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Popularity of Probes By Congress Depends On Who Is Grilled By David Lawrence Congressional investigations are \ popular or unpopular depending on j who is being grilled. Looking back at the shafts of ridi- 1 cule and satire aimed, at the House Commit lee on Un-Amer ican Activities, there was no committee of Congress per haps denounced more by the ‘left wing” ele ments. particu larly the Demo crats. : Now, as the news comes out that the State Depart ment ‘‘for se curity reasons” iiad uiu^ytu ov» . , eral Communists and the fact has j been uncovered that various per- j, sons working in the interest of , foreign countries have been per petrating passport frauds, the Amer- . ican people are not being reminded , that this very movement had its ] origin with the Dies Committee. i It is true that the rules of evi- < dence are disregarded by congres- 1 sional committees, but this is a 1 legislative custom on which there i are varying opinions. Very little criticism has come during the past i 12 years from the ‘‘left wing” as the National Labor Relations Board has actually made decisions affect ing civil rights after hearings in ; which the rules of evidence have ; been avowedly disregarded. Trial : examiners have the chance and do! go further afield than congressional j committees, because there is no mi-1 nority party representative to check vit ai/uovo, Securities Act Recalled. 7t will be recalled also that the technique of sweeping investigation by congressional committees has re sulted in the passage of important legislation. The present Securities and Exchange Act owes its origin to the Senate Banking Committee's! inquiry in 1933 into financial oper ations of big holding companies. Individuals were pilloried before . that committee, whether guilty or innocent, and innuendoes were is sued every day to the press to prejudice public opinion. But that was a Democratic Party affair. Likewise, under Democratic con trol in the ’30s, the income-tax re turns of several successful business men were held up to scorn because they took advantage of legitimate deductions. Investigating commit tees have a way of running all over the lot with their questions and the Democratic committees did not seem to be any too polite or digni fied about it when they were in power. The courts have upheld the right of congressional committees to ask almost any question on any subject. The courts have ruled that Congress has a right to elicit information whether the legislative body decides to use or not to use the information i in the writing of subsequent legis-i loti /-»*■* Recently some Democratic spokes-1 men, with a little touch of self righteousness, have condemned some of the Republican committees for a “lack of dignity.” This implies per haps that the conduct of congres sional investigations bv the Demo crats has always been dignified. But there is no rule requiring Sen ators to consider “dignity” in ex amining a witness. If there were such proprieties in the Senate, some of the new-found champions of ‘dignity” would not have been filibustering recently for days at a time under the pretense of discuss ing a public question while they read from books piled high on Sen ate desks that contained matter , wholly irrelevant to the subject '■ under debate and merely consumed ' time. Such tactics are considered proper though obviously hypocriti- . cal and undignified. I1 Bulwark of Government. The rules of “dignity” seem to!, come to the fore when someone j | doesn’t like congressional inquiries. , Dignified or undignified, the investi- ( gating committee is the chief bul- , wark of our representative form of | government. It is a means whereby ] the party in power is checked up , by its successor's inquries. It is a warning, moreover, to those who win , power not to forget that the public , some day may vote another regime , into the saddle and the checking j process will be begun all over again. To ridicule the system of congres- . sional investigation is to reflect doubtless the irritation of onlookers and also the irritation of persons ' being grilled. But, adding it all up, the advantages are on the side of sweeping inquisitorial powers. One important rule is that investigating committees shall not be the vehicle for the wielding of private axes or the airing of private grudges. About all that experience with recent investigations seems to prove, however, is that Democrats don’t like congressional investigations con ducted by Republicans and the Re publicans don’t relish inquiries con ducted when the Democrats are in power. If the public will observe the long-range results carefully, it will find that congressional investi gations usually result in the eradi cation of abuses and often in legis lative restrictions in the public interest. rhis Changing World ? Russia Out to Extend Zone in Germany To the Rhine. Reoorts From Berlin Sav By Constantine Brown Russia intends to push her en roachment against Germany as far ,s the Rhine. This is the gist of eports received from American au thorities in Ber in. where activ ties of Soviet \rmv agents ind their Ger nan and Rus lan stooges are >eing watched nore closely han ever. State Deoart neiii. officials fn Washington are treparing ma erial for the inference o f he Big Four Foreign Minis- Constantine Brown, ers to be held in London November .5. This conference will be a con inuation of the Moscow parleys last ipring, which had to be “postponed” lecause of the lack of understand ng between the Soviet government ind the other Allies. When Secretary of State Marshall igreed at that time to hold another neeting this fall he hoped that this ong cooling oft period might make he Kremlin more tractable and co iperative. Unfortunately, the fact hat our armed forces—and particu arly the Air Forces—have dimin shed even further since spring has ailed to make Russia's masters nore amenable to reason. IT. S Ic ll>ak Like Hitler before Pearl Harbor, he Kremlin relies heavily on the •eports of its agents in the United States and has come to the conclu iion that this country is too weak ,o do more than talk and attempt o buy the support of other nations. Every time the Russian agents in form Moscow that there has been mother substantial jump in Ameri :a's cost of living the reports are -eceived joyfully, because they lead he Russians to believe that social mrest here may not be far off. The Comintern does not hide its houghts, which fill the editorials n the government press and the adio broadcasts. In sum, these houghts are that America will never •isk a showdown with the USSR >ecause it would mean new hard ships for the American people, who cannot live without the “luxuries to which its capitalist leaders have accustomed them.” The same idea was expressed in 1936 by Admiral Kichisaburo No mura. who later became the last Japanese Ambassador to Washing ton. He told a small gathering in Washington that "there is no danger of war between Japan and America.” When asked the basis for this pleasant and optimistic prophecy, he replied: "Because of the Beauty-Rest mattress.” He went on to say that the American people are soft and used to luxuries. Con sequently, he said, they would never indorse a war w'hich could be waged nnlv hv rh*> st.rone ‘Tougher’ Molotov Seen This same conception of America in 1947 is believed to be the principal reason why the USSR is so unco operative and why she follows her present provocative line. The re ports from Berlin say we must ex pect an even tougher attitude on the part of Foreign Minister Molotov when—and if—he goes to London. Available information based on a careful analysis of the Russian ac tivities in the Reich lead American observers to believe that the Soviet Foreign Minister's attitude in Mos cow last Spring was far more co operative than it will be in London in November. DnlUinol orwl militomr nvaocurcc ire under preparation in the Russian zone of Germany to confront us with accomplished facts before the time fixed for the next parley. The Russians may try to maneuver us into abandoning Berlin to them. They may also attempt to force the withdrawal of all Allied forces in the western zones of Germany to the western bank of the Rhine. The largest and most productive part of Austria is also expected to be added to the expanded Russian zone, which would immediately be come a "free and democratic” (German Republic, with its capital at I Weimar. The Russians are reported to have informed the present Aus trian government of their plans, which amount actually to another Anschluss. The American Government Is forewarned of the shape of things to come. But because of our pres ent military weakness there is little that can be done to offset Russian plans. On the Record New Banner Flies Over Union of India; ‘Democracy’ Development Questioned By Dorothy Thompson Today, August 15, two new states af vast extent, numbers and re sources come into being: The Do ninions of India and Pakistan. A new flag flies— the banner of the Union of India, a tricolor af saffron, white and dark green with a centered dark-blue circle, the Aryan wheel if life, symbol of he ancient Em peror Asoka. * Though the two states are called “domin ions” the trans ference of power from Great Dorothy Thompson. Britain is total. No British rights ire reserved. Both Indian states may withdraw from the Common wealth or one may stay and the Dther withdraw. The last tribute to British sin ;erity was the decision of the India Congress to make Viscount Louis ilountbatten Governor General for he interim period during which the tew constitution and law's shall be Irawn up. The reason given is ;igniflcant. Nobody fears that klountbatten will usurp powers, vhich many Congress members ob ect to giving any one of their own tarty. Picks Own "wader. But Moslem Pakistan—not be ause it objects to Mountbatten. but lecause it wishes no symbol, even, if all-India unity—has chosen its iwn leader. Jinnah, as interim Gov ernor General. In this capacity, ilus his control of the Moslem ..eague, Jinnah becomes head of he greatest and richest Moslem tate—150,000.000 people—with com nensurate influence on the Arabian vorld. On August 12 he was pro laimed “Caid - el - Azam,” ‘‘great eader"—or fuehrer. Not all of India is absorbed in the ndia Union or Pakistan. Though he British recommended that the >rincely states align with one or the ithertif the great entities, Kashmir, Hyderabad, and Bhopal have de :lared independence. Belatedly rrnvancore joined India, thus put ing her in possession of three-quar ers of all available thorium—a ra iioactive element used in develop ng atomic energy. A study of the two provisional ;abinets reveals great concentra ions of power. Nine persons hold itj pww in tuc inuiit uaumci, nvc iold 15 in the Pakistan cabinet. Will ‘’democratic” governments ievelop? That depends on deflni ions. The concept of “democracy” generally accepted since the Ameri ■an Revolution was of strict di vision of powers, protection of equal •ights for political minorities, gov ernment “of laws, not men.” and specific freedoms reserved to the individual citizen. This concept is waning even in :he West, and was never native to Asia. Alexander Hamilton would nave called the “new” democracies Catiline States.” Based, not on the suffrage of uncoerced individual citizens forming in commonalty “the people, out on organized, propa gandized, and autocratically con trolled ‘‘masses,’’ they centralize In stead of diffusing power, rule by ma jorities obtained in police-controlled plebiscites, accord no rights to mi norities, and reserve none to the in dividual citizen. By classical defini tion and analogy they are tyrannies by mass-seducing demagogues. Oppression by Kin. It is not written in history nor destiny that men may not be worse oppressed by kin and kind than by strangers. In Pakistan enlightened Moslem elements attracted to their Hindu brethren are steam-rollered by Moslem chauvinists. In the struggles for national self-govern mcnt tho v®ru i Hpcj rtf cAlf.crnvArn. ment undergoes strange metamor phoses. Nations may be “free” and their people enslaved. In Britain itself, birthplace of po litical liberty and personal freedom, a' struggle threatens the basis of British society. A government with a huge but normally transitory majority—ob tained by a largely accidental coali tion of opinion against a previous wartime regime—has voted itself extraordinary powers, refusing the right of the minority even to in quire into their specific purposes. If the government so desires, it can— under these powers—liquidate whole economic classes without due proc ess of law, establish workers’ serf dom, and alter basic institutions. Though British public opinion still functions and the natural modera tion of the British mind may coun sel restraint, nevertheless the words of Lord Acton about the inevitable corruption engendered by absolute power come forcibly to mind. Lord Acton and liberty will be re discovered as the wheel turns. But in how long, no mind can foresee or foretell. (Released by the Bell Syndicate, In«.) Man to Man Britain ajid U. S. Should Find Solution To Palestine Issue Without Delay By Harold L. Ickes The tragedy of Palestine becomes deeper with the days. If the na tions of the world cannot solve this proolem, how can they hope to deal successful ly with greater ones? The two countries prin cipally responsi ble for Palestine are, first and in far greater de gree, Great Brit am and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Both love peace. Both are under solemn mutual pledges, as well as promises to the Jews to pro- H»»ld l. ick«. mote a Jewish homeland in Pales tine. Yet, what do we find in Palestine today? Behind broken pledges ter rorism stalks. Kidnapings and mur ders follow executions. One hun dred thousand British soldiers dot the land. One soldier for every six Jews, regardless of sex or age! But, overwhelming as this army is, ter rorism continues. Terror begets terror until even the British, who are probably self-disciplined to a higher degree than people of any other nationality, engage in reprisals. Default in Statesmanship. Neither the great majority of the Jews in Palestine nor few, if any, of the Jews of the United States and England accepted with any feeling short of despair and horror the re cent hanging \>y the terrorist Jews, of Palestine of two British soldiers who had been kidnaped and held as “hostages.” Yet" one who regards objectively the whole question of Palestine cannot but wonder whether it was either necessary or wise for the British to proceed re lentlessly with the execution of the Jewish terrorists whose sentence to death inspired the kidnaping of the British soldiers and whose death on the scaffold led to the retaliatory VioMrtirifr f ho o rroc ’’ The most desperate aspect of the whole question of Palestine is the total default in British and Amer ican statesmanship. I include our own country in this condemnation, although, primarily, it has been Great Britain that has budded tragic error upon tragic error, into a veritable Chinese Wall of criminal error. To judge the Great Britain of today by what is happening in Palestine one would envisage Cham berlain back in power. And yet the government of Great Britain con sists of men who outspokenly have condemned the White Paper, men who are leaders in the party which went on record in favor of rescind ing the White Paper and returning to the Balfour declaration. The moral responsibility of the United States is as clear as is that of the British, even though we have had no hand in the repressions and terrorism in Palestine. We underwrote the Balfour Declaration. We, too, have condemned the White Paper. Long ago. President Tru man demanded the immediate ad mission into Palestine of 100.000 Jews. Publicly, he has reiterated this policy, which, if carried out, would be both humane and states manlike. He has been content with pious words. To What Purpose, Britain? The time came when Great Brit ain could no longer afford the lux ury of maintaining the German royal house that oppressively rules Greece. Great Britain talks of re ducing the number of its troops in vjcimaii) . vjica.u uiiiaiu « wv, coining worried about the rapid dis appearance of its American dollars. And yet. Great Britain seems to be able to afford 100,000 troops in little Palestine. One might well ask for how long and to what purpose. The only claim that Great Britain has to any authority in Palestine is under a mandate from the League of Nations. As a matter of fact, there is now no League of Nations. So, it might be asked whether Great Britain is in Pales tine legally, or as a usurper. Without arguing this point, it is suggested that the United Nations ought to issue to both Great Britain and the armed Palestinians a “cease and desist" order. Not only for humanitarian reasons should an end be put to this internecine war fare, but because it is a spark vthat may ignite a larger conflagration that it might not be possible to extinguish. In any event, it does not comport with the prestige and dignity of the United Nations to permit these two recalcitrant hot heads to be murdering each other under the guise of “legal execu tions," or “reprisals" or otherwise Tf. 1c incf oc nmnor tVyof ilia ; United Nations should order a ces sation of this conflict In Palestine as it was that it should tell the Dutch and the Indonesians to stop their bitter and unwarranted war. And, having rung the curtain down on the terrorism in Palestine, the United Nations, and particularly those two powerful members, the United States and Great Britain, should find a quick and satisfactory way out of the Palestine issue with out further delay. There must be some solution that men of good will can find. Failure to solve this question is tantamount to admitting that executions and reprisals shall follow each other interminably in bloody sequence. i Copyright, 1947) McLemore— Can't Pick Winner Even in Rio Races By Henry McLemore RIO DE JANEIRO.—Tomorrow morning my barrister, a Brazilian named Billingsley Shor. will enter suit against Pan American World Airw&vs. He will t sue them for $750, that being the amount I lost at the races a few days ago when Brazil’s hioroAcf v o n n Grande Premio Brazil, was run at the Hipo dromo de Gavea. I flew down here with Pan Am, and not, once did they mention the danger an Henry MeLtmcre. Americano ran in attending the races in Rio. They told me that Rio's climate was perfect, and it is. They told me that the {ood is as good as anywhere in the world. Buenos Aires excepted, and they were right. They told me it was the gayest, happiest city of them all, and they were right. But they didn't tell me that a horse player can go broke just as quickly in Brazil as anywhere else. Given no warning, I figured that with the horse lore I had picked up from such men as Bill Corum, Paul Lowry, Oscar Otis, and Frank Ortell, I would be able to knock the horses dead down here. Instead, I am now selling flowers, pencils and shoe laces on a street corner. Same in Any Language. Brazilian horses that you bet on run just as horses you bet on do in the States—meaning, they don’t come in. I am satisfied that a horse player is a sucker in any language, any country. I have been taken here, in Budapest, in London, in Paris, in Rome and in Prague. 1 went to the Hipodromo da Gavea with a pocketful of cruzeiros. I was ready to make a killing. Five minutes after I had entered the gates I was in the hands of a tout who professed to know everything. At Hialeah, Santa Anita, Belmont or Arlington Park I would avoid a tout as I would poison. But not in Rio. The tout suggested that I make a good play in the first on Nacarado. He had to point it out on the program, since we didn’t speak the same language. I looked at the program and it said: “Na [carado—Preto e bonet encarnado— 6-m. zaino-collarin e Noria 11— Argentina—Oswaldo Aranha—Levy rerreira. That looked mighty good to me. so I made what amounted to a plunge for me. My horse ran a great race, if you happen to be a sportsman of the first water and don’t care about winning. He fin ished a driving seventh, with the jockey hitting him with everything but Copacabana Beach. This went on for seven races. But I shouldn't be mad. I didn’t know what the tickets I had meant, so even if one of my Brazilian beau ties had managed to win I wouldn’t have known it. CUA..1J D.i am Ua4a The Grande Premio Brazil is chiefly a fashion show, like the opening day at Ascot. And it is a fashion show dedicated to hats. The Rio gals show off their dresses and jewels at the opening of the opera season, and their hats at the Grande Premio. You never saw such hats. I saw at least 50.000 hats that would have made Hedda Hopper's bonnets look like blue felt berets. Feathers. Flowers. Silk. Chiffon. Little hats. Big hats. Bigger hats. Giant hats. How I wished I had bet on the hats in stead of the horses. Let no one tell you that Atlanta, Dallas. Los Angeles, Montreal, or any other north side place has the most beautiful girls in the world. Rio has. Never have I seen such a mess of pulchritude. I am mighty glad that Jean was there to hold my hand and keep me from making a fool of myself. I might have just upped and proposed to one of those luscious creatures. Yes, ma’am, Rio is all it is sup posed to be. (Distributed b.v McNanght Syndicate. 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