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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, May 03, 1947, Image 6

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With Sunday Morning Edition.
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f The Evening S tor Newspaper Company.
FRANK B. NOTES, President.
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; A—6 * SATURDAY, Moy 3, 1947 ]
ι .. , 1 ; —
Curbing City Blight
The Washington Board of Trade
j has rendered an important public'
service by calling attention, through
t its City Planning Committee's re
; port, "Washington Trends, 1947,"
; to the blighting effects which con
; tinued decentralization of the city's
business and residential resources
can have on the Nation's Capital.
This is a problem which is not con
fined to Washington and which by
; no means is a new development
I here or elsewhere. The movement
\ of industries and residents away
; from the congestion· of cities and
; into adjoining open spaces has been
; under way for years. City planners
I have talked and written about the
; problem, its implications and possi
! ble remedies for more than a decade.
In Washington, however, the prob
lem has been accentuated by war
exnansion. The citv. bv sheer η près
sity, was forced to spill over into
nearby Maryland and Virginia to
find space for the rapidly develop
ing business of government. And
the suburbs boomed with Federal
sponsored residential projects, each
with its convenient shopping center.
Not all of this trend away from
the heart of the city is traceable
directly to the war, however. Much
of it would have occurred anyway.
For experience in many cities has
shown that deterioration of down
town congested districts is bound
to ta}ce place unless the cities take
drastic steps to remove conditions
leading to blight. A Nation-wide
survey before the war showed that
at least sixteen major factors were
to blame for this "creeping paralysis"
of once-thriving urban districts.
Principal among these were out
moded transportation facilities,
zoning and housing. These three
factors were singled out by the com
mittee as bearing directly on Wash
ington's development in the imme
diate future.
The committee, in short, feels that
if the disturbing outlook for Wash
ington's central business district is
to be improved, steps must be taken
at once to expedite the movement j
of traffic to and from the business
center, to overcome objectionable
types of land use and to provide
better housing within the city limits.
These improvements cannot be
wrought overnight, of course, which ι
makes it more than ever essential ι
that a determined start be made
now. Construction shortages and ;
costs have impeded postwar high
way and residential work, although
progress is being made on grade
reparations, street widening, fringe
parking lots, and other projects de
signed to relieve traffic congestion.
Meanwhile, the committee's sug
gestion for further restriction of
downtown parking is well worth con
sidering. The public streets were
never intended to be public parking
lots. Unless the streets are to con
tinue to impede transportation
needed to maintain a healthy busi
ness center, some way eventually
must be found to move parked cars
and buses into adequate off-street
parking areas, as New York City is
Air Base in Maine
Announcement of plans for a great
new air base in Maine indicates that
the United States has abandoned the
idea of developing, superbomber
facilities in Newfoundland. There
has been no official explanation of
this, but a number of factors could
account for the decision. For one
thing, Newfoundland is not part of
our country and international
considerations may have weighed
against it. Further, the projected !
site, which is in the same general |
region, may well be strategically as
good and more economical.
Scheduled for 'completion some
time next year, the new base will
be the nearest to Europe in the con- j
tinental United States. Four miles !
west of the Canadian border and j
about thirty miles northeast of the
Army Air Forces' Presque Isle field, j
it will be equipped to accommodate
our "very heavy bombers"—not only
improved versions of the Β-29
Super Fortress but also the giant
B-36, which dwarfs the B-29. Accord
ing to AAF spokesmen, any effort to
reconstruct the Presque Isle facilities
for such aircraft would cost more
and take longer—a point that prob
ably holds true for the Newfound- ί
land facilities as well.
In relation to Europe, the pro
jected Maine base will place our air
po^er within nonstop, round-trip
flying distance of all key points. It
will be about 3,000 miles from Lon
don, 3,600 from Berlin, and not much
more than 4.000 from Moscow and
the Dardanelles. Our B-36 has a
range of at least 10,000 miles. The
figures speak for themselves. In the
event of war, the new base would be
well situated for the launching of
counter measures against attackers.
Considered as part of a network, it
could be a key point in our system
of aerial defense and offense.
The War Department estimates
that the project will cost in the
neighborhood of $15,000,000. In thè
opinion of the Maine congressional
delegation, it will cost twice that
sinn. In either-case, however, the
investment will be sound. The air
age has made such developments a
security essential. In effect, by
building this powerful çuperbomber
base at its northeastern tip, the
Nation will be adding to its life
Federal School Aid
The need for Federal aid to educa
tion has become so apparent that
legislation providing for it ought
certainly to Re enacted as promptly
as possible. The minds of our young
folk constitute by far our greatest
national asset. To neglect them, to
school them inadequately, is to fol
low a course of self-impoverishment.
Yet there is abundant evidence that
we have been doing that very thing.
In some respects, this problem
is not unlike the problem of soil
conservation. The Federal Govern
ment is actively engaged with the
States in a program aimed at pre
venting the erosion of the natural
wealth in the good American earth.
Not less necessary is a program
designed to check the erosion of
potential talent or the loss of con
structive citizenship that takes place
wherever primary and secondary
education is deficient. It is seriously
deficient in many of our cities and
towns because funds are not avail
able to improve it. Certain of the
less prosperous States are incapable,
by themselves, of financing the kind
of minimum job that needs to be.
done. They may spend as great a ■
percentage of their income on
schools as* do the bigger or richer
ouates, UUυ 5MU UiC UUliUiCJLl VI
former do not enjoy anything like
the educational opportunity offered
by the latter.
Thus, there are States whose
schooling expenditures are less than
$10 per year per child, as against
other States where the per capita
outlay runs up to $175 and more.
This great disparity does violence
to the democratic concept of equal
opportunities for all. It means that
in many areas a great number of
children hava not been getting a
chance to develop their potentialities
—potentialities which might be of
enormous future value to the Nation
if nourished at the start with ade
quate primary and secondary educa
tion. It is not easy to measure such
erosion in terms of dollars and cents,
but we can be sure that it is serious
enough to justify Federal aid of the
type now being studied in Congress.
Of the several proposals intro
duced so far, Senator Taft's seems
to have won the widest suppdrt.
Under it, the Government would
apportion $150,000,000 among eligible
States in the next fiscal year. In the
following year, the sum would be
raised to $200,000,000 and it would
be fixed at $250,000,000 for every year
after that. The allocations would
be used only for current expenses—
largely teachers' salaries—in public
primary and secondary schools, and
also in private or parochial schools
in those States which ordinarily help
such institutions. The objective of
the Taft bill—which would guar
antee against Federal interference
in the teaching system of any State
—would be to establish a minimum
expenditure of $40 a year on the
education of every American child.
This program involves a consid
erably smaller outlay than others
under consideration. Whether or
not it sets its sights too low, how
ever, it is altogether sound-in prin
ciple. Congress would be well advised
to adopt something like it. The need 1
is real. We can ignore it only at the
risk of squandering a resource that
we ought to husband with the great
est care.
The most popular curb Congress
could devise would be one with
enough room beside it to park just
one more automobile.
Hoovef Library
Perhaps the Library on War
Revolution and Peace established
by Herbert Hoover at Stanford
University, California, should be
sheltered in Washington. There
must be many friends of the fermer
President who will agree that his j
vast collection of documents re
lating to the modern "age of con
fusion" would have been a valuable
and useful adjunct to the Library
of Congress. But the ease and speed
of air travel serves to make neigh- :
bors of the two great institutions, !
even though they stand on opposite |
sides of the continent. Scholars j
may "jump" from one repository to j
the other in a few hours and at j
relatively minor expense.
Meanwhile, the country at large
must be increasingly grateful to Mr.
Hooyer for having preserved the
mass of written material which came
to him in connection with his work
outside the presidency. The tempta
tion to discard accumulated papers
when they have ceased to be of
immediate significance is natural in
the experience of scores of busy riten. ;
Lack of facilities for storing data
frequently leads to their premature
destruction. The Federal Gfovern- j
ment long ago discovered that not
even the National Archives Building,
deliberately planned to house im
portant documentary property for at
least a century, was big enough to
hold everything worth saving.
What Mr. Hoover has done has
been to concentrate on finding and
keeping books, pamphlets, news
papers, press releases, correspond
ence relating to the issues which,
t. ·
have developed in his own time
between nations, races, classes, or
ganized groups of people—the differ
ences which have caused armed
strife and the efforts which in
evitably were made to adjust or
correct those differences. The
library at Palo Alto grew day by
day from 1914 onward; it continues
to grow. A dispatch to the Christian
Science Monitor a few days ago
announced the r-eceipt of fifty-seven
crates of data relating to the Franco
regime In Spain and to the under
ground resistance to it since 1939.
Obviously, shelf space, processing,
cataloguing, systematic care are
needed for every item added to the
original deposit. Mr. Hoover and
his friends are providing those facil
ities with a generosity which should
be appreciated by the whole public.
Black Skimmer
There was a time when the black
skimmers were common along the
northern coast, but now they add
interest to the coastline from New
Jersey southward. When Cham
plain explored Cape Cod in 1605 he
wrote: "We saw also a bird with
a black beak, the upper part slightly
aquiline, four inches long and in
the form of a lancet; namely, the
lower part representing the handle
and the upper part the blade, which
is thin, sharp on both sides, and
shorter by a third than the other,
which circumstance Is a matter of
astonishment to many persons, who
cannot comprehend how it is possi
ble for the bird to eat with such
a beak. It is of the size of a pigeon,
the wings being very long in pro
portion to the body, the tail short,
a· also the legs which are red; the
feet being small and flat. The plum
age on the upper part is gray-brown,
and on the underparts pure white.
They go always in flocks along the
seashore, like the pigeons with us."
nigra is a peculiar fellow. His folk
lore names, cut-water, scissor-bill
and shear-water, give a clue to the
way he captures his food. With his
powerful wings spread to four-foot
width, his forked tail serving as a
rudder, he skims along close above
the water. When he sees food he
keeps flying but lowers the bill into
the water. Occasionally in the shal
lows he miscalculates the depth and
his red, black-tipped mandible enags
on the bottom and flip-flops the
skimmer into a grotesque tumbling
act.* Rynchops and his mate are
very casual in their homemaking.
The eggs are deposited in the open
sands. He is an interesting fellow
to watch on a summer's day and his
peculiarly nasal barking yelps add
an off-tune medley to the music of
breaking rollers.
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell.
"Dear Sir:
"In checking my roster of spring ar
rivals, I And the cardinals, towhees,
flycatchers, titmice, chickadees and two
or three thrush-like birds; but I am
much exercised over my latest arrival.
"It is about sparrow size, spotted
reddish brown coat, with a white streak
over each eye and atop head, with
a distinct diamond or triangle of white
under 'his chin so clœe to the beak
that he appears clownish when seen
full face.
"He appears alone at the board, but
what a charming little fellow, and eats
grains and raisins.
"The flycatcher is an individual bird
in her habits, and adopted the same
nesting site as in two previous years,
the uppermost part of the sunroom
screen, protected by the overhang of
the roof.
"She made no alterations this year,
but just took over and started to set.
She gleans her food from the air, and
is content with whatever gnats she
catches in flight; she has a way of
swaying on a nearby tree before going
back to the nest.
"If the snowbirds will go north, then
and only then will I say 'Spring is
here," but previous years have taught
me that they are better weather proph
ets than man.
"Sincerely yours, O. E. S."
* * * *
If this correspondent is not familiar
with the white-throated sparrow, that
may be her bird; but if she is familiar
with it, let her look up the white
crowned sparrow.
ι ne wmse-crownea is a oeauiy, nut
seen here nearly enough. But In mi
gration a close observer is likely to
see him in all his glory.
Careless observers often mix up the
The white-crown entirely lacks the
yellow p"atch before the eye, the white
stripe over the eye, and the white patch
on the throat, all of which the white
throat has.
There is a difference, too, in the shape
of their heads, if one can get close
enough to note this.
The white-throat's head is almost !
flat on the crown, whereas the head j
of the white-crown is dom#-shaped.
Both these sparrows, two of the 19
species which come to this locality, as- j
sociate with each other, and may be
seen eating together.
The song of the white-throated spar
row is by all odds the better. But in i
such comparisons, of course, people
always differ.
The late John Burroughs considered
the white-crowned sparrow as "a vastly
finer songster than the white-throat."
So take your choice !
One famous musical ornithologist de
scribed the song of the white-crowned
sparrow as follows:
"It is composed of six, or at the most
seven notes (unless it is doubled); the
first one is twice as long as the other
which are of about even value.
"The intervals are fairly accurate and
include anything from a third to a fifth;
all the notes are clearly whistled ex
cept (generally)· the two next to the
last, and these are distinctly double
toned or burred; the whole is marked
by an even crescendo to the highest
note, which is next to or within one
of the last, or sometimes actually the
Let us point out again that the white- 1
throated sparrow is the one with the i
white just below the bill. The white
crowned has none there. A very good
colored painting of both birds side by
side may be seen in plate 82 in "Birds
of America."
The white-throat is our own favorite
of the two, simply because we see him
so much more. Each is a wonder, in
its way, being among the best of .the
sparrows. What a group they'are, the
sparrows! The next time you see Eng
lish sparrows, do not sneer at them;
they are members οί a mighty rf*"
k 4
*.,*»■ *
Letters to The Star From Its Readers
Origins of Communism—Good Word for Commercials
Speaking of Spoonbills—Palestine 'Slave Ships'
Recruiting Communists
To the Editor of The Star:
In the current debate on American
foreign policy, one of the arguments
most often advanced is that "poverty
breeds communism," and usually with
the air of uttering a self-evident truth.
The point will repay examination, and I
propose to consider first a representa
tive group of Communists and Com
munist dupes, then to examine those
states and areas which have become
Communist, since this is our only evi
dence one way or another. No study, so
far as I know, has been made of the
social origins of American Communists;
however, the Canadian spy trials give
us a group, all of whom betrayed their
nation on behalf of the Soviet Union,
and whose origins should be of interest.
As of late 1946, 11 members of the ring
had been convicted, and so may be taken
as being Communists to the satisfaction
of a jury. We find them to be: A mem
ber of the Canadian Parliament; an in
ternationally-known scientist; an op
tometrist; a doctor; three engineers; a
Journalist (no poor scribbler, but a cap
tain in the Canadian army), and three
///, „ yiff» <i /Cfei/o· ι 5Î
civil servante. One of these latter was
assistant to a divisional superintendent;
all three, of course, were in responsible
posts yielding secrets worth betraying.
Of the eleven, only two could be said
to be of proletarian origin. All 11 were
employed. Ten were above the aver
age in income, one was eminently suc
cessful in his chosen field. Did pov
erty lead them té communism? On
the contrary, had they been poor and
obscure, their Russian masters would
have had no use for them.
Among nations that have become
Communist, we think first of Latvia,
Lithuania, and Esthonia. Will it be
pretended that in 1940 the standard of
living 1n these states was so far below
that of their Soviet neighbor that they
therefore embraced communism to im
prove· their lot? On the contrary, like
their Scandinavian neighbors, these
Baltic states were above the European
average in income and prosperity. A
very large section of Poland has been
taken by the Soviet Union. The ques
tion of relative well-being has not en
tered into that dismal transaction; the
local inhabitants were not burdened
with consultations on their preferences.
What is left of Poland seems on the
way to becoming one of the Soviet Re
publics. We do not know what the
Polish people think of this; their new
masters prefer to avoid the chancy un
certainties of free elections. _One would
think that if the Soviet system, as dem
onstrated in Poland's great neighbor,
were preferable, it could be so proved
to an electorate, but those in a posi
tion to know best seem to think other
wise. So it has been throughout the
Balkans. Ironically, only in Czecho
slovakia, which by contrast to her neigh
bors is fairly stable and prosperous,
have the Communists risked and won
elections. Thus since the Commu
nists will risk free elections in prosper
ous Czechoslovakia that they dare not
face in poor Poland, they themselves do
not think "poverty breeds commu
Hungary is the current demonstra
tion of how and why nations go Com
munist. She is poor and hungry, yes;
but that has not disposed the Hun
garians to communism. In the one
chance they had to give their opinion
they returned the' conservative Small
holders' Party by a landslide. Never
theless, step by step the Communists
take power in Hungary. They hold
the key ministries; they outlaw and
strangle their opponents; they gag the
press; they terrorize the people. In
12 months Hungary will be theirs. Why?
Became behind them is the crushing
weight of the Red Army. The Soviet
bayonet is what makes Communists
in Europe. Neither in Europe nor in
America does poverty make Com
munists. By force and force alone can
the Communists of 1947, like the Fas
cists of 1940, subdue the free peoples
of Europe, and that Mr. Truman has
wisely determined to prevent.
On Greco-Turkish Aid
To the Editor of The St»r:
For the life of me I cannot see the
point in the argument that aid to
Greece and Turkey will strengthen the
United Nations. To me the military
clause of the measure is nothing more
or less than a declaration of war, with
out the true support of the American
Questions fraught with such implica
tions should be thrown into the lap of
the United Nations to begin with.
If after the question has been fought
out on the floor of the United Nations
and every motive aired, it is found that
military aid is still needed, why could not
the countries forming the council raise
the funds and their quota of military
personnel. Is America the only Nation
threatened by communism?
I support Henry Wallace's stand on
the issue. The United Nations was set
up for the purpose of settling such ques
tions. MRS. E. WILLIS.
In Winter, Too?
To the Editor ol The Star:
Once again those of too many of our
cities and States are called upon to
suffer that gross horological lie, termed
by its votaries "daylight saving."
If it is necessary to save precious day
light hours during the summer months,
why is it not logical and wise to save
sleep during those drear winter months
when it is a task and torture to get up
before times at a predawn hour?
Above all things let us be consistent
In our jousts with our clocks, now again
on. Let us complete the job we started.
Radio Vice Presidents
To the Editor of The St«r:
In answer to Robert E. Hatch's letter
of April 29, in which he shows so much
concern for our freedom of speech be
cause the NBC cut Fred Allen off the
air, may I say that if any one has been
abusing this freedom, it is some of our
so-called comedians. For some time Mr.
Allen has been kidding the vice pres
idents of the NBC. Once, twice or three
times it may sound funny but when the
so-called kidding la turned Into ridi
Please be brief. Short letters
are preferred, all are subject to
editing for condensation. Only
letters accompanied by name
and address of writer wiU be
used, although a pseudonym is
in some cases permissible.
culing a person, some one is going to
get mad. Allen had the "air" over
which to do his "smart talking" but the
executives of NBC had to just sit there
and "take >it" and the public began to
think that all vice presidents are a
bunch of dopes. Every man is entitled
to respect and our bright comedians,
just to get a laugh, would embarrass or
ridicule a man of the cloth if they
thought they could get away with it,
Let's be fair. B. C. DE TIEVY.
. In Defense of Commercials
To the editor of The bur :
Since your paper apparently makes
It a policy to play open house to both
sides of an issue, you may be interested
in an advertising man's answer to re
cent criticisms of radio commercials.
1. Is the public at large fed up with
commercials? The nonpartisan Nation
al Opinion Research Center's recent
study shows that 62 per cent of the
listening public prefers programs with
rather than without advertising, and
that two-thirds is satisfied with radio
advertising as it is.
.2. Do commercials falsify? According
to the latest Federal Trade Commission
report, only 1.23 per cent of the thou
sands of commercials reviewed In 1946
κ ι!
were set aside as being possibly false
or misleading—a remarkable record.
3. Do commercials take up too much
time on the air? By actual check, com
mercials occupy only β to 12 per cent oi
total radio time.
I submit this neither as a white
washing maneuver intended to prevent
criticism, nor as a1 rose-colored assump
tion that commercials are perfect. It
Is simply a statement of certain facts
uncovered in my own work.
New York City. '
•Wants Federal Business Control
To the Editor oi The Star:
Our most urgent need today is to find
some method of guaranteeing security
and providing protection for the Amer
ican people against the economic and
social chaos of a depression. Elisha
Friedman in his interestine letter to
The Star Dresents one oossible means
of achieving this end. Whether or not
flexible waees would do verv much to
smooth out the boom-and-bust cycle is
debatable. But Mr. Friedman is right
when he says that some steps must be
taken, if our democratic society is to
The one thing that seems obvious to
most economists is that some sort of
control over both labor and management
is essential if our "free" enterprise sys
tem is to function at all in the future.
The word "control," like the word "free
dom," is a word that readily is miscon
strued. Control is not necessarily bad.
Some control and regulation of the in
vidual is necessary to insure the free
dom of the group. The question always
is one of how much control.
Labor unionism is the product of a
vastly unequal strife between an indi
vidual Worker and his more influential
and powerful employer. When the in
dividual worker found that the only way
to combat ruthless exploitation and
slave-like working conditions was to or
ganize, labor unions were formed. The
fundamental purpose of a labor union
is to improve the working conditions and
increase the standard of living of Its
members. Labor unions therefore are a
necessary component of our economic
system as long as management, due to
abuse of the profit incentive, or to un
just wage distribution, or to restrictive
and monopolistic trade practices drains
off the fruits of the labor of the workers.
This conflict then is a fundamental
economic one and is not primarily
caused by either management or labor
alone. Therefore, It seems essential
that a third party, representing the
American people, step in and oversee
the operatic» of the free enterprise sys
tem so that the wishes and interests of
the majority of the people always are
served. s
A free and unrestricted economy was
given the Nation's business interests
after World War I. Under Republican
leadership, the hands off policy main
tained by the Government gave bdth
management and labor full responsibil
ity for the Nation's economy. The re
sult was boom and bust. Even the New
Deal could not pull the Nation out of
the vast depths into which it had supk.
If this cycle is to be repeated, we can
look forward only to World War ΙΠ to
rescue the Nation from the throes of a
depression. If this is the price of a free
and unrestricted economy, the price is
much too high. A STUDENT.
The Roseate Spoonbill
To the Editor of The Star:
The Roseate Spoonbills almost went
the way of the handsome but now ex
tinct little Carolina parakeet. These
great pink "cranes" were saved by the
Audubon Society. Now they seem des
tined to fascinate nature-studying
kiddies, as well as grownups, lor gener
ations to come. This, provided an
Everglades National Park is Anally cre
Roseate Spoonbills make a beautiful
picture as they nestle in their native
habitat. A flock of their rose-pink
against a blue Florida sky reminds one
of a painted back-drop curtain.
"Slave Ships" and Palestine
To the Editor of The Star:
In reporting tlje House of Lords de
bate on Palestine, the newspapers of
April 24 quoted Lord Altrincham as
deeply concerned over the conditions
under which unauthorized Jewish im
migration into Palestine is taking place.
He described these conditions as "in
human, disgusting and disgraceful," and
the ships carrying Jewish refugees as
"far worse than those used to carry
slaves to America."
The purpose underlying the "human
itarian" utterances was two weeks ago
laid bare in all its cynicism by American
newspaper correspondents. To quote
one significant dispatch—that of the
New York Herald Tribune's Homer
Bigart, writing from Jerusalem on April
11: "The British will launch a propa
ganda campaign against conditions on
'slave ships' and suggest that sinister
motives are behind the flood of rem
nants of European Jewry to Palestine.
The wave of 'illegal immigration' be
lieved impending will be denounced
as a phony invasion, although great
sympathy will be evinced for the un
fortunate people herded on board 'slave
ships.' " HAROLD P. MANSON,
Director of Information, American
Zionist Emergency Council.
New York.
Ashburton House
To the Editor of The Star:
Cannot something be done to save the
historic Ashburton House at 1525 H
street N.W. from destruction? It should
be acquired by the Government as a
symbol of United States-Canadian
friendship which, like the old mansion,
has remained solid and unbroken
through the years.
"I Weep for Them"
To the Editor of The Star:
J see that the poor lathers and car
penters are getting ready to strike for
a slight raise in pay from $2.00 per
hour to $2.25 per hour. I weep for
them. They. probably will starve if
they don't get the increase. They will
also be unable to give their chauffeurs
a raise. L. F. JOHNSON,
The Political Mill
By Gould Lincoln t
If there ever were any real doubts that
the Senate—as well as the House—was
serious in its Intentions of putting
through a bill amending the Federal
labor laws materially that doubt has
been dispelled.
First, the Senate by a substantial vote
turned down the plan to split its labor
bill into four parts. This plan, if it had
been accepted, would have made it pos
sible for President Truman to veto the
proposals to which labor objected most
strenuously (labor leaders have opposed
all legislation) and to sign those to
which the objection has been on a mild
er note. The President will have to
take the whole bill or disapprove it.
Second, by a vote of 60 to 28, the
Senate wrote into its bill an amendment
which would make it an unfair labor
practice for unions to coerce or Restrain
employes in their choice of bargaining
representatives. As the National Labor
Relations Act now stands, it is an
unfair labor practice for employers to
coerce or restrain employes in the use
of their self organization rights. The
purpose c" " * "ace
the same ins.
The ai ose
turned do m
mitte by a coalition of Democratic and
Republican Senators, who are anxious to
soft pedal labor legislation, which will
make the Senate bill more nearly like
the House proposal. Fifteen Democrats
joined with 45 Republicans in approving
the amendment. The vote was more
than two-thirds in the affirmative. If
the same ratio persisted the Senate
.could override a veto. There is some
doubt, however, that all of these Demo
crats would go to the length of voting
to override.
The labor bill is due to pass the Sen
ate sometime next week. Then will
come the conference between represent
atives of the House and Senate to ad
just differences in the bills. The House
bill, denounced far and wide by labor
leaders, by so called "liberals" and by
New Deal Democrats, is more far-reach
ing than the Senate measure. The prob
abilities are that when the bill Η finally
on Its way to the White House, it will
be milder than the House version but
stronger than the Senate.
Predictions that the President will
veto the bill—particularly if it is any
stronger than the bill reported out of
the Senate Labor Committe—fly like
hailstones in a spring storm. If Mr.
Truman follows the advice of some of
his New Deal friends and labor leaders,
he will veto the bill in whatever shape
it reaches him.
Chance to Win Labor Vote Seen
The argument advanced for a veto
is that It will make Truman solid with
the "labor vote" in the 1948 presidential
election. Maybe it will and maybe it
won't. The President has stepped on
the toes—and properly so—of some labor
leaders and the unions they represent
in the past, among them John L. Lewis
and the coal miners and some of the
railroad unions, when the latter threat
ened a Nation-wide strike. Not a small
part of the increased personal/prestige
and popularity of Mr. Truman grew out
of his firm stand in these cases. What
will happen to his prestige and popular
ity if he turns down all labor legisla
tion remains to be seen.
There is a lot of extravagant, hifalutin'
language being used today by the op
ponents of labor legislation—the House
and Senate bills more specifically. To
listen to these critics, the working man
would be deprived of all his rights and
wou .d be little better than a slave if one
of "hese measures should become 'law.
All of which is tommyrot. The labor
unions have been relieved, by a series
of laws, from many responsibilities and
from obeying some of the laws. They
have under this lawless situation become
a great monopoly which thinks no more
of the rights and welfare of the great i
American public—or even of the right of
the individual members of labor unions
themselves—than the railroad execu
tive of the past whose slogan was "all
the traffic will bear" or "the public be
It took a long time to educate Ameri
can businessmen that the public and
also their employes have certain rights..
The education was expensive and over
the protest of many business leaders.
It is time now that the same kind of
education be extended to labor leaden
and the unions themselves.
I , ·
Wqr Talk in Turkey
Rife as Loan Nears
Nerves ol People Are Frayed
By Nine-Year Mobilization
By John P. Leacacos
ANKARA.—War talk against Russia
is fast mounting to a crescendo as the
imminent American aid to Turkey has
the effect of unshackling the Turkish
press to counter Radio Moscow.
Tough and cynical though the Turks
may be, their nerves are unbelievably
frayed after nine years of mobilization
to defend their neutrality and to fore
stall possible attack or internal collapse
in the wake of Soviet diplomatic de
mands aimed at their territory.
The Turks have no illusions about
the Russian game. They are offered the
choice of giviftg up strategic Kars and
Ardahan in the Caucasus and allowing
joint Russo-Turkish control of the Dar
danelles or changing their present gov
ernment for a satellite one in order to
avoid a perpetual drain which not even
the riches of the tJnited States could
eventually stand.
The choice cannot be put off forever.
The Russian pressure is a one-two
punching system. Diplomatic demands
alternate with radio propaganda to fan
the real popular discontent in Turkey
with a gqvernment fat with power
after 24 years in the saddle.
Immense War Profits.
The price the Russians have made
the Turks already pay for the privilege
of sovereignty is high. The Turks made
immense profits from the war through
pre-emptive buying by both Nazis and
Allies at high worfd prices. Before the
war they had a gold reserve of 25 tons.
Now it is 208 tons. The Turks keep
half of it untouched for military emer
gencies and use the rest to shore up
the economy.
Between 50 and 60 per cent of the
annual budget goes for direct or indirect
military expenditures. The cruelist
pinch is felt in manpower. The Turkish
Army . was maintained at a strength
ranging from 1,000,000 men or 45 divi
sions during the war to between 750,000
and 600,000 since, the latter being the
present estimate.
A further six or seven persons for each
—ui— -—
giigagcu m aia&u^ xuiiiy
supplies. For a Nation of 19,000,000
this means that almost one-fourth of
the country's manpower is tied up in
non-productive activities of preparing
for war while the economy falters along
as best it can. In the meantime, every
man from 18 to 46 has to do a tour of
service every two years and the young
men complain bitterly they can neither
get started on a career nor marry.
Strained Russo-Turkish relations are
nothing new in history. Prom 1677 to
1918 the two Nations fought 13 times or
once every 18 years.
Some Turks now regret what they de
scribe as Turkey's saving of Soviet Rus
sia at Stalingrad. Turkish intelligence,
which is topnotch, learned that the Ger
mans planned a landing on Turkish
eastern shores of the Black Sea in an
attempt to outflank the Stalingrad
strongpoint. The Turks mobilized their
forces in that area and informed every
one they would resist any German land
ing, which consequently was called oft.
Soviet Cool Since 1936.
The Soviet has been cool to Turkey
since 1936 when the Montreux Conven
tion gave Turkey control of the, straits
even through Russia, as the major Black
Sea power, was given the privilege of
sailing 15,000 torjs of warships escorted ·
by two torpedo boats at one time through
the straits^while the" combined non
Black Sea powers could not have more
than 15,000 tons in transit at one time.
Russia and Turkey had been very
friendly back in 1921. Both were without
friends and both were revolutionary
regimes in those early years. By the
Moscow pact Of 1921, Turks report,
Russia not only recognized Turkey's right
to her present ethnical frontiers but also
the right to Kars and Ardahan while
the Turks showed their good faith by
giving up Batum, the Russian Black Sea
oil port, which they then held and which
still lies only a few miles from the
Turkish border.
Kars had been returned to Turkey by
the Bolsheviks in their treaty with the
central powers. It originally had been
ceded by Turkey to Russia in 1878 as an
indemnity after one of their series of
oi J» -λ. m
ww|>|>vu η* λ. vi>w αιι·
Russia also stopped Turkey from
entering this war at Teheran, the Turks
charge, by persuading Roosevelt to sup
ply Russia alone rather than also equip
Turkey for fighting.
In 1941, the Turkish tale continues,
Russia offered Turkish Thrace to Bul
garia if the latter country joined the
Axis tri-partite pact while the next year
the Russians, temporarily grateful for
Turkish neutrality, spoke of giving the
Dodecanese Islands and a segment of
Southern Bulgaria to Turkey as a reward.
The current Russian campaign against
Turkey started in March, 1945, just
before the war ended, when Russia
denounced the Russo-Turkish 1925 pact
of friendship as inadequate to present
conditions unless Turkey saw the new
light. Radio Moscow soon provided that.
First it was Kars and"Ardahan on the
northeast of Soviet Armenia. The Straits
question arose in June, 1945. Soviet
Georgia discovered its "historic" rights
to Turkey's Black Sea shore as far west
as Trebiaond. Russia then wanted bases
in the Dodecanese. She wanted trustee
ship over Tripolitania, a former Turkish
province, which the Turks took as a
slap at them. ,
Azerbaijani followed, with repercus
sions for an independent Kurdistan
affecting Turkey's eastern Kurdish
tribes. Russia supported Syria's claim
to Turkish Hatay on the southeast.
To top it all, the Russian Army
in Bulgaria held maneuvers along the
Turko-Bulgarlan frontier every eight
months. And last summer and fall, once
again demands for the Straits.
North American Newspaper Alliance
The Swings Are Down
There is no surer way to note the spring
Than when a family lowers down its
That, winter-long, its chains drawn A
the ceiling,
Gave one a lost, a lonely, empty feelin0.
But now the swings are down; heri
children meet,
Their laughter riding on the rhythmiô
While, with a rusty singing, to and jr*
Going nowhere, with nowhere to go,
In endless motion (motion that is rest)
It rocks. Oh, of all things, a swing it
To turn the heart to spring. The swings
are down,
And their sweet music echoes through
the town.

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