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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, May 01, 1947, Image 16

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fSbcrattg pirn"
With Sunday Morning Edition.
Published by
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A—16 THURSDAY, May 1, 1947
Άη Architectural Cuckoo
A letter from a reader printed in
another column raises a number of
legitimate questions about the de
sign for the projected General
Accounting Office Building.
First, if the structure must be of
euch tremendous size, it may be
asked whether the indicated site on
Ο street between Fourth and Fifth
owtvi/o 10 v/oj/aviuuo cnuugii. iiic
Introduction of so large an edifice
Into relatively so small a space
seems to be open to challenge on
engineering grounds.
In the second place, does the
General Accounting Office adminis
tration really desire a building of
the "block type" without interior
courts even if it is air-conditioned
and adequately illuminated with
artificial light? The low ceilings
planned for the G street building
may be "space-savers," but they
likewise may have a depressing
effect upon the people who are des
tined to work under them.
A third question is one of esthetics:
Ought a structure so definitely out
of harmony with existing edifices
be introduced into a downtown area
which during the next fifty years
is bound to see wide general im
provement? The original drawing
of the Public Buildings Administra
tion architects suggested a much
more attractive composition—a de
sign of one central unit and ten
wings. If this first sketch is "out"
because the General Accounting
Office heads want more space than
they at first contemplated, why not
take advantage of the suggestion of
the National Capital Park and Plan
ning Commission to use the "half
squares" to the east and the west for
annexes c
But there is no compelling reason
■why a big building should be ugly.
Neither is there any large amount
of money to be saved by a starkly
"1 unctional" design. Washington
will not long continue to be a Capital
of notable beauty if it is to be in
vaded by unworthy art. The sketch
currently under discussion is, in
effect, an architectural cuckoo—an
alien element whose intrusion ought
not to be tolerated without protest.
Why not give the Public Buildings
Administration architects another
Caste Reform in India
India's Constituent Assembly,
charged with drawing up a con
stitution for that vast subcontinent,
has adopted a clause which, if duly
Implemented and enforced, will rank
with other great social reforms such
as the abolition of slavery here and
the freeing of the serfs in Czarist
The clause reads as follows: "Un
touchability in any form is abolished
and the imposition of any disability
on that account shall be an offense."
Behind that brief declaration lies
a long story of efforts to expunge
what Mahatma Gandhi terms "the
darkest blot on Hinduism." This is
the practice of inflicting truly ter
rible discriminations and disabilities
by religious sanction upon the lower
grades of the complicated Hindu
vaoit οjoitiii, vYûcicu,y tan-rac uiiiui
tunates are regarded as "untouch
able" in the eyes of the higher
India's caste system is very an
cient, originating more than 3,000
years ago, when the Aryan invaders
sought to perpetuate their ascend
ancy by sanctifying their superior
ity over the subjugated aborigines.
So complete was the ban that phys
ical contact of any kind between
high and low caste persons is tabu.
In extreme cases, a low-caste in
dividual cannot come within many
feet of a high-caste, while the mere
shadow of a low-caste will defile
the food or drink of a high-caste.
Thus rigorously segregated from
normal community life, the low
castes have been restricted to the
most menial and revolting occupa
tions, especially those regarded in
Hinduism as ceremonially "unclean."
In accordance with its basic policy
of not interfering with religious
practices except when these were
flagrantly inhuman or antisocial,
the British rulers of India did not
attempt directly to reform caste
inequities, though they did ex
tend civil rights to the low-castes
and protected them against the
imposition of physical penalties for
breaches of the caste code. En
couraged by this protection, the low
castes hnve organized politically
into a federation and have been in
creasingly insistent upon the better
ment of their hard lot. Since there
are fully 50,000,000 low-castes In
India, the divisive effect upon Hin
duism is obvious. The low-castes
have tended to oppose the suprem
acy of the Congress Party, which Is
dominated by high-caste Hindus.
This division Is In striking contrast
to the basic unity among Indian
Moslems, whose cardinal religious
tenet Is that "All believers are
The political Implications of this
split within Hinduism have probably
reinforced the efforts of genuine
reformers like Gandhi who have
condemned the caste system on
moral grounds. The upshot Is the
abolition of "untouchability" now
written into the new constitution.
The question, of course, remains how
this formal outlawry of ancient
practices hallowed by religious sanc
tions is to be practically Imple
mented and legally enforced. But
at least a concrete beginning has
been made.
To Counter Russia
In his report to the Nation the
other night Secretary Marshall
merely hinted at what lies behind
Russia's lone-wolf attitude. But
John Foster Dulles, In a follow-up
report, has now enlarged upon the
hint In a way that constitutes a
persuasive answer to the seeming
puzzle. Mr. Dulles reduces the situ
ation to simple term*. As he sees It,
the Soviet Union does not want to
co-operate at this time because It
believes it can profit greatly by
doing its best to prolong hard times
and instability in Europe.
France, Britain and the United
States want a Germany politically
decentralized, with its economy so
ordered as to benefit all of Europe
without opening the way to a re
birth of German aggression. The
western powers are agreed, too, on
restoring Austria to self-supporting
Independence, and on adopting the
American proposal for a forty-year
four-power pact to keep the de
feated Reich disarmed. But the Rus
sians are stubbornly against these
measures. They prefer—or at least
their actions indicate that they
prefer—to let everything drift from
bad to worse. What they want,
according to Mr. Dulles, is to wear
down western diplomatic opposition
in order to achieve a strangle hold on
the Austrian economy and to build
a strong, centralized Germany that
could be kept under their thumb.
Above all, in Mr. Dulles' judgment,
there can be little doubt that they
are seeking primarily to wear down
the United States—little doubt that
they would "heave a great sigh of
relief" if we were to "quit Europe
and go home," thus leaving them
free to dominate the whole con
moxig wirn secretary Marsnau ana
Senator Vandenberg, however, Mr.
Dulles holds that we can check
this game by refusing to be worn
down or bamboozled by it. He favors
immediate action to revitalize the
German economy—particularljtrthe
Ruhr—now under control of the
western powers. Noting that France
and the United States have come
closer together withinjtecent weeks,
he suggest» that Ruariâa obstruc
tionism can bis effectively countered
by a joint effort to achieve the eco
nomic unification of the Anglo
French-American zones of Germany
and by going on from there to pump
vitality into as much of Western
Europe as possible. This would not
lead to any miracles of recovery.
But it could do much to mitigate the
effects of the Soviet holdout policy.
Indeed, if France joined us and the
British in political measures as well,
the results might be striking enough
to induce Russia to co-operate for
a change.
In any case, as Mr. Dulles has'
declared, "we cannot let ourselves
be stymied merely because we can
not get agreement" with the Rus
sians. The western democracies
must refuse to be paralyzed by Mos
cow's veto. They owe it to them
selves and a peace-hungry world to
do everything they can, without
delay, to improve the present sit
uation. If they begin to move closely
together along this line, the Soviet
Union may find that it has over
played its hand, and it may decide
then to stop saying no.
Promotion Restrictions
In disaDDrovinsr use of ripfiripnrv
appropriations to cover upgrading
of Federal employes under the re
'classification procedure, the House
Appropriations Committee was di
recting its attack not at the pro
motions themselves but at what It
believes to be an abuse of the
deficiency fund system by some
Government agencies. There is
considerable evidence that undue
advantage has been taken of the
deficiency plan by a number of ad
ministrative (Officers.
These officers have fouiid that
they are more likely to obtain con
. gressional approval of reclassifica
tion funds by presenting Congress
with an "accomplished fact" bill for
payment than by asking for an ap
propriation in advance. This is
because Congress usually is inclined
to suggest that the funds for pro
motions be created by economizing
on general expenditures. While Con
gress in the past may have been too
inconsiderate of the over-all needs
of a department, there undoubtedly
are many ways in which savings
could be effected without impairing
governmental efficiency and without
depriving employes of merited ad
vancement. Unfortunately, some
officials are not disposed to co
operate in the economy program un
less pressed to do so.
The House committee proposes,
therefore, to put the pressure on
these officials. Actually, according
to civil service authorities, no wide
spread Injustices are apt to result
if Congress adopts the committee
restriction. The larger departments,
of course, are in a better position
than the smaller agencies to reallo
cate their funds so as to take care
of past promotion*. Where such
agencies can show that actual In
equities and hardships would result
If the restriction were Imposed, Con
gress would be doing the fair thing
to ease the limitation for the im
mediate emergency. And, as a mat
ter of practical administration, It
would seem to be inadvisable to
make the rule so rigid in the future
as to preclude granting of unappro
prlated-for promotions when Fed
eral efficiency and justice may de
mand it in exceptional cases.
It Should Never Happen
Strictly speaking, it may well be
that the State Department and the
Columbia Broadcasting System both
were within their "rights" in the
parts they played In the imbroglio
which deprived CBS radio listeners
of the privilege of hearing Secretary
of State Marshall's report to the
Nation Monday night. From the
standpoint of the public interest,
however, it seems nothing less than
deplorable that an address of such
importance should not have been
carried by every radio network In
the country.
Columbia officials refused to
broadcast the speech on the ground
that the State Department had not
consulted representatives of the
radio chains before announcing
that the Secretary woiild speak from
8:30 to θ o'clock. This is an im
portant period in radio, any change
in which means transfers or can
cellation of commercial programs
booked months ahead. The State
Department admits that it selected
the hour arbitrarily because on
previous occasions disputes among
the networks "always resulted."
Consequently only the National,
Mutual and American chains put the
speech on the air.
State Department officials pointed
out that they chose the 8:30-9
o'clock period because they thought
the Secretary would have the larg
est possible audience then. The
choice undoubtedly was a good one.
But, as it turned out, the audience
was not by any means the largest
possible. Radio being* the private
enterprise it is in this country, co
operation by the chains to assure
adequate public service is essential.
And the public is not being given the
service which it is entitled to expect
from radio if speeches like that
delivered by Secretary Marshall are
not broadcast by every network.
Arbitrary decisions by either the
State Department or radio author
ities should not be permitted to
Interfere to the slightest degree with
the public's right to hear such
official broadcasts. Steps should be
taken at once to work out some co
operative understanding that will
preclude any repetition of the Mon
This and-That
By Charles E. Traçewell.
v · -
"Dear sir· : >
"I wouldn't have 8$ If I
hadn't seen it with mv own «yes—a
mocking bird pecking a bine jay to
"I didn't Bee the start of the fight;
but, I happened to glance out of the
window and there on the lawn wu a
mocker, doing some fancy foot work
around another bird lying on lte back.
"He would dance In, then back, then
circle around his hapless victim, which
was frantically flailing Its legs in a vain
attempt to protect itself.
"All the time the mocker was singing
"When my htisband Intervened the
mocker flew into the tree, over the nest
he was guarding. The Jay fluttered
helplessly along the ground, after my
husband had picked him up.
"In an hour or less he was dead.
"Do you suppose the mocker had
blinded him, piercing the brain a· he
picked out an eye?
"No marks of any kind that I could
discover were made.
"A jay Is such a large, strong bird, ft
seems almost inconceivable a smaller
bird could lay him low.
"Tours very truly, A. L. B."
* * * *
If the mocker were defending his
nest he would have been a fury in
Then he easily could have whipped a
As a matter of fact, the mockingbird
is not very much smaller than a Jay,
although more slender In build.
An ordinary average-sized mocking
bird will be a full 10 inches long.
A jay is only 11% inches from the tip
of his bill to the tip of his tail.
He Is, of course, somewhat heavier.
The plain truth is that as a fighter
the jay is handicapped by his sense of
Despite his sometimes murderous as
saults on baby birds of other species,
and his fondness for other birds' eggs.
America's blue jay is a pretty decent
He has what few species hate, a gen
uine sense of the fun In life.
The mocker, on the other wing, Is
all business.
Whatever he does he goes at hammer
and tongs.
The poor Jay, seeing (undoubtedly he
does> the fun in life, never goes at
anything, even a battle, with the In
tensity of his rival.
Even Jenny Wren can chase a Jay,
and we have seen the gentle dove, as
it is commonly called, run a Jay out
of a yard.
When a Jay is forced into battle, he
wages war reluctantly, just as any hu-.
morous wight will, knowing the futility
of physical combat. .
Sometimes he discovers too late that
"this is It."
One of the great bird men wrote of
the blue jay: .
"The bird has all of the mischievous,
thieving traits of the crow, and with a
lot of audacity or cheek thrown in for
good measure."
If a bird shows no evidence of
wounds of any kind it is difficult to
tell of what it died.
Birds are such high-strung creatures
that often they may be literally fright
ened to death.
We have seen a robin kill another
robin, simply by chasing it so fast that
It finally fell over and breathed its
last, a victim of some sort of sudden
heart failure.
The jay, we insist, has too keen a
•ense of humor to be a good fighter.
Even as he dies he is probably saying
to himself, "Too bad I picked on a
mockei that time—if there is a next
time far me I am going to aeleet a
Letter s to The Star
New GAO Building Design
Criticized ««Too 'Solid'
To tli· Editor of HA Bur:
I noticed the architect's sketch, and
accompanying article, for the new
General Accounting Office Building at
Fifth and G streets N.W., appearing
In The Star April 29, 1947.
What are we being treated to now
In the way of architecture? Are we
advancing or retrogressing? Are we
being unduly Influenced by industry?
The proposed new building will be a
new type "block building," a "solid"
building without courts for light. It
will cover almost an entire block, cover
ing the space of its site completely.
It is stated that this building Is de
signed to handle the greatest number
of personnel in the least space.
I am wondering If the architect con
sidered that there will be people In the
middle of this "block" structure, this
"solid" building, who will work at the
same desks, with the same exposure,
or lack of It, for years, probably spend
their entire working lives in such a
building. Is this humane? Is this in
HaaH TW- *.w- * *
the means?
Ko doubt, for reasons assigned to
economy, there are also several floors
One wonders why, If this block build
ing, designed to squeeze a large number
of people Into the smallest possible
space, is so desirable, other architects,
In designing other buildings, have been
so careful to provide courts for light,
and why scientific management has ad
vocated sufficient and favorable sur
roundings—and indeed why doctors find
It so necessary frequently to prescribe
"a change."
This kind of thing makes one wonder
why God provided us with the glorious
sunlight and with this vast expanse of
space In this wonderful country of ours.
Artificial Sunlight.
We are informed that the building
will be provided with fluorescent light
ing—and possibly that it is as good as
sunlight. Even if we had assurance
of this fact, should we be required to
purchase such light? Should we be
required to purchase sunlight?
What is the psychology of the thing?.
And if we must consider the cost so
carefully in building these buildings,
which are to house the employes of the
greatest Government on earth, what
will be the net result In terms of
efficiency? Is this the type of building
designed to attract the highest caliber,
And why, as stated by the Assistant
Commissioner for Public Buildings,
should the building be "perfectly plain,
nothing ornamental"? I am quoting
from his remarks made when he ap
peared before the House Public Works
Subcommittee, as reported in The Star.
Is it the plan to match the drab sur
roundings? Or are the planners un
consciously aping the Government
Printing Office Building and the out
dated Pension Office Building, whiçh
has housed the General Accounting
Office recently?
Is the present wave of economy going
to change the architectural pattern
here? Is this building without orna
ment to be a monument to this economy
political expediency, similar
omy placards which ap
peared In the streetcars under the
signature of the heads of our Govern
ment before the depression of 1932?
Ornamental the building may not be,
It cannot escape being a monument.
A Wfi2tKja£ ctf such size commands
public attention.
What are we trying to accomplish
In this life if it is not desirable sur
roundings, comfortable and progressive
existence? What are we trying to
accomplish If It Is not to secure the
means for better llvlns?
What can any one do better than to
avoid uncrowded conditions, without
outside exposure? What can they do
better with the money which it ts not
at all certain will be saved on this
project? FRANK M. BOWIE.
Cleanliness by Enforcement
To th» Editor of The Star:
Mr. William Xanten's plea to the pub
lic to help keep the streets and public
spaces of the Nation's Capital clean is
one that should have the support of
every one. Yet there is a certain portion
of the public that either through lack
of Interest, lack of respect for the law
or from the misfortune of Insufficient
Intelligence will never oo-operate un
less made to do so. It le a violation of
the law to deposit foreign matter on any
street, alley or other public space.
It Is my well considered opinion that
the several police departments, Metro
politan, Park, Capitol and Building
Police, should strictly enforce this law;
that the judges In the Police Court
should support the police in this mat
ter. The District Refuse Department
should clean the streets, but should not
have to be a nursemaid for persons vio
lating the law. Β. A. B.
Air Reserve "Hamstrung"
To the Editor of The Star:
It has recently been brought to my
attention that members of the Air Re
serve are being passed up by Congress
inasmuch as they are not being paid
for their part-time duties as reservists.
This is Indeed a deplorable situation.
The Air Reserve is a vital part of the
Air Force, as a large percentage of
the reservists are men who gained their
experience In operational duty with the
Air Force overseas. This branch of
the service surely deserves a better
fate than to be hamstrung by the lack
οι ι unas.
The crowning indignity of all is that
the National Guard's air component
is receiving the pay privileges which
are denied to the Air Reserve. The
naval and marine Air Reserve com
ponents also receive these privileges.
Let's not forget the job the Air Force
did in the recent war and will be ex
pected to do in any future conflict.
Surely the Air Reserve should be kept
strong! B. T. COE, Jr.,
Poll Taxes Due
To the Editor of The Star:
Saturday, May 3, Is the deadline for
meeting the poll tax requirements for
participation in the 1947 primary and
general elections in Virginia. 1947 may
well be the most critical election year in
Arlington's political history.
At stake is the control of the county
board, possibly the school board, the
county Judgeship, the State legislative
delegation, and the constitutional offices
of sheriff, Commonwealth's attorney,
commiysloner of revenue and treas
urer. Return of the control of these
office· to the people will smash the
Arlington branch of the State political
▲ people·' victory Is dependent «pec
Checking on Loyalty
FBI Can Only Investigate and Report Facts;
Action Is Up to Departments
vjiiiuuus σι τηβ reaerai jaureau or
Investigation have taken exception to
statements In a recent article on this
page by Gerard D. Reilly criticizing
FBI Investigations of civil service
loyalty and questioning the value of
President Truman's new loyalty pro
gram. Mr. Reilly, a former member of
the National Labor Relations Board,
had expressed doubt as to the reliability
of loyalty data obtained by the FBI in
past cases under the Hatch Act and had
estimated that most of these reports
were worthless "from the standpoint of
enabling the employing agency to take
any action."
The FBI agrees with Mr. Reilly that
the Government's past élirais to rid the
departments and independent agencies
of disloyal employes have not been as
effective as they might be, but it con
tends that the chief reason for this has
been not worthlessness of FBI reports
but a failure by some administrative
officials to take proper action on the
The figures show that since the incep
tion of the Hatch Act investigations a
total of 6,193 cases have been con
sidered. In these cases 101 employes
were discharged as a result of FBI
evidence, 21 resigned while under in
vestigation and 75 others were subjected
to administrative action other than dis
missal. In 1,906 cases the investigated
employes voluntarily left the service. In
1,114 cases no basis was found for the
original complaint.
Nn #rHnn woe ♦elren kw «.·*!·««■
- — „ —— ———β
agency In 2,785 cases. However, as of
March 15 last, 122 of these cases were
still' under consideration by the agency
Involved and 68 other cases were being
investigated by administrative author
The FBI emphasizes that the fact
that an employing agency fails to act
does not necessarily mean that the FBI
investigation was faulty.
The Wilkereon Case.
There was the case of Doxey Wilker
son, former employe of the Federal
Security Agency, for example. The FBI
submitted to that agency a 57-page re
port on the communistic background
of the employe. When interviewed by a
personnel officer of the agency, Wilker
son denied he was a Communist. The
agency took no action, holding that he
had professed his loyalty and his re
moval would not be justified. Wilkerson
later transferred to the Office of Price
Administration, from which he subse
quently resigned one day before his ap
pointment as educational director of
the Baltimore District of the Commu
nist Party. Eventually he was made a
member of the National Committee of
the Communist Party. A prerequisite
to membership on this committee is four
years' membership in the party—a
period extending well back into Wilker
son's Government service.
And, in the more recent case of a
State Department employe, Carl Mar
zanl, the Department of Justice, in an
nouncing Marzani's Indictment on a
charge of falsely denying membership
in the Communist Party in order to ob
tain Federal employment, said: "Since
May, 1942, FBI reports disclosed the
communistic activities of Marzanf."
Mr. Reilly stated that when a sus
pected employe was interviewed by the
FBI, "very 'seldom was he Interrogated
about anything the investigator hald
been told," and that "needless to say,
such question^ (about Communist affili
ations, if any) rarely produce an affirm
ative response.". The FBI concurs with
Mr. Reilly that Communists do not
readily admit their membership in the
party, but points out that the purpose
of the interview primarily is to give the
employe an opportunity to give his side
of the base. It Is not designed to be an
Investigative technique in the legal
Mr. Reilly commented on the fact
that the director of the FBI writes a
letter to the employing agency inquiring
as to what action the agency proposed
to take, although "the report itself con
tained neither an evaluation of the in
formation contained in it nor an ap
praisal of its credibility." The bureau,
however, was required under riders at
tached to appropriation acts to submit
periodic reports to Congress. To submit
correct statistical information it Is nec
essary to make a direct Inquiry of the
agency involved for information as to
the action taken.
The FBI as an Investigating agency
does not evaluate the information set
forth in its reports. It reports facts.
Action on those facts is required by the
interested agency Involved. This has
long been a cardinal rule In the FBI.
In criminal cases, even where the indi
vidual confesses to the crime, the FBI
does not express an opinion as to the
guilt of the person. That is the respon
sibility of the prosecuting authorities.
This policy was placed into effect when
the FBI was reorganized in 1924, at the
time its present director, J. Edgar
Hoover, was placed in charge.
Confidences Are Respected.
The Reilly article also commented on
the technique employed In FBI reports
designating witnesses as confidential in
formants. But the FBI contends that
when an individual furnishes informa
tion to the FBI on a confidential basis
with the request that his identity not
be disclosed, the FBI Is obliged to re
spect the request. Only in those In
stances where there has been a definite
agreement with a witness is he desig
nated as a confidential informant. A
corollary is found in the Social Security
jjuaiu. λ ponce ueparimeni wouia De
unable to secure information irom that
board on a known murderer, even if he
has his name and social security num
ber, because the Social Security Admin
istration claims that it has made a
solemn pledge that the contents of its
flies will not be made available to other
It is the practice in FBI reports where
the witnesses* identities are concealed
by use of confidential-informant sym
bols to give some description as to the
informant, such as: T-ll, "a member
of the staff at Harvard College"; T-12,
"who is connected with the Harvard
Law School"; T-14, "employed by the
Supreme Judicial Court"; T-15, "an
official of the Boston Legal Aid Society";
T-16, "who is well acquainted (with the
person under investigation) while at
the Harvard Law School, and was also
personally acquainted with him when
he was employed by the law firm * * · "
Where the agent making the inves
tigation h$s any suspicion as to the
reliability of the informant, even though
he requests that his identity not be dis
closed and it appears there is a motive
for a statement, it is the common prac
tice to so indicate this in the investiga
tive report. Obviously, the FBI does
not furnish the identity of individuals
even though the employing agency re
quests that the informant be identified.
However, the FBI does not decline,
upon specific request, to furnish any
evaluation of the informant.
There might be isolated instances
wherein in a single report circumstances
are such that a disclosure of the names
to the employing agency would bring
about recriminations against those fur
nishing information, in which event
common decency and good Judgment
would require that their identities not
be revealed, the FBI holds.
The Political Mill
By Gould Lincoln
control of the House—1933 to 1947—and
for a dozen year·, they controlled the
Senate also, and in all that time, despite
the friendly attitude of the late Presi
dent Roosevelt, it was never possible to
enact legislation covering three matters
which have been close to the hearts of
the Negro voters and the Negroes who,
in the South, have not béen able to
vote effectively. They are an antilynch
ing bill and antipoll tax bill and a bill
creating a Fair Employment Practices
Now in the Eightieth Congress it re
mains for the Republican leadership to
show what it can do with these matters,
if anything. There seems no shadow
of a doubt that the GOP will tackle
one or more of these bills and seek to
put it through and on the lap of the
Democratic President, Harry Truman,
before the 1948 presidential election.
In all probability, little more can be
accomplished at the present session
I than the initiation of such legislation.
The legislative program, ever since the
Republicans took over last January, has
been Jammed with problems of the
greatest importance, ranging from tax
reduction, Federal expenditure reduction
and revision of the Federal labor laws to
relief imnrrmrmttrtn.c fnr rfovoctof#^
In Europe and strategic loans to Greece
and Turkey. It has been impossible,
therefore, for the Republican leader
ship to give antipoll tax, antilynching
or the FEPC bills a place. The com
mittees of both houses have been
swamped with important legislative
matters which could not wait.
* * * *
It Is the plan of the Republican lead
ership, however, to get this Important
legislative program out of the way be
fore Congress adjourns the present
session. Then the decks will be cleared
for a. number of other items, also re
garded as Important, but which have
had to stand aside temporarily. Among
them are the three measures which
affect the Negro population already
mentioned. The belief is that the first J
of these which will come up will be
the antipoll tax measure. One reason
for this is that it probably will be the
easiest of the three to get through
Under the terms of the Reorganiza
tion Act, put through last year, Con
gress must adjourn by July 31, unless
by affirmative action it determines to
continue longer in session. It is esti
mated by the leaders it will take prac
tically until July 31 to clean up the
ambitious program already undertaken
□y me Kepublicans. Indeed, the ap
propriation bills have been delayed be
cause of the huge amount of work
which has been necessary to make the
drastic cuts in expenditures promised by
the GOP.
That being the case, it would be
rather futile for a House committee to
place on the House calendar now the
antipoll tax bill or the FEPC bill, for
example, or even for the House to pass
one or both, particularly as the threat
of a filibuster by Democratic Senators
from the South perpetually hangs over
this legislation. There would be no
chance whatever of action before ad
On the other hand, the Republicans
believe that once'they have got their
economy program established, through
the cutting of billions of dollars from
the appropriation bills, next year's ses
sion of Congress will have plenty of
time to dedicate to an antipoll tax bill,
to health legislation and to some exten
sion of the Social Security program.
Health legislation does not mean so
cialized medicine, they say, but the ex
tension of some Federal aid.
* * * *
There Is no slightest doubt that poli
tics will play their part in the con
sideration of these Negro bills. The
Neirro vote is an imnnrtont
many of the big States of the North
and West—and eventually it will become
so in the South. During the Roosevelt
administration, the Negroes in the
North and West swung strongly from
the Republican Party to the New Deal
President, who had been responsible
for the large relief appropriations un
der which the Negroes In those days
benefited materially. The Republicans
naturally are eager to bring these
Negro voters back to the party of
Abraham Lincoln. They will un
doubtedly do their best to convince the
Negroes of their good will.
As long as the right of unlimited
debate continues in the Senate, along
with a strong disinclination to support
cloture, this legislation will have a
tough time in the upper house. The
only chance is to start one of these
bills early in a session of Congress and
to stick to it.
Republicans ere.. saying they have
already put in a strong plug for tithe
Negroes—in the Senate—by blocking
the seating of Senator-elect Bilbo of
Mr. Bilbo was nominated and elected
on a "white supremacy" platform. At
the outset of the present session, the
GOP went to the mat to keep Mr. Bilbo
out of the Senate.
tne number or voters In the May 27
special election, the August primary, and
the November general election. In 1945
there were only 5,000 voters in the gen
eral election and the "machine" candi
dates carried Arlington with ease. There
were 11,000 voters in the 1946 election,
largest nonresidential election in
Arlington history, and Daniel A. Dugan,
Independent candidate, won the county
board race by over 1,000 votes.
The power of the "machine" is based
on the voting strength of a large num
ber of political job holders within a very
, restricted electorate.
The poll tax U the main device for
cutting down the number of voters.
It cannot be gotten rid of by refusing
to pay it Government of, by, and for
the people can be restored in Arlington
and the poll tax restriction eventually
removed only If enough uncontrolled
and disinterested people pay their poll
taxes and vote.
At a time when such splendid efforts
are being made to break the "machine"
grip on Arlington It is a sorry citizen
Indeed who will not, himself make the
effort to be prepared for those critical
elections that lie just ahead.
The poll or capitation tax is $1.50 a
year, with a slight increase for late
payment. Those who have not received
a tax bill should contact the commis
sioner of revenue at the courthouse
Payments will have to be in th· hands
of the treasurer or postmarked not
later than midnight Saturday to quali
fy a voter for participation in the elec
tions tills year.
Chairman, Arlington Bettor Govern
ment LMfua.
Party Politics Beset
Labor Bill in Senate
Mot· lor Separate Mnivm
Seen m Sabotage Dtviot
By David Lawrence
The Democrat· In the Senate Hat
Is, S3 out of 44 of them—have begun
to play politics with labor legislation.
They are asking the country to be
lieve that, on the Issue of separating
the pending bill Into four perts or
keeping It Intact, 33 of the Democrat·
think alike—purely by accident and not
design. It was natural for the Repub
licans to vote solidly to maintain the
existing bill in one piece, because the
House of Representatives has pa ses d a
single bill by an overwhelming ma
jority and it would produce a oonfesing
parliamentary situation to split the bill
into segments now. 2t oould eoooefr
ably delay the passage of any or all et
the four proposed bills. But the Demo
cratic maneuver is explicable only en
political grounds.
If the strateev of «Uridine the MB
had been decided on several weeks ago,
It would hare been good politic· tor the
Republicans themselves but to separate
the measure now Is a palpable derlee
to sabotage the legislation and eurry
favor with the union bosses who want
all legislation defeated.
The ostensible reason for the awe
In the Senate was to prevent a veto.
But almost every one on Oapttat HH1
knows that the only way to prerent a
veto of any labor bill is to strip it erf
any features that are being oppoaed by
the labor-union lobby. Mr. Truman
showed by his veto of the Case bill last
year and through the testimony which
he permitted the Secretary of Labor to
make this year that, no matter what
either the House or the Senate favors,
the White House will veto.
Four Sections In BUI.
The argument for splitting the bill
into four pieces was easily refuted. Thus
the measure is divided into four sec
tions now and it was proposed to make
a separate bill of each one.
There Is a section dealing with the
appointment of a joint commission to
study labor problems. Surely nobody
will expect Mr. Truman to object to a
bill that includes this program.
Another section creates an emergency
mediation service. Since this does not
bind either employer or union to accept
findings there can hardly be any Jus·
tiflcation for a veto on this ground.
A third section deals with suability
of both unions and management for ?
violation of contracts. This is a con
troversial subject, but it can hardly be
that President Truman would approve
everything else in the measure and base
his veto solely on this brief section of
the bill. j.
Finally, there is the section which is
really the heart of the new bill. It
relates to collective bargaining and in
volved amendments to the National
Labor Relations Act. If Mr. Truman
vetoes the bill that eomes out erf con
ference, It will be primarily because of
this section rather than any of the
other three.
To separate the pending Senate bill
Into four parts, so that Mr. Truman
could approve three relatively Innocuous
sections and veto a fourth—giving him
a score of three signatures to one veto
—would make things .very simple politi
■* x*-- ■·-» » - - * -
j -.ν/* ww t icoiucub auu imsieaa uie
public, but It would not cure the abuses
In the labor situation which Section 1
of the Senate bill 1* designed to remedy.
Lobby Working Overtime.
The labor-union lobby to working
overtime to defeat any and all bills.
Postcards and letters are pouring in
from workers, many of whom are being
foroed to write such letters. In some
Instances, the worker» are asked to
bring their communications to the
officers, who approve or disapprove and
mail those they think are worth send
ing on to Washington. Reports from
Western New York indicate that threats
of blacklisting are being made unless
workers write to Congress the letters
desired by the union bosses.
The pending legislation is by no
means perfect. Neither the House bill
nor the Senate bill would be phrased
as they are if labor unions had co
operated in the writing of these meas
ures. Congressional committees beg
ged the unions to eo-operate but they
If a veto comes, and it to sustained,
the fight for even more restrictive leg
islation will go on. The refusal of the
labor-union group to permit the Wagner
Act to be amended to equalise bargain
ing power can mean a prolonged fight.
Mr. Truman's veto can mean his defeat
In 1948. But whether any bill can be
enacted this year is doubtful because
of the obstructive attitude of the Demo
crats. The extremists, of course, hope
that the labor-union Influence with Mr.
Truman will cause him to veto the
measure, for they believe a more drastic
bill will get through the next session
and that a veto will be overridden then.
The ideal situation, to be sure, would
be to scrap all the bills and repeal the
Wagner Act, too, so that management
and unions could operate voluntarily
without restrictions by any Govern
mental board, but it is apparent that
errant minorities among employers and
among unions make legislation neces
sary. Now the public wants the law
to treat both sides alike.
Vi»Kiuuui/«ivu »ifu»g llHf I > m. )
Ten Strike in Prospect?
From the St. Loula Poit-Diipeteh.
Mr. Truman is now practicing regu
larly In his White House bowling alley.
In due time we shall see whether h·
can bowl 'em over In 1948.
Portrait of a Man—By
forth from these eyes a kmely epiftt
Ruling the** molded features is a mind
Active and cool, which seeks Hi own in
Never to eease Us search, jet never
Keen and aware, he look» on Ufe from fer
Gray peaks of thought whereon tXe
gods know laughter,
Love is a mortal thing which left Its tear,
Even the wound of love; but peace
comes after.
Never to quite know peace, or know
love's healing.
Now and forever feel*, pet seeks no
Here if a guesting heart which stands
Yelled and alone, eouffhi <n the wet
of fashion.
Rich with the trtamrm et the mtsUTt
endeavor, \
Molding aloof Mr mmeought mM v4
> /

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