^Security Council could take under
the provisions of the charter. The State
Department cannot forecast at this time
the action which may be taken.
Our plans and the proposed course
of action are entirely consistent with any
foreseeable action which the United Na
tions might take.
Commitments Under Charter.
Question: Is the United Nations likely
to lose interest in its co-operative efforts
if America agrees to accept world-wide
responsibilities and commitments? If
we act outside of the United Nations
in this instance, will other countries do
likewise when it serves their purpose?
Answer: In signing the charter of the
United Nations the United States ac
cepted the most far-reaching and funda
mental world-wide responsibilities and
commitments for the maintenance of the
world's peace and security and hence
our own. United Nations' effectiveness
depends upon the willingness of the
United States to carry out these re
sponsibilities. What the United States
proposes to do in assisting Greece and
Turkey is an implementation, by the use
of our own resources, of our responsibili
ties and commitments under the charter.
The United States is supporting the
United Nations, not acting outside of ·
the United Nations.
Question: Why cannot the World
Bank be used to meet the situation in
Greece and Turkey? If not available
now, will it be likely to be available later
to relieve us from this continuing bur
den?
Answer: It Is the departments view
that the bank cannot be used to meet
the immediate situation in Greece be
cause a substantial degree of economic
recovery and political stability must be
accomplished there before Greece will
be a good credit risk for the bank.
The bank Is not, of course, an agency
designed to advance such funds for
military purposes as may be required to
accomplish the stated «objectives of the
proposed United States program.
Question: Why cannot some of these
loans be made from the Export-Import
Bank?
Answer: The time considerations
* * * regarding the World Bank apply
to the Export-Import Bank. ,
Greek Credits with Britain.
Question: Are there $220,000,000 of
Greek credits blocked in London banks,
which the Greeks cannot use outside of
the British sterling zone, and which
Greek Embassy officials here say they
could spend if released for the same
kind of relief we shall be asked to pro
vide? If so, is there no way to use
these credits in this situation?
Jews to their death in German torture
dungeons and gas chambers was a Nazi
invention. It had become ingrained in
the German character through hundreds
of years, and Hitler only carried it to
its practical result.' Ober&mmergau
could not have failed to make a sub
stantial contribution to it.
In keeping with the attempt that is
being made to create a common brother
hood between Christian and Jew, we
should oppose every effort to revamp
the intolerant spirit which brought un
told suffering to the Catholics in Eng
land, to the Protestante in Prance, and
to the Jews everywhere.
RABBI C. A. RUBENSTEIN.
Baltimore, Md.
Against Reparations for Russia
To the Editor of The Stir:
I note in the press that Russia is mak
ing the matter of reparations settlement,
involving some 10 billions to her, an j
essential condition to her dealings in '
r
Answer: on rvnruary ft, an, ine
Bank of Greece bad available unpledged
freely expendable sterling exchange in
the amount of 21,500,000 pounds, equiva
lent to $86,000,000 St the rate of «4 to
1 pound. Of this amount roughly half
constituted a loan from the Bank of
England originally granted for the pur
pose of currency stabilization.
In addition, the British government
recognizee an obligation to the Oreek
government in the amount of 12,300,000
pounds (#49,200,000) for British military
authority notes issued in Greece and
drachma advances by the Bank of
Greece to British military forces. This
amount is almost completely offset by
obligations of the Greek government
to the British government for expenses
Incurred by the British on Greek ac
count. The settlement of these obliga
tions would net Greece only about 500,
000 pounds sterling (equivalent to
$2,000,000), available for expenditures
by Greece in the sterling area.
Question: What other countries, in
the opinions or plans of the State De
partment, may require similar aid? Do
we have a general policy of aid or sup
port for other countries?
Answer: At the present time the
State Department has no plans for the
extension of similar aid to other coun
tries. It is believed that the prompt ex
tension of the aid proposed to Greece
and Turkey would have the effect of en
couraging constructive, democratic
forces in other areas and thereby of re
ducing the possibility of similar situa
tions arising elsewhere.
Mo sccrei vonnaunicuM.
Question: Does the United SUtes
Government have any undisclosed «om
mitments to foreign nations as a result
of promises made at previous confer
ences by the late President Roosevelt or
by President Truman or by former Sec
retaries of State Hull, Stettinius, and
Byrnes?
Answer: All tripartite agreements
among the United States, the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics and the
United Kingdom have now been made
public with the publication on March 24
of the texts of the Teheran, Yalta, and
Potsdam agreements.
Question: Are there any commit
ments concerning (a) control of the
Dardanelles; (b) the status of Greece;
(c) the status of Turkey; (d) control
geherally in the Mediterranean; (e)
control of the Suez Canal; and (f) ac
cess to the oil fields of Iraq and Iran?
Answer: The United States Govern
ment has no commitments concerning
the niatters mentioned other than those
contained in the Charter of the United
Nations.
Question: Has the State Department
any information which would indicate
that the United States would be re
quested or required to send any armed
force to Greece in the foreseeable future
if this loan is made?
Answer: The State Department does
not possess any information to indicate
that the United States would be re
quested or required to send an armed
force to Greece in the foreseeable fu
ture.
VgUGâblUIl. 1U LUC υμιιιιυιι vi uic wvew
Department, would Russia be entitled
to interpret the proposed assistance as
an uniriendly and overt act on our part
justifying retaliatory measures on the
part of the Soviet Union?
Answer: In the opinion of the State
Department the Soviet Union would not
be entitled to interpret the proposed as
sistance as an unfriendly and overt act
on our part, justifying retaliatory
measures on the part of the Soviet
Union. The assistance proposed is not
directed against any legitimate Inter
ests of the Soviet Union. The establish
ment of stable political cogitions and
a sound economy in Greece Vill, In our
opinion, greatly diminish the possibility
of friction arising out of the Greek
question.
Overthrow Would Alter Policy.
Question: Would the United 8tates
provide relief for the Greek people if
within the next few weeks there should
be an upheaval resulting In the estab
lishment of a government under the
domination of Greek Communists? If
the Communists should gain control,
would we follow the same policy as it
is proposed to do at a time when Greece
is under the control of the constitutional
monarchy?
Answer: A government under the
domination of Communists could come
into power in Greece in the next few
weeks only through subversive action by
& minority against the will of the ma
jority. That being the case, the United
States would not propose to follow the
policy which we are submitting to the
Congress at the present time.
Question: In case the respective gov
ernments of Greece and Turkey fall in
spite of our efforts, then what do we do
about it?
Answer: We believe that ir this pro
posed program is carried out the demo
cratic constitutional systems of Greece
and Turkey will be preserved. If, in
spite οf our assistance, that should not
be the case, our course of action would
have to be determined in the light of the
new conditions thereby created.
Question: What will be the extent of
the military aid proposed for Greece
or Turkey as to personnel and costs?
Answer: With respect to military
personnel. It is contemplated that only
limited, technical personnel would be
required, having as its function to de
termine the details of the military re
quirements of Greece and Turkey and
to assist in assuring that the financial
assistance granted to enable Greece
or Turkey to organize and equip their
armed forces will be effectively utilized.
Secretary Forrestal suggested before
the committee that perhaps at the out·
set three or four naval officers and
possibly 20 or 23 men would be sufficient
for the limited purpose of advising the
Greek authorities. Secretary Patterson
indicated a rough estimate of approxi
amtely between 10 and 40 Army officers
might be adequate for similar purpose·.
Under the terms of the proposed legis
lation any personnel sent would serve
only in an advisory capacity. No com
bat armed forces would be supplied. * * *
It is contemplated that About
$100,000,000 will be allocated to,the Turk
ish program, all of which > would be
used for the armed forces or to a lesser
extent for economic projects directly
related to Turkish security.
other respects with the matters before
the prime ministers.
So far as I am concerned, I think that
she should get nothing, but, in fact, pay
reparations to us and England and
France because she was as much an
aggressor as Germany, in that ah·
joined With Germany in the attack
upon Poland and got her share of the
loot. I am (me of those who believe that
if Russia had not signed up with Hitler
it is highly probable that Hitler would
never have attacked Poland, and if this
probably is true, we ought to demand
reparations from her as being a Joint ag
gressor with Hitler. We have no particu
lar obligation to Russia, as she was fight
ing to save her type of totalitarianism
and not in any sense to "save democ
racy." That was as much a misalliance
for us as Hitlers with Japan was for
Germany. Both were acts of mutual con
venience, and maybe necessity. The prin
ciple governing both acta was the same.
GEORGE W. WILLIAMS.
4
Truman Furçble Seen
In Telephone Crisis
Action for Seizure of Propertie·
Suggested to Prevent Strike
By David Lawrence
President Truman Is fumbling again
In a major labor crisis. Forewarned this
time as he was last year when the rail
strike was called, the President Is Wait
ing 1er the damage to be done to thé
Nation before he starts measures of
alleviation.
Although Mr. Truman has known for
weeks that a crisis was coming in com
munication Industries, he has not asked
Congress for authority to deal with the
situation, and only this week did όοτ
ernment attorneys begin thumbinv
through the law volumes to see if they
could And some power to prevent the
strike or terminate it after it once gets
going.
The only remedy the President offered
Congress on the rapidly growing labor
management war was the propos»! for a
commission to study matters further.
Doubtless for political reasons and a
desire to curry favor with labor uniras,
Mr. Truman decided to let the Repub
lican Congress carry the ball.
Already the House Committee on
Labor has recommended action, but the
Democrats are fighting this, and there
is scant chance of any legislation being
epacted unless the crisis next week
forces it.
But the broad powers already pos
sessed by tne President under wartime
statutes might be invoked, though this
is no solution. It merely means that
as soon as war powers have been re
pealed the test will come again.
rnone service «lui,
Telephone service le vital to the health
and safety of the Nation. To paralyze
communications is to inflict a devastat
ing blow on the Amercan people and t« '
cause many millions of dollars of eco
nomic losses to innocent parties.
The right of a union to mobilize mem
bers for a Nationwide tie-up is a far
cry from the right of the individual to
quit work. The Wagner Labor Relations
Act has encouraged these nation-wide
monopolies and the wielding of unpre
cedented economic power.
The telephone companies are regu
lated by public service commissions of
the States and by the Federal Communi
cations Commission as to the rates they
may cfiarge. Inasmuch as their in
come is regulated, they are not free to
increase their expenses unduly and run
the risk of cutting the income of thrifty
individuals whose savings have been
invested over the years on the assur
ance that the management would pru
dently protect such Investments.
If there is to be a continuance of
regulation of income, then some means
of controlling expenses also must be
found and the right of a national union
to flx wage rates from coast to coast
on the telephone circuits cannot go un
regulated.
Hotel Strike incident.
The extent to which the telephone
union exercises its monopoly can bt
inferred from an incident which hap
pened in the midst of the hotel strika
in Washington last year. Telephone
operators refused to handle long-dis
tance calls to or from the local hotels.
This was a violation of Federal laws,
because operators are not supposed to
divulge the nature of calls which they
handle and any attempt to boycott
hotel residents is to eavesdrop and in
terfere with communication.
But the local company, while aware
of the violation, found it unwise to dis
charge the workers for fear it would
precipitate a walkout and a paralysis of
the whole service in Washington. The
Congress, which is considering legisla
tion to prohibit secondary boycotts,
might well examine what happened In
the hotel strike as an example of
damage to the public Interest and to
citizens who are deprived of telephone
service by workers who are not them
selves a party to a labor dispute but
choose to apply their collective eco
nomic power to assist other groups in
their disputes. ;
The telephone strike would be a
serious thing for the Nation, but it can
be avoided if President Truman recog
nizes his responsibility of leadership
and demands that legislation be prompt
ly enacted giving him power to seize
the properties and to set up machinery
for the settlement of the current dispute.
(RfProduetlen Ri*ht.« R»ifrr«l )
Time Is Priceless
Trom the New York Pott.
Delay is wholly unreasonable. No
matter what other concerne may occupy
the Congress, the strengthening of our
ability to forestall aggression is primary
and pressing. It is obvious that the
United States must maintain that abil
ity. There is no excuse for failure to
adopt the most efficient and economical
means. Time is not only the priceless
element of war. It is equally the price -
lees element of peace. Even after the
Congress has authorized the War De
partment plan (for universal military
training) it cannot be put into opera
tion at once. Hie Army must have time
to set up its training centers, arrange
programs and recruit instructors befor·
the first young men can begin to learn.
The world of 1947 still ia too far from
peace to permit us the luxury of a
leisurely pace in talcing those steps nec
essary to guarantee our ability to oppose
force with force if factors beyond our
control force us to do so. We believe
we should do everything possible to pre
vent the necessity of armed action by
spurring the complete organization of
the United Nations. In the meanwhile
we should build our strength. Again
we say to Congress: Don't delay!
Quite α Metropolis!
From the Cleveland Newi.
There is talk lately In New York of
building a bus terminal, and a town
that big probably could support road
•hows.
Command Performance
The silver net of dusk now fades away
Before the night's deep velvet curtain
ing.
A tudden ttar illuminates the way
Of parks and lanes where waits the
subtle spring.
But something is amiss, for anxious eyes
Search out the distant horizons of cloud
That veils the beauty of soft tremulous
skies
And hides romantic ceilings like a
shroud.
One star is not enough for nights like
these;
Tor questions asked and answers to be
given ;
But hush! there's gold entangled in the
trees %
,Like something spilled from out the
mint of heaven;
For riding down his royal purple lane
The indispensable moon is here againt
RUBY ALTIZER ROBERTS.
i
J