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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, April 05, 1947, Image 6

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A—t SATURDAY, April », 1947
More Lives Can Be Saved
Tempering the satisfaction which
Washington naturally derives from
winning the National Traffic Safety
Contest award for 1946 is the grim
fact that so many more lives might
have been saved had some of the
traffic victims observed elementary
traffic precautions. Analysis of the
trend of traffic accidents here and
elsewhere shows, for exenple, that
If çome way could be found to pre
vent pedestrians from crossing busy
streets In the middle of the block, a
substantial drop in fatalities would
iollow Immediately.
Even as announcement of the
award by the National Safety Coun
cil was being made, Washington's
record of traffic fatalities for 1947
was being further Increased by the
death of a woman who was struck
by a streetcar while crossing U street
in the middle of the block. That
brought the death toll so far this
year to twenty-two persons—seven
more than had been killed at this
time last year. Significantly, fifteen
of this year's traffic victims, or ap
proximately 70 per cent, were pe
destrians. Police found that in
eleven of these cases it was the
pedestrian, not the motorist, who
was at fault. In two other cases the
blame was divided between pedes
trian and motorist. The driver was
held to be primarily responsible in
the remaining two cases.
Washington is not alone in noting
a preponderance of pedestrians
among traffic casualties. The Eno
s Foundation's recently published
Traffic Education Guidebook con
tains a national study showing that
pedestrian fatalities lead all other
types of traffic deaths, the ratio
being two to one in large cities;
that most of the pedestrians killed
were elderly or extremely young, and
that two-thirds were "either violat
ing traffic laws or committing un
safe acte, such as crossing between
Intersections, crossing against lights
or walking in the roadway."
These findings make it plain that
there is real hope for a further re
duction in traffic fatalities in the
field of pedestrian education and
control. Intensified enforcement of
pedestrian regulations will help to
save more lives. But more than en
forcement is needed. A greater
awareness by pedestrians of the
dangers of violating not only estab
lished regulations but the ordinary
principles of safety is essential if the
annual traffic toll is to be materially
Hundreds of years ago Shake
speare said: "Who steals my purse
steals trash." Not a bad prediction,
from a chap who never paid an
Income tax.
Booker T. Washington
All Americans, not merely those
citizens of African descent, have
reason to be grateful for the services
of Booker T. Washington. He was
born In slavery and knew from bitter
experience what poverty means in
terms of ignorance and suffering.
At seventeen he was admitted to
Hampton. There he learned the
pattern of education which he
adapted to Tuskegee during the
thirty-four years of his leadership
there. But much of his philosophy
was distinctly his own. He possessed
an original genius which still is felt
more than three decades after his
death. The essential doctrine with
which his name is most durably and
constructively associated is that of
advancement by merit.
Dr. Washington asked nothing for
himself and nothing for his people
undeserved. He believed in the
dignity of labor and was particularly
concerned with the development of
skills and techniques which should
be of practical value in the ordinary
businesses of life. Caring deeply for
the beauty and the bounty of nature,
he taught the need to keep close to
the soil not simply as an expedient
but also in the sense of a tie with
Providence itself. His profound
affection for humanity at large was
demonstrated In ^iis emphasis on
co-operation, mutuality and good
will. Thus he won the praise of
Henry Watterson for his beneficent
influence and of Theodore Roosevelt
for his practice of justice and love
of mercy.
Many Washingtonians knew Dr.
Washington personally and admired
him for his courageous spirit, his
gentle heart and his equitable mind.
He studied here at Wayland Semi
nary in 1878 and 1879 and frequently
visited here for weeks at a time.
Thus he came to be regarded as a
near neighbor, and when finally his
career closed In the autumn of 1915
he nowhere else was more sincerely
mourned. Overwork killed him at
fifty-nine. Tuskegee is his memorial
—a Bring monument; but the
homage to be paid to him today on
the ninety-first anniversary of his
birth Is evidence of something even
greater—a lasting place in the folk
tradition of America. His example
is a common heritage for the whole
Another Reprieve
If Attorney General Clark is cor
rect in his conclusion that the Fed
eral Communications Act gives the
President authority to take posses
sion of the telephone system, and
if Mr. Truman is resolved to use that
power should need arise, there would
seem to be littl? danger of a serious
telephone strike next week.
If the strike should be called as
scheduled, the Government, under
the authority of the Supreme Court's
decision in the coal case, could se
cure an injunction forbidding the
walkout. But this probably would
not be necessary, for John J. Moran,
chairman of the National Federa
tion of Telephone Workers, has
stated that if the Government finds
a legal basis for seizure of the tele
phone industry, and acts upon it,
the NFTW members will remain at
their jobs.
The effect of tnis, again assuming
that Mr. Clark is right in his inter
pretation of the law, is to give the
country something in the nature of
another reprieve from a paralyzing
strike. But it is a reprieve which
would be limited apparently to in
dustries within the jurisdiction of
the Federal Communications Com
mission, and it can be effective only
for the duration of a state of war
and six months thereafter.
This by no means goes to the
heart of the problem inherent in
the threatened telephone strike, or
in a strike affecting any vital pub
lic utility. That problem may be
stated in this fashion: The Bell
telephone system Is a monopoly, but
it is a monopoly whose rates and
services are closely regulated by
the Government, acting in the pub
lic interest. The union (or unions)
representing the employes of the
system is also a monopoly, but it is
not subject to regulation in the
sense that the company Is. Barring
some accident of law such as. the
discovery of an emergency wartime
provision which can be made to ap
ply to a strike, there is nothing to
prevent this union or any union
from resorting to a strike to enforce
its demands, and this without re
gard to the adverse effect on the
public interest.
This, then. Is the hard core of
the problem of strikes in public
utilities—how to protect the public
from excesses by the unregulated
party to a monopoly. While a state
of war lasts we may be able to
muddle through by resorting to one
dubious device after another. But
eventually Congress will be forced
to act upon the recognition that it
cannot continue, in the public in
terest, to regulate utility manage
ment and permit utility labor to do
as it pleases.
The worst thing about abstract art
is that it is not abstract to the
vanishing point.
* Our Pacific Trusteeship
The approval by the Security
Council of the United Nations of
the terms on which our Government
has proposed its U. N. trusteeship
to the former Japanese man
dated islands in the Pacific is inter
esting, less for the outcome than
from the manner in which it was
From the very first, we had made
it plain that we considered effective
control over these islands vital to
our national security. Won from
Japan as they had been in the late
war by a great expenditure of blood
and treasure, we are today in full
control of the islands and do not
intend to relinquish them or share
them with any other power. Under
these circumstances, the sole Ques
tion was whether our control was to
be formally ratified by the U. N. or
whether we were to maintain our
control unilaterally.
To this decision of our Govern
ment there was no basic opposition.
The debate before the Security
Council therefore revolved over in
cidentals. And it was here that
somewhat surprising complications
developed. Attempts were made to
restrict the terms of our trusteeship
for technical or economic consider
ations which did not conform to the
facts of the case. These attempts
were vigorously rebutted by our rep
resentative, Warren N. Austin, who
made it abundantly clear that they
would not be tolerated.
Mr. Austin contended that these
small islands, with a negligible
population and virtually no eco
nomic resources, had only a stra
tegic value which was indivisible. Hi
therefore announced that, if the
American proposal were not ac
cepted, our Government would with
draw its trusteeship proposal rather
than exercise its right of veto to a
potential negative vote by the Coun
cil itself. This was in effect a
"shadow veto," since the result
would have been to leave the United
States in possession of the islands,
with no intention of modifying the
situation. Admittedly, this was
"power politics," but it ie a game at
which other powers have consistent
ly played, and this country did not
intend to be outmaneuvered for
technical considerations. Therefore,
we have acquired U. N. sanction for
the "strategic" trusteeship which
we have demanded.
It should be noted that other
islands, such as Iwo Jima and Oki
nawa, likewise conquered by our
arms but originally acquired by Ja
pan in full sovereignty rather than
under a mandate from the former
League of Nations, are not now in
question. Their disposition must be
decided by the peace treaty which
will regulate the permanent status
of Japan and its outlying posses
sions. Tet there, likewise, military
control will be an important factor
in the eventual decision.
Signal for Confirmation
After some ten weeks of exhaus
tive hearings and sharp debate
much of it mere sound and fury—
the opposition has failed, in a deci
sive test vote, to recommit' the
President's appointment of David
E. Lilienthal as chairman of our
Atomic Energy Commission. Had
the recommital move succeeded, the
only sensible course for Mr. Lilien
thal would have been to withdraw,
from the fray. Fortunately, how
ever, he has passed the test, and it
is up to the Senate now to do the
common-sense thing by confirming
him without further delay, together
with the President's five other ap
pointees to the AEC.
The weakness of the case against
Mr. Lilienthal became apparent
weeks ago. The opposition, led by
the feuding Senator McKellar, had
more than a sufficient opportunity
—and made the most-of it—to show
how he failed to qualify, but it could
not convince the Senate Committee
on Atomic Energy. By a vote of 8
to 1, that committee recommended
that all alx appointments be con
firmed. Chairman Hickenlooper
went out of his way at the time to
describe the former head of the
TVA as able, vigorous, honest, and
a man of great administrative
talent, who could not rightly be
accused of Communism or Com
munist sympathies. The same view
was expressed by Senator Vanden
berg in his eloquent speech Just
before action on the recommital
motion. The 52-to-38 vote against
this measure has in effect closed
the argument, and only diehards
would seek to block confirmation
now. . 1
During all the time that has
elapsed since the President first
made his nominations, our'Atomic
Energy Commission has been largely
stalled. The chairman-designate
and the other appointees, with their
status in doubt, have been unable
to make vital decisions. Further de
lay cannot be justified. The test vote
in the Senate should now be fol
lowed—as expected—by final con
firmation within a few days. On the
strength of the record, we can be
confident that Mr. Lilienthal and
his colleagues are well equipped to
handle their tremendous responsi
bilities. If they are not, that fact
will become known soon enough,
and the Senate will be able to act
accordingly when their interim
terms expire in the summer of next
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
"Dear Sir:
"I have just read your column and
note that you have had no reports from
nearby Maryland on the red-breasted
"We are very much Interested In
birds, and saw the red-breasted nut
hatches feeding at the suet last year
for the first time; they also appeared
a number of times this winter.
"You may also be interested to hear
that at the Mme of the heavy snow
fall some weeks ago we had three quail
come to the yard for bird seed, which
we put out in a cleared-off space. They
came regularly for several weeks, and
were very interesting to watch.
"Yours truly, P. B. W."
* * * *
"Dear Sir:
"Perhaps your Virginia readers are
better correspondents. Certainly we
have the red-breasted nuthatch here in
Montgomery County. Our feeder is
visited constantly during the winter by
at least two Individuals. They are still
with us.
"A high point in bird watching at
our pl&ce this year was having a flock
of 12 quail come to eat under the
feeder for several days after the recent
heavy snow had been on the ground a
"Cedar waxwings had never descended
from the treetops here (where we
had Identified them through binoculars)
until about 10 days ago, when a flock
of 36 came to the bird bath.
"Since then we have seen them dally.
Sunday' they crowded into the bath
in such numbers it was quite hidden,
with others fluttering in the air wait
ing their turn to alight.
"The first robin in our yard this
spring was seen March 11.
"We had a Carolina wren early in
the winter but have not seen him for
two months. A month ago a pair of
Eastern tree sparrows spent a few days
in the yard. We have large flocks of
purple finches and about a dozen white
throated sparrows.
"When you speak of killing rats with
red squill, I always wish I could
interrupt and suggest a 20-cent trap
instead. The latter worked much bet
ter for us and with less trouble and
expense. #
inanxs to your description 01 proper
method, I bare caught (and killed)
six moles and expect to banish them
entirely this spring. In early January,
when It was so warm and summery,
I caught one.
"Very truly yours, R. S. B.
"P. S —We have had bluebirds nest
ing here for two years. About six of
them had been feeding on holly berries
this winter, but have been absent a
"Where do you think they have
gone? It seems mysterious, this
temporarily absenting themselves. They
also have been missing on the Kenwood
course for the jame period."
* * * *
The trouble with rat traps is that
they sometimes catch birds.
Any one who has put out a trap
for a rat, only to find In it the next
morning a beautiful cardinal, will realise
that red squill has some good point·.
Red squill is not a poison. In a sense,
but a material which will make It
impossible for rats to live. Let us put
it that way. Other small animals
are able to throw it up. Rodents lack
the vomit reflex, hence must keep the
material down, to their undoing.
Bluebirds cannot be denied the right
to migrate, when they choose. Our
correspondent's birds probably have
gone North for a time. They may
or may not be back.
These lovely birds do not find modern
conditions exactly to their liking. (Who
can blame them?) They look around
for a nesting site, do not find it, or
do not find one exactly to their liking,
they move on, not being Immune to
the universal migration Idea firmly
planted In so many of the birds. If
they com· back, finally, so much gain
f A
Letters to The Star
' National Gallery of Art Held
Fair to American Painters
To the Editor of The Star:
I would like to reply to some of the
criticisms of the National Gallery of
Art, made by a Mr. A. Benjamin in a
recently printed letter to The Star.
The first and most obvious answer
to criticism of a collection of paintings
in which there is a preponderance of
"foreign" over "American" art, is the
reminder that American painting barely
covers 200 years, while the history of
western art goes back to the 13th cen
tury. One* of the functions of a great
museum is to provide material for the
student. Just as the American student
of literature reads Shakespeare as well
as Whitman, or the American lawyer
studies common law that goes back
hundreds of years, so the American
student of art is interested in the en
tire history of art. It is Impossible to
isolate American culture from the west
ern civilization of which it is a part.
It is not a question of "American" or
"foreign," but rather one of "old" and
"new"; in order to appreciate the new,
it is necessary to understand the old.
And in this respect, the National Gal
lery already has a marvelous collection.
No longer need the American be satis
fied with black-and-white or poorly
colored reproductions; or travel abroad
to see examples of the masters' work p
the great schools and famous names
are represented here. It is not the
"singular" lack of Americah painting,
but the comprehensiveness of a collec
tion so new, that is amazing!
The point is not to deprecate what
we have, but to hope that the National
collection will continue to grow, a
monument to the taste and public
spirit of American collectors and a con
stant source of education and pleasure
to student, connoisseur and amateur
In the meantime, it aeems to me that
the National Gallery makes the most
of the American work It has. Mr. Ben
jamin finds American painting: treated
with "cool condescension" by the gal
lery staff. I found four of the last
eight, in the series of weekly lectures
presented by the gallery,- devoted to
American art. I also find magazine
articles, as well as books on my shelves,
dealing with American art, written by
members of the National Gallery staff.
As for the French moderns (the term
is Mr. Benjamin's) with which he says
"the place reeks," is he referring to the
particular paintings in the gallery, or
to the fact that they are there at all?
The pictures in question represent an
important movement in French 19th
century painting, and are always of
interest to the student, whether or not
one admires the work. It is impossible
to Ignore men like Manet, Monet, Gau
guin or Cezanne, their position in
French art or their influence on all
subsequent work, including much of the
"American art" Mr. Benjamin so sorely
misses from the gallery walls.
And as for the large number of guards,
any one who remembers that the "Mona
Lisa" was slashed to ribbons as it hung
on the wall of the Louvre will agree
that some of the unique and priceless
canvases in the National Gallery are
worth protecting. J. C. G.
Co-operative Monopoly?
To the Editor of The Star:
May I, as one who has been actively
Interested In national affairs lor more
than 70 years, make a suggestion for
what I believe to be a greatly needed
reform at Washington? It may not be
generally realized that by the special
privilege of exemption from taxation
business enterprises known as co-oper
atives have come to be a most unde
sirable monopoly. By the exemption
granted them the Federal Government
is deprived of millions of dollars in
taxes while these co-operatives are in
grossly unfair competition with legiti
mate business enterprises which have
to pay heavy taxes for the privilege of
doing business.
Co-operatives have been given this
special privilege on the plea that they
are nonprofit institutions, the subter
fuge being that their profits are pro
vided in additional stock instead of in
cash. Another special privilege given
them by the Government has been easy
loans at low Interest rates by which
co-operatives have expanded rapidly.
However, perhaps the strongest indict
ment of co-operatives is that their pro
motion tends directly toward the de
struction of private enterprise and the
promotion of collectivism.
Wichita, Kan.
Vulture· in Our Midst
To th· editor of Til· Star:
Once when I was young, I had a vision.
It produced a profound misery and
foreboding in my mind that has lasted
keenly through the years. Only now
does its meaning approach an answer
In my mind. I thought I saw a lordly
eagle perched composedly upon the
branch of a tree. Its eyes were open
and apparently mindful of the surround
ings. Soon a great black bird, some
what smaller than the eagle, softly
alighted on the same branch close to
the larger bird. Quietly the monster
protruded a long red tongue, slim and
pointed like that of an adder, the tip
of this tongue found lodgment within
the ear of the eagle, but so softly and
dexterously that the mighty bird seemed
unaware of Its presence. From time to
time the tongue retracted bringing with
It small increments of brain matter.
As this action proceeded the eyes of
the eagle slowly lost their luster; there
followed a blank stare, but the noble
bird In no wây moved during the ordeal.
Now, as I become painfully and fear
fully aware of the inertia of our people
—the slow attrition of the wisdom and
will of my country, through the mach
inations of a foreign power—I wonder
if my vision was not, like those beheld
by the seers of old, a profound warning
of momentous change. Could it mean
that the United States will be menaced
nigh unto death by the vultures in our
midst ere awareness of our plight causes
us to find means to avert such frightful
danger? ~*
How long must we tolerate the work
of traitor· before effective measure· are
taken to cleanse this Nation of the
deadly virus that threatens to destroy
its economic life and the treasured free
dom that has been our priceless heri
Fear «s Cause of Delinquency
To the editor of The sur:
Each of us should be alarmed, not so
much about Juvenile delinquency but
about the causes thereof.
The so-csllçd "delinquents" of this
generation, we must remember, are the
children of thousands of parents who
experienced World War X, survived seri
ous depressions and wwnamlo failures.
They inherited their parents' mental
afflictions. Insecurity and anxiety,
caused by economic worries and fear,
are the forerunners of many tragedies,
with harmful effect on the human nerv
ous system. When this Is strained,
relaxation must come in some form.
Who can say with assurance that these
fears, arising from economic Insecurity,
may not be the causes of our present
! alarming increase at heart diseases?
ι Children vb· cannot understand the
development of the atom bomb never
theless fear that they will be blown to
bits some day. This also applies to
adults. When children of World War H
parents grow up, unless m assure them
of more security, and not cause them
to feel that each generation must fight
and die in van in order that others
might survive, they mil not be any
different than the "delinquent·" of
today, perhaps much won·.
Greek-Turkish Aid Policy
. Its Racations Are Further Explored in A "r "*s
to Senators1 Questions
(A condensed version of questions
by Senators and State Department
answers on aid to Greece and Turkey
is printed below.)
Question: Is it our purpose to support
the present Greek government; that is,
the monarchy? Is it our proposal to
support the present Turkish govern
Answer: It is our primary purpose
to assist the Greek people, so that they
may retain the opportunity to choose
the form and composition of their
government in accordance with the wish
of the majority. This also applies to
Turkey. We do not conceive it to be
our function to influence the judgment
of these two peoples with regard to their
Question: Is it the view of our Gov
ernment that the governments of either
or both countries are democratic?
Answer: It is the view of the State
Department that both the Greek and
rurklsh governmepts are essentially
democratic and thatt both are progress
ing along the road of democracy. The
essential democracy of these two gov
ernments is, it is believed, demonstrated
by the fact that in both countries sub·
stantial opposition parties are not only
legal but are carrying on an energetic
campaign of criticism of the govern
ments in power without hindrance by
the governmental authorities.
Tne umtea states Government does
not propose to dictate to either Greece
or Turkey the form or composition of
its government.
The Communist Party is legal in
Greece and carries on its activities
freely within the limits of the law
which regulates all political groups.
The existence of a Communist Party is
not permitted in Turkey and it is be
lieved that there are very few Com
munists in that country.
Activity of Greek Communists.
Question: What evidence has been
submitted which would lead one to
believe Russia is attempting to take over
the governments or to establish govern
ments which would be dominated by
Russia In éither or both countries? Is
there positive evidence of Russian in
Answer: An examination of the Presi
dent's message and of the proposed
legislation will indicate that the Presi
dent has not charged that any specific
country is attempting to take'over the
Greek or Turkish governments or to
establish governments dominated by it
in either or both countries.
With regard to Greece, it would ap
pear to the department, from the in
formation available to it, that the prin
cipal threat to Greek independence
comes from armed groups In Greece led
by Communists. The purpose of these
armed groups appears to be to prevent
the reconstruction of an independent,
democratic Greece. There is no doubt
that these armed groups are receiving
encouragement from abroad.
So far as is known, there are at pres
ent no organized armed groups in Tur
key intent upon undermining the inde
pendence of that country. The pres
sures of various kinds which have been
exerted upon Turkey from without dur
ing the last 18 months are so well known
that it would appear to be unnecessary
for them to be set forth in detail by the
State Department at this time. It is
hoped that aid to Turkey would prevent
the development of conditions within
that country which would render it diffi
cult for it to withstand pressures from
without which might threaten its inde
No precise figures are available re
garding the number of members which
the Communist Party has at this time in
Greece and Turkey. It is believed, how
ever, that that party has relatively few
members In each country. The threat
to Greek independence comes not so
much from the number of Communists
In Greece as from the groups which the
Communists have been successful in
dominating as a result of the economic
misery of the Greek people. The Com
munist Party In Turkey is outlawed and,
therefore, such Communist activities as
are carried on in that country must be
of a secret character.
Possibility of War Doubted.
Question: Do our military authorities
feel that Soviet Russia's military
strength is such that they are likely to
take action against the Untied States
either in connection with our entrance
into Greece or as the result of some
other dispute arising during the next two
Answer: In the opinion of the State
Department, there is no reason to believe
that any country would find provocation
for action against the United States as a
consequence of our proposed course in
the Greek crisis.
Question: After our missions have
moved into Greece and rehabilitated the
Greek Army and spent millions on re
construction, could Greece, with our as
sistance, resist Invasion?
Answer: The purpose of ouc proposed
assistance to Greece is not to put Greece
in a position to resist overt aggression
by foreign countries. Our objective is
to so streAgthen the internal economic
structure and the Internal security of
Greece that she will be relieved of the
danger of the overthrow of constitu
tional government by an armed mi
nority. \
Question: What is the size of the
Greek Army? the Turkish Army?
Answer: According to such Informa
tion as is available, the Greek Army
numbers approximately 100,000 men, and
the Turkish Army between 500,000 and
Assistance te China.
Question: Does the administration
contemplate action to "ass 1st" the Cen
tral government in China agaiiut its
armed Communist minority similar to
that now being proposed in Greece?
Answer: As was explained by Secre
tary Acheson in testifying before the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs,
March 20 and 21, the situation in Greece
is quite different from that in China.
This Government, therefore, does not
propose to follow Identical courses of
action in the two countries.
Question : Is there more need for pro
tecting the present form of government
in Greece than in any of the other
Balkan countries.
Answer: Greece is the only Balkan
country which has thus far been success
ful in maintaining a democratic form
of government, and the State Depart
ment is of the opinion that it is In the
Interests of the United States that
Greece should be permitted to exist as
an Independent, democratic, econom
ically sound state.
Question: If British troops are with
drawn from Greece and American
troops do not replace them, what plan
will be followed to maintain law and
Answer: It is our expectation that
with the assistance to be provided by
the United States in the form of
supplies and equipment, together with
the improved conditions which should
result from the provision of American
financial and technical assistance, the
Greek Army, gendarmerie and police
forces will be adequate to maintain law
and order in Greece.
Question: Does our entry into Greece
and /Turkey under the circumstances
proposed by President Truman entail
the abandonment of the Monroe Doc
trine with its corollary that if European
countries keep out of North and South
America, we likewise shall keep out of
Answer: president Truman^ proposal
does not entail in any respect an
abandonment of the Monroe Doctrine.
We do not understand the alleged
corollary contained in the above ques
tion to the effect that if European coun
tries "keep out" of North and South
America, we shall "keep out" of Europe.
Twice in the last 35 years the United
States has gone to the assistance of
democratic countries in Europe by send·
ing 3,000,000 men at one time and 4,000,
000 men at the other time. After World
War I, the United States contributed
approximately |2,000,00β,000 to the relief
and suffering in Europe. Since World
War II, we have contributed about $4,
000,000,000 for the same purpose. Presi
dent Truman's present proposal is to
respond to the requests of two nations
which have asked for assistance from
the United States.
Question: Would a gift of money to
Great Britain for Greece achieve the
same purposes? Have any attempts been
made financially or otherwise to %ssist
Britain to remain in Greece?
Answer: No consideration has been
given to the possibility of making a gift
of money to Great Britain to be spent
for Greece. It is not believed that such
a course would be an appropriate or
desirable way to respond to the request.
Question: Did President Truman
know of this impending emergency
when he advised Congress on March 3,
to allow selective service to lapse?
Answer: The President did know of
the impending emergency at that time.
No Bargain With British. ·
Question: Will the British govern
ment relinquish any of her claims to oil
interests or controlled trade in the
Middle East in return for our substitu
tion for her role in Greece?
Answer: The proposed aid to Greece
is not for the benefit of the government
of Great Britain. There is, therefore,
no reason for the Government of the
United States to bargain with the gov
ernment of Great Britain or any other
third government, before extending aid
to Greece of the kind proposed.
Question: What steps are being taken
to convince the Soviet Union that our
policy is not aimed at construction of
an encirclement of Russia?
Answer: There is nothing secret about
our proposed policy. It has been fully
'set forth in the President's message and
published throughout the world. We
do not consider that there is any ground
for construing our policy as being aimed
at the encirclement of any country and
we believe that the speedy carrying out
of the proposed action along the lines
set forth by the President will be the
best evidence that our objectives are
solely those stated by the President.
Question: What guaranties are being
sought from the Greek government con
cerning political freedoms in Greece?
Answer: This Government is not pro
posing any special guaranties from the
Greek government concerning political
freedoms in Greece. The existing con
stitution and laws of Greece contain
provisions guaranteeing those freedoms.
Greece's problems do not arise from lack
of constitutional guaranties but from
disturbed conditions which impede the
operation of constitutional government.
Question: What are the British com
mitments in Greece? Which of these do
they give up on March 31? If a British
military force remains in Greece, what,
if any, obligations have we to support it?
Answer: So far as this Government
knows, the British government has no
binding commitments in Greece other
than an obligation to furnish certain
financial assistance up to March 31,1947.
The United States would have no obli
gation to support any British force
which might remain in Greece.
No Promise to Send Troop·.
Question: Has there been any under
standing, oral or otherwise, with the
Greeks that we would furnish other
than advisory aid In military matters
if it became necessary, that is, that we
would actually use troops if circum
stances seemed to require it?
Answer: There has been no under
standing of any nature to this effect.
Question: What is contemplated as to
policy in the Middle East in relation to
petroleum reserves? In Iran? In Iraq?
In Saudi Arabia?
Answer: It should be clearly under
stood that our program for assisting
Greece and Turkey is not connected
with any oil concessions which American
companies may have in the Near or
Middle East.
The objectives of the foreign policy of
the United States, so far as oil is con
cerned, are of a universal nature. These
objectives, as stated in the Anglo
American petroleum agreement now
pending before the Sepate, may be
briefly summarized as follows: That
the interests of producing countries be
safeguarded with a view to their, eco
nomic advancement; that valid conces
sion contracts and lawfully acquired
rights be respected; that the acquisition
of exploration and development rights
be governed by the principle of equal
opportunity; and that supplies of pe
troleum be accessible to the nationals
of all countries on a competitive and
nondiscriminatory basis.
Question: Why is the proposed pro
gram of assistance to Greece and Turkey
in the self-interest of the United States?
Answer: Should Greece or Turkey, as
a result of our failure to act, find itself
in a position where its Independence is
compromised or should its government
be overthrown against the w^l of the
majority of the people, the resulting
situation would have profoundly dis
turbing psychological and political
effects on all countries in that region
and many nations outside the region.
Confusion and disorder might well
spread throughout the entire Middle
Thus, stability would be disrupted in
vital areas of the world; the foundations
or the United Nations would be shaken;
and the faith of nations In the ability
of democracy to maintain itself in the
world would be seriously weakened.
It is obviously in the self-interest of
the United States to prevent the de
velopment of such a situation.
The Political Mill
Truman's 'Doctrine'
Wins First Victory
Committee Support of Greek Aid
Herald» Approval by Congress
By Gould Lincoln
Unanimous action by the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee gave the
"Truman Doctrine" (designed to pre·
vent a further territorial expansion of
communism Into the Near Bast, the
Middle East and western Europe) its
first victory in the halls of Congress.
The committee, by its rote of 13 to 0,
sent to the Senate the administration
bill, in amended form, authorizing a
1400,000,000 loan to Greece and Turkey.
This is, in reality, a strategic and mili
tary move, intended to safeguard this
country and the world from another war.
In order to overcome the charge that
the United States had by-passed the
United Nations In proposing to make
this loan, the committee has written
into the bill a modified version of an
amendment offered by Chairman Van
denberg. ' The amendment gives the
United Nations the right to veto the
Truman program in Greece and Turkey
if and when the U. N. should be ready
to go forward with a program of its own
in those countries, or if and when the
program is ηό longer deemed necessary.
The United States is pledged to stand
aside and oppose no veto, as it might do
as a permanent member of the Security
Council of the U. N. The demand for
cessation of the American program in
Greece and Turkey could be made either
by the Security Council or by the Gen
eral Assembly of the United Nations.
Soviet Veto an Obstacle.
A foremost reason why President Tru
man did not, in the first instance, pro
pose that a program for the aid of
Greece and Turkey—to strengthen them
both economically and militarily—be
undertaken by the United Nations, lies
in the fact that Soviet Russia stood
ready to veto the proposal. Russia, too,
is a permanent member of the Security
Council, the executive agency of the
United Nations. Since it is from the
communist expansion movement, backed
by Russian might, that Greece and Tur
key stand in danger, it was necessary to
move for their aid in a way which could
not be blocked by a mere Russian veto
in the Council.
The United States has played a fore
most part in the creation of the United
Nations. America has made clear again
and again that It looks to the United
Nations as the agency for security and
world peace, and that the United States
will do its utmost to build up this
However, the unwillingness of Soviet
Russia to act co-operatively within the
U. N. has been, up to this date, a great
stumbling block. Russia has continued
her expansionist moves almost un
checked. The United Nations Is com
mitted to the principle of freedom of a
people to decide upon Its own form of
government. This principle has been
side-tracked through the activities of
small, heavily armed minorities. Greece,
apparently, was next on the list to go
the way of communist expansion.
V. V. Action Is Unlikely.
While the Foreign Relations Commit
tee was willing, in reporting out the
loan bill, to make the program subject
to a United Nations veto, It is obvious
that this Government does not expect
euch a veto. It is not expected either
in the Security Council or in the Gen
eral Assembly- For only Soviet Russia
and her satellite countries, where com·
munlstic governments are already in
stalled, could be counted opposed to the
American program. It has been sug
gested that perhaps France, which has
a strong communist party, might Join
with Russia. But that seems improbable.
The American program, as has been
said, provides for Greece both economic
and military aid. For Turkey It is
frankly admitted the loan is to enable
that country to maintain and improve
its military forces. Turkey at present
is in fairly sound economic situation, but
if it had to put the $100,000,000 which
this country proposes to lend her Into
further military expenditures, the eco
nomic rug might be pulled from under
her feet.
Kvery effort in committee to limit the
loans merely to relief and rehabilitation,
as proposed by Senators Pepper of Flor
ida and Taylor of Idaho, both Demo
crats, were defeated. In other words,
the "Truman Doctrine" was sustained
by the committee to a man. The admin
istration has Insisted that the program
will lead, not to war as charged Ay its
opponents, but to peace. This may very
well be true. Suppose, for example, that
no aid is provided Greece, and Grcece
comes under the domination of Soviet
Russia. The next step would be into
Turkey, and then the makings of an
other world conflagration would be at
, hand. The American people have seen,
not so long ago, the step by step expan
sion of another totalitarian power—now,
fortunately, no longer a power. Con
gress will be in line with the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee when the
showdown comes on this Truman
Going Pretty Far
from tta· N«w Orleuu TlmM-Plctrun·.
A Scotsman found an error of 350,000,
000 years in the estimated age of the
earth. Hie research started with a
tuppence shortage in his bank account
Difficulty Anticipated
From the Cincinnati Inquirer.
In an idle moment we were wandering
what kind of stream well be crossing in
1948 not to swap horses in the middle of.
Booker T. Washington
Nameless, tie chose an old and stately
To bear with blended humbleness and
pride m
Tili his own lel/less living won acclaim.
Unsought, undreamed-of honors mul
To know him is to wonder and admire
At greatness worn with such simplicity,
At purpose burning with such eager fire
For the uplifting of humanity.
Wisdom, was in his heart. C* *r vision
That toil is noble, that rank matters
Than hardships overcome and ignorance
The truer measure of a man's success.
To search his spirit is to find that prayer
And childlike trust in guidance from
Wen wellsprings of his courage and his
World-shaping gifts of tolerance and

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