Evening star. [volume], September 11, 1947, Page A-12, Image 12

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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1
■p)e gening j&faf
With Sunday Morning Edition.
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A—12 THURSDAY, September 11, 1947
An Essential Prison Program
The District Parole Board has good
grounds for reiterating past recommenda
tions for a broad program of rehabilita
tion and vocational training in local penal
establishments. The failure of the District
to provide such a program in the past has
made the work of the board more difficult.
The parole authorities have found that
the task of giving a former prisoner a new
start in life is immeasurably greater if he
lacks the skills needed to place him in a job.
Yet the only training which has been
avails hip to nrisnnprs at. Or.r.onuan has
been in the shops where license plates and
a few other District items are made.. The
experience gained in this line of work is of
little value in seeking employment on the
outside. Parole officials say that fewer
persons would violate their paroles if they
were trained in some useful trade during
their term of imprisonment..
The District Department of Corrections
has recognized the need for such training
and has prepared a program for the local
prisons. More adequate appropriations
will enable the department to provide a
more adequate program. The Parole Board,
in its annual report, calls on the public to
support this “essential part of the over-all
correctional process.” Without this sup
port the best efforts of penal and parole
* authorities have little prospect of success.
An Issue That Fell Flat
Labor leaders who have been planning
to make vigorous use of the Taft-Hartley
law as an issue in the 1948 campaign will
derive no encouragement from the Repub
lican victory in the eighth congressional
district of Pennsylvania. Most political
forecasters had predicted that the district
would stay in the GOP congressional
column, as it has traditionally—except for
the New Deal overturn in 1933 and in two
successive elections. But the margin by
which the Republican nominee, Franklin
H. Lichtenwalter, defeated his labor-sup
ported Democratic opponent, Phil H.
Storch, is so large as to indicate that the
labor forces were exploiting a phony issue
in the race.
It was not Mr. Lichtenwalter’s idea to
Inject the new labor law into the campaign.
The issue was raised by Mr. Storch, who
is head of the CIO Lehigh Valley Newspa
per Guild, and by his active supporters in
labor ranks, including Phil Murray of the
CIO, Walter Reuther of the United Auto
mobile Workers and Franklin D. Roosevelt,
jr.. counsel of the Upholsterers’ Union. At
first Mr. Lichtenwalter was inclined to
take the issue lightly, pointing out that
Democratic votes had a lot to do with pas
sage oi me iaii-naruey law. But toward
the end of the campaign he accepted the
challenge and launched into a spirited de
fense of. the law and an attack on the
“labor bosses” opposing him.
Having raised the labor issue, the union
leaders backing Mr. Storch are not in a
good position to discount the issue as a
factor in the outcome of the election. They
undoubtedly would have made the most
of it if there had been a Democratic victory
or even a close race. Actually, however,
the Pennsylvania by-election followed gen
erally the lines foreseen by seasoned polit
ical observers, who based their estimates
not on blown-up labor issues but on past
performances of the voters in a customarily
Republican district. The outcome clearly
indicates that the majority of voters in
Bucks and Lehigh Counties was not im
pressed by the labor tirades against the
so-called “slave labor” statute. In short,
the union drive to bury the Taft-Hartley
Act under an avalanche of votes has gotten
off to a bad start.
'Crossing the Line'
According to Rear Admiral Leland P.
Lovette’s well-known standard reference
work, “Naval Customs, Traditions and Us
age,” the boisterous ceremonies to which
President Truman and his party will submit
as they cross the Equator today “are of
such ancient vintage that their derivation
is lost.” The Vikings are supposed to have
cfartpri thp hahit nf rplehratinp the nassinc
of certain parallels, and the Angles, Saxons
and Normans are believed to have inher
ited the rule. But the rites themselves
suggest a classic source such as more
probably might have arisen in the Medi
terranean area, where the influence of
Greece and Rome naturally would be
likely to bp felt, rather than ip the north.
The Olympian deity of the ocean realm,
In any case, is the central character in
the ludicrous proceedings. Captain Fred
erick Marryat, in Frank Mildmay,” repre
sents the ship "being hailed from the
supposed depths of the sea the evening
before the line is to be reached, and the
captain is given the compliments of Nep
tune and asked to muster his novices for
the sea-lord’s inspection.” When the
vessel is hove to at the proper place the
next day. the, god pompously appears
•with "a long beard of oakum, an iron
crown on his head and a trident with a
small dolphin between its prongs” in his
right hand. His attendants consist of a
secretary, "with quills of the sea-fowl”;
a surgeon,’ “with lancet and pillbox”; a
barber, "with a huge wooden razor,” and
a barber’s mate, “with a tub for a shaving
box.” Neptune’s "beloved” Amphitrite like
wise comes on board. "She" is a young man.
“wearing a woman’s nightcap with seaweed
*
ribbons” and other ridiculous ornaments
and decorations.
Candidates for initiation Include all per
sons in the ship’s company, from the
captain to the humblest passenger, who
have not previously “crossed the line.”
They are designated collectively as “polly
wogs," and the horseplay to' which they
are expected to submit is intended to
make them "shellbacks.” Admiral Lovette
explains: “Usually the ceremonies * * *
are picturesque” — which surely Is a
mild adjective to apply to them. The
Marryat definition stipulates: “It is the
roughest sort of rough manhandling, but
it is a short shrift for those who take it
good naturedly and, like bear baiting,
affords great amusement to the specta
tors.” Nobody doubts that President Tru
man can take it with a grin.
Time for Action
Secretary Marshall’s statement on
Europe makes it seem virtually certain
that President Truman will have to call
a special session of Congress to act on a
program of emergency aid. This should
clear the air of much of the confusion that
has surrounded the subject for the past
several days—ever since Undersecretary of
State Lovett first suggested that the Sen
ate and House would have to come back.
The confusion has stemmed largely from
the contrast between grave reports about
the crisis and the seeming calm of top
administration officials and congressional
leaders. In addition to Mr. Lovett’s grim
remarks, there has been a great volume of
informed but unofficial warnings on the
subject, and there have been impressive
cries of distress from Britain and Western
Europe, including London’s appeal to have
the United States absorb most of the
British occupation costs in Germany.
Meanwhile, though, the American people
have heard the influential Senator Taft—
now on a domestic political tour—belittle
the urgency of the situation and declare
against a special session. Similarly, al
though. Senator Vandenberg has put it up
to the President to decide whether there
should be such a session, the President
has said nothing on his leisurely home
ward voyage from Brazil aboard the battle
ship Missouri.
Mr. Truman certainly has merited this
restful cruise, and very probably it is not
preventing him from keeping up to the
minute with European developments. But
still, coupled with the effects of such ill
considered statements as Senator Taft’s,
his silence and vacation-paced return to
the country have tended to give the im
pression that economic conditions abroad
may not be as bad as painted and that
a special congressional session may there
fore be unnecessary. Secretary Marshall,
however, now has made clear that such an
impression is false, and by plain implica
tion—though not directly—he has said
that the Senate and House will have to
reconvene before their regular meeting in
January if “intolerable hunger and cold,”
handmaidens of disorder and collapse, are
to be averted in Europe.
As Mr. Lovett declared last week, and as
the Secretary of State has just confirmed
in more specific language, the trouble boils
down to this: Primarily because of "acts of
God"—such as drought and an unusually
severe winter—the economic comeback of
Britain and Western Europe has been de
layed more than expected: food and fuel
.XMA »AA^aJ Kilt tl* A At.iAl.A.
countries are rapidly running out of dollars
to buy them; accordingly, because the
long-range recovery prqgram envisioned
under the Marshall proposal cannot be
come effective until some time in 1948, a
collapse may occur before the end of the
year unless Congress authorizes interim,
stop-gap aid at the earliest possible
moment.
Thus, if Secretary Marshall’s statement
means anything at all, it means that a
special session has become imperative.
The statement, moreover, clearly implies
that the session ought to begin not much
later than the end of next month, with
Congress acting promptly on the short
term emergency help but correlating it
with our projected multibillion-dollar long
term program for European recovery. The
situation apparently is much too urgent for*,
vacillation. If Secretary Marshall is as
right as he sounds, the time is about here
for the President to call for positive action.
Again Stymie Over Korea
Once more, Moscow has blocked an at
tempt to settle the Korean problem. This
time its chronic obstructiveness took the
form of a rejection of an American invi
tation to a four-power conference for
consideration as to how to implement the
original Moscow Agreement of 1945. That
agreement, arrived at between America,
Britain, China and Soviet Russia, is the
basis upon which America and Russia,
the signatories who actually occupy Korea,
have vainly negotiated for more than two
years. Our proposal envisaged a round
table discussion of all the signatories in
an endeavor to break the Russo-American
deadlock. But Moscow has now turned
down this new method of approach.
The Soviet refusal was, of course, not
unexpected. To have accepted our pro
posal would, indeed, have been a surprising
change of Moscow's diplomatic pattern.
And the consequence of its refusal is that
the proposal itself is shelved, because a
discussion between America, Britain and
China over a program for all Korea would
have been pointless, with the northern half
of the country in Russian hands and
Russia itself stubbornly absent.
This contingency having been fairly
predictable, it may be asked why our State
Department ever made the conference
proposal. The answer would seem to lie
in our larger diplomatic strategy. The
conference was to have convened before
the next session of the General Assembly
of the United Nations. If Moscow accepted,
well and good. It would then have had
promptly to show its hand to the U. N.
as well as to its fellow signatories. Now
that Moscow has refused, the way is
clearer for America to lay the matter
before the U. N.
A thorough airing of the Korean problem
at the General Assembly session, where
discussion is unlimited, should spread
before the world the sordid story of Soviet
casuistry, obstruction and double dealing
in Korea. Even though the U. N. proves
unable to do anything positive in the
matter, our Government will be in better
posture to do what it has several times
intimated it might do in default of an
f\
agreement with Moscow—go ahead on its
own and set up a provisional government
in Southern Korea. Moscow has obviously
disliked that contingency. Washington has
been similarly reluctant, not only because
of its unilateral and limited scope, but
also because it would entail a reconstruc
tion program of some $200,000,000 for
which Congress would have to make the
appropriation.
Lo, What Splendid Names!
It is a good experience to pick up a
paper like the Gordon Journal of Gordon.
Nebraska—a paper once operated by
Dwight Griswold, our Greek aid adminis
trator—and read about people whose
names are not those 4ve see in the head
lines nearly every day in our own part of
the world.
Molotov, Doris Duke, Bob Taft, Harry
Truman, Andrei Gromyko, Betty Grable,
Hank Wallace, etc., are all celebrities of
one kind or another, and they are named
mellifluously enough, but their constant
popping in and out of the news gets just
a bit tiresome. It is a pleasure, therefore,
to run across a story about others for a
change—doubly and trebly so when it is
a story like the one in a recent issue of the
Gordon Journal.
Printed under the straightforward head
line “Police Court News,” the story was
simply an objective list of names and facts,
an abridgment of which follows: “Jake
Pretty Hips, intoxication, fined $10 and
costs. Joseph Running Hawk, intoxication,
fiped $10 and costs. Samuel Smashed
Ice, intoxication, fined $10 and costs.
Owen Red Shirt, intoxication, fined $10
and costs. Ed Cut Grass, vagrancy, fined
$7 and costs. Leo Brings Plenty,
vagrancy, fined $7 and costs. Roy Bad
Yellow Hair, disturbing the peace and
intoxication, fined S15 and costs.”
Doris Duke, Bob Taft, Betty Grable,
Hank Wallace—how pallid are all such
names when compared with those of the
Indians around Gordon, Nebraska! They
may have been wayward, but Roy Bad
Yellow Hair and his tribal brethren before
the court can take a certain pride in the
fact not merely that they are members of
America’s only genuine first family, but
also that they are named so spectacularly,
so imaginatively, that a simple factual
story about their minor adventures seems
more refreshing by far than anything re
ported in weeks about the news-monop
olizing celebrities.
Indeed, there is such a peaceable, self
critical and nonstuffy quality in the names
of these Indians that one must wonder
what the world would be like if every
body were yclept in much the same man:
ner. If Molotov, for example, called him
self Vyacheslav Pretty Hips, if Gromyko
were known as Andrei Smashed Ice, if
Taft were really Bob Cut Grass, and if
Truman were Harry Brings Plenty, perhaps
national and international events would
be brighter than they are. At any rate,
there might be some humor in them.
Statesmen possibly would take themselves
less seriously, and the troubles of man
kind might come to amount to little
more than a week-end binge ending quietly
in court on Monday, with all hands re
solved to turn over a new leaf. Who
knows?
That wasn’t the end of "the late un
pleasantness” when the Germans and the
Japs surrendered; that was merely a pause
111 me iunuwiui ui tiuuuie, irouDie,
trouble ever since heaven knows when ad
infinitum.
If anybody thinks the .masses are in
different to art. he should follow the crowd
to the National Gallery on a Sunday after
noon or evening.
This and That
By Charles E. Trdcewell
Templeton Jones was seated in the sun
shine. when in walked Susie and Tina.
Susie is blond and 4. Tina is black and 6.
Susie, a regular child, goes on two feet;
Tina, being a dachshund, goes on four legs.
Susie dashed after Tina, catching her easily,
because the little dog's legs are short.
“My daddy,'’ said Susie, "had a birthday."
“Swell," said Templeton Jones.
“And my mommy made him a cake."
“Swell,” chorused Jones. “I wish I had a nice
piece of cake.”
“I’ll go get you a piece," said Susie, and
away she went, with Tina at her heels.
* if * *
Pretty soon, here came the child, bearing
a large platter with the biggest slice of cake
Templeton Jones ever saw.
And no wonder.
It was a 10-layer affair, a plain, simple cake
with orange icing.
“It has 10 layers," announced Susie. “But
you need a fork.”
And she darted into the house, ran straight
to the kitchen cabinet, opened the top and
only drawer, and selected a fork.
“Try the icing,” advised Susie.
* * * *
It had always been the Jones habit to save
the icing until last, but this time he began
as Susie advised.
“Swell,” said Jones, his mouth full of icing.
“Now eat the rest of the cake, you dope,"
advised Susie.
It must be said for our friend Jones that he
jcauis
„ “Thank you. you dope.” he grinned.
And went ahead eating a mighty nice slice
of cake.
Susie's mamma didn't know it. of course,
but this was a real tribute from a eake con
noisseur.
In the pioneer Hoosier community where
Jones was born, cake-making was an art.
Along with making quilts, cake-baking was
a triumph of the everyday.
* * * *
Templeton Jones grew up with good cakes.
His favorites, from childhood, were marble
cake and chocolate cake.
The basis for these confections was just !
plain cake, the kind men like best. Women j
often “go” for fancy cakes, ones with plenty j
of raisins, etc., in them, but probably most
men like the simple affairs.
Plenty of layers, of course, with nice rich
icing in between.
Just pound cake is good enough for Temple
ton Jones. That, too, is a pioneer cake.
Jones remembered that one of the best of the
old days was a rich affair, the favorite of all
the ladies, called 1776 cake.
It requires no eggs, no butter. It is solid,
with no layers.
For interested persons, we have intrigued
the complete formula out of the Jones family,
and here present it:
1776 cake.
Cook one box of raisins in three cups of
water three-fourths hour. (Mrs. Jones says
20 to 30 minutes is enough.) Must be one
and one-half cups juice when done. Let cool.
Two cups sugar, one-half cup lard, add one
tablespoon each of salt, soda, cinnamon, cloves
and nutmeg. Add one and one-half cups
juice and raisins. Then add five cups sifted
(all purpose) flour. Must be stiller than other
cakes. Nuts can be added If desired.
Bake about an hour at 275 degrees. May
be served with sweetened whipped cream
flavored with rum extract.
/*
The Tragedy of India
American Supporters of Freedom Disillusioned by Bloody
Strife as British Sovereignty Ends
By Lothrop Stoddard
Cassandras are never popular. This is
eminently true of Americans, who do not like
to hear pessimistic prophecies, especially about
countries and peoples concerning which they
have scant accurate knowledge. The average
American tends to think that the inhabitants
of other lands are basically much like our
selves and hence capable of adopting our
ideals and ways of life, if given a chance.
When such a chance is given a foreign coun
try and the people there do not take advan
tage of it, American public opinion is sur
prised. shocked and disillusioned.
Of this, India is a poignant example. For
decades, spokesmen of India have been
among us. Most of them have had excellent
education on western lines, speaking good
English and knowing how to win our favor.
Many of them have been brilliantly clever.
Almost without exception, they have assured
us that India's troubles were due to British
rule and that if this foreign yoke were lifted,
India would soon emerge as a stable, pro
gressive democracy.
Well, what they pleaded for has happened.
The British are getting out of India, bag and
baggage. The Indians have their freedom,
with no strings attached. And what do we
see? With the British evacuation just getting
under way, the Indians are at each other's
throats, exterminating each other wholesale,
with attendant atrocities which further in
flame mutual hatreds and engender reprisals
on an ever-ascending scale. The more enlight
ened leaders of the embattled factions are
seemingly trying to calm the tempest, but it
looks increasingly as though popular passions
are beyond their control. Unless this waxing
cyclone of blood and fire can be quickly
dissipated, India would appear doomed to
sink into appalling anarchy.
Predictions Borne Out.
Although this situation comes as'an unex
pected shock to the average American, it is
not surprising to most westerners who have
known India well. The general consensus of
truly informed western observers has long
beer, that, if and when Britain quit India,
that immense country would soon revert to
something like the anarchy which subsisted
there before the establishment of British rule.
And the basic reason for this is the pro
found lack of unity which has always existed
among the Indians themselves.
To begin with, one should look on India
not as a "country'’ and still less as a “nation,”
but rather as a subcontinent, inhabited by
a wide variety of populations differing greatly
from one another in blood, religion, speech,
culture and outlook on life. As a matter of
fact. Incjia, with its area of nearly 2.000,000
square miles, is about the size of Europe,
while its approximately 400.000,000 inhabitants
are more numerous than Europe's total pop
ulation.
Such inherent diversities are, however, by
no means the whole story. The root cause
of Indian disunion is its prevailing religion,
Hinduism. This arose out of the Aryan in
vasion of India, nearly 3,500 years ago. The
fair-skinned Aryans sought to perpetuate both
their political predominance and their racial
identity by an extremely ingenious system of
religious sanctions. The population was graded
into a system of castes, the upper castes being
monopolized by the Aryans while the lower
grades were filled with the dark-skinned
aborigines. The highest caste was that of the
Brahmins, a priesthood with boundless author
ity. Their spiritual power lay in the Hindu
theology, which taught that each individual's
status is fixed at oirth by divine decree. Under
Hinduism, it is impossible to rise in the caste
scale. However, it is only too easy to fall;
because neglect of elaborate religious observ
ances entails ceremonial defilement which,
unless cleansed by the Brahmins, can forfeit
one's caste status and reduce the unfortunate
to a pariah or "out-caste.” Such a being is
"untouchable,” w'ith no rights which even a
low-caste man can respect. He or she is con
demned to the mast revolting and menial
occupations, 'and the children inherit the
stigma. There are no less than 50,000,000 of
these "untouchables" in India today. Further
more, each caste is self-contained, intermar
riage or other forms of social intercourse
between them being taboo. It is hard to see
how. on such a social and economic basis,
MAHATMA GANVHi.
—AP Photo.
anything like a progressive democratic society
can arise.
Hinduism's hold on its votaries is amazing.
An attempted reformation by the great reli
gious teacher, Gautama Buddha, long before
the Christian era, was ultimately extinguished
in India by a Brahmin counter-reformation,
though Buddhism converted most of the lands
to the eastward of India and is today one of
the world's leading religions. During the past
century, a number of reforming sects have
arisen, and Gandhi has preached against caste
abuses, but the caste system still prevails. In
deed, the so-called Nationalist movement is
dominated by a combination of Brahmins and
western-trained intellectuals, who have pooled
their power to rule India.
Hinduism's chief rival is Islam. The Moham
medans began invading India 1.000 years ago,
finding the land so disunited that they were
increasingly successful. Islam is the antithesis
of Hinduism. It proclaims that "all believers
are brothers." It is likewise implacably hostile
to idols; so it vowed the destruction of Hindu
ism's numberless gods. Islam naturally at
tracted India's low-castes and out-castes. That
is the chief reason why there are nearly 100,
000.000 Moslems in India today. But Islam's
very hostility to caste and idolatry provoked
the undying hostility of the Brahmins and
high-castes, who have consistently preached
that Islam is an impious encroachment which
must be rooted out of India's sacred soil.
Religious Turmoil Develops.
The Moslems very nearly conquered India,
their high point being the establishment of
the so-called Mogul Empire early in the
16th century. But it presently declined, the
Brahmins staged a comeback, and a militant
offshoot of Hinduism, the Sikhs, added to
the anti-Moslem reaction. By the next century,
Jndia was a welter of warring principalities,
based on religious differences.
It was into this chaotic India that the Euro
. peans established their settlements. Out of
their mutual rivalries the British emerged as
victors, and they gradually extended their
power over the whole of India, less by sheer
force than by statecraft. They brought peace,
order and impartial justice. But they did not
change the character of India itself. What
they did was to ''freeze" the basic situation.
An aloof governing class, they struck no roots
in Indian soil and sedulously refrained from
interfering in the beliefs and customs of their
subjects.
Thus, the British regime in India was even
more superficial than that of Rome over its
provinces. Despite material improvements like
railways, machine industry and sanitation, the
hearts of the Indians were never won over to
British ideals and institutions. The old spirit
ual divisions, the historic rivalries and hatreds,
were always there.
British rule in India was thus essentially a
veneer. Now that the veneer is peeling off. the
old India emerges once more. Unless, by some
miracle, the minority of enlightened native
leadership can evolve a new synthesis, India's
historic tragedy will be repeated.
Letters to The Star
M usic Leadership in the Schools
To the Editor of The Star:
An article in your issue of August 31 sug
gested strongly that the position of head of
the Music Department in the Washington
school system would be filled by an out-of-town
person. It also stated that twelve of the many
candidates were local aspirants. To have not
one out of the twelve equipped for this position
seems a sad commentary on the efficiency of
the present mqsic personnel in the Washington
schools.
It is not strange that Dr. Barnes, who was
an outside appointee, should recommend an
outsider as his successor. But it is strange that
a man who has been Director of Music for as
many years as Dr. Barnes has not one local
person to suggest as adequate to receive his
mantle. Is Washington so benighted in intelli
gence, so impoverished in administrative abil
ity, so deficient in music understanding that
shq^must go abroad for leadership?
If she must seek t.n appointee away from
home, let. us see to it that one comes in who
will not recall “two years of hell,” but rather
remember the loyal, valiant support which
Washington teachers give to their superior offi
cers, whether these leaders prove inspiring or
otherwise.
A second article, in your edition of Septem
ber 1, stated “Musical education in the public
schools practically was nonexistent” at the
time of Dr. Barnes' arrival. Such a statement
is an insult to Dr. Barnes’ predecessors, Miss
Alys E. Bentley and Dr. Hamline E. Cogswell.
Both of these directors had contributed of their
talent and energies toward developing a .-*,*.00.
music program. They had erected a firm foun
dation upon which any further structure might
rest.
Alys Bentley waS a genius whose matchless
inspiration and invaluable stimulus have never
been forgotten by the staff who taught under
her leadership, nor the children who sang under
her magic baton. Dr. Cogswells philosophy of
music was vastly different from Alys Bentley's,
as both are decidedly different from Dr. Barnes’
philosophy.
But both of these former Directors of Music
left a worthy program, and one far from the
category “nonexistent." Let us give credit
wrhere credit is due—each to his own achieve
ment. A TEACHER.
Young Burlesque Patrons
To the Editor of Thr Star:
I was parked in front of the Gayety Bur
lesque Theater for 15 or 20 minutes recently
and in that short space of time saw two children
escorted into this burlesque theater by. I pre
sume, their parents. One was a girl of about
9 years and the other was a girl of about 5
years.
A large sign was displayed In the ticket
* 4
Letters for publication must bear
the signature and address of the
writer, although it is permissible for a
writer known to The Star to use a
nom de plume. Please be brief.
window stating to the effect that minors under
18 were not allowed. In ,pach case the child
was pointed out and permission to allow her
entrance was secured.
Today we are expending our energies toward
obtaining legislation to protect our children
from sexual perverts. Those who are in a
position to produce this legislation should in
corporate into the law measures which would
protect children who are so unfortunate as to
have parents who abandon the responsibility
of safeguarding" their children's morals.
Surely, places which are not suitable for un
escorted minors are not made more suitable
merely by the accompaniment of minors by
adults who do not assume their responsibilities,
who have concern only for their own entertain
ment and none for their innocent children.
We need legislation to protect these children,
too! ' MRS. NORMAN F. MARSH.
Woodbridge, Va.
Her Sympathies Are With the Bull
To the Editor of The Stsr:
It was with genuine satisfaction that I read
in The Star of the death of Manuel Rodriguez.
t a Wi ill fiohtar
Even though the bull can't win, it Is grati
fying to animal lovers to hear of their being
able, occasionally, to retaliate for the cruelty
imposed upon them.
It was disappointing, however, upon com
pleting the account of the fight, to realize that
no reference was made to the cruelty of the
‘'sport.” That would have justified front-page
space being given to the event, by an outstand
ingly fine United States newspaper such as
The Star. MIRIAM S. LAMPTON.
Religious Progress Commended
Vo the Editor of The St»r.
We are living a great age when the Presi
dent of a democratic Nation, himself a Protes
ting can write an open-hearted letter to the
bead of the Roman Catholic Church and get
an immediate and courteous reply. Surely this
is progress in religion and world understanding.
The Pope in his answer to our President
speaks of peace “for which all people of the
earth are longing.” I hope this word will
neutralize the opposite one, heard daily, to the
effect that at least one nation does not desire
pence but war. We must distinguish between
the people and certain leaders.
JOHN O. KNOTT.
The Political Mill
Indiana Offers Next Test
At Polls of Hartley Law
Springer's Death Results in Contest ip
Normally Republican District
By Gould Lincoln *
The Taft-Hartley labor law. the Republic*^
Congress, the Democractic Party and the Flo
aie set for another test of strength this fatl-r
in the 10th congressional district of Indiana,
due to the recent death of Representative
Springer, Republican. The election comes
November 4—the regular election day for
Mayors of cities in the Hoosier State.
This district has been strongly Republican.
This, however, does not mean it cannot go
Democratic. It did in 1930, 1932, 1934 and
1936—those days when the GOP was on the
skids and the Democratic New Dealers were
riding high, wide and handsome. Finley Gray
was elected as a Democrat to the House in
those years. But in 1938 the political pendulum
began to swing again and the district went
Republican and has been so since. Last year
Mr. Springer carried it by 26,000 votes; some
thing over 60 per cent of the vote cast was
Republican.
The Republicans have selected Ralph Harvey,
a member of the State Legislature for three
terms; a farmer who successfully manages 500
acres just outside of New Castle, Ind. There
was no primary. A conventibn of the county
chairmen and vice chairmen—20 men all told—
under the State election law made the selec
tion. The Democrats wall pick their candidate
today by the same method.
liphill Fight for Democrat.
Frank Hanley, a Muncie automobile dealer,
is given the inside track for the nomination
by some of the talent, but other candidates
include Frank C. Unger. Farmland, who w'as
beaten by Mr. Springer last November; Hubert
Wickens. Gieensburg, former State senator;
Marion Avres. editor of the Shelbvville Demo
crat; Van L. Ogle and Tom Cannon.
Whoever the Democratic candidate may be,
! Ue will have an uphill fight. However, with
the CIO and the AFT, active for him, the
j Democrat has an opportunity to cut strongly
into the Republican lead. The district is
likely to provide a test of the political organiz
ing ability of the labor leaders. Union labor is
stiong in lour of the district's cities, Muncie,
Richmond. New Castle and Connersville. There
is a big agricultural area, however, and the
Republicans are counting on getting the farm
ers out—and if they do, the district, the
Republicans insist, should stay safely Repub
lican.
This is the home district of Philip Willkie,
27-.vear-old son of the late Wendell Willkie.
The Rushville Republican county committee
immediately after the death of Mr. Springer
proposed to put young Willkie—who served
in the Navy during the last war—forward as
a candidate for the nomination. Mr. Willkie,
j however, stepped on the plan, declaring he
i had no political plans or ambitions.
Watson "Had Enough."
There was also a suggestion that former
I Senator “Jim" Watson be nominated—that.
| the district which was his old home could well
honor the veteran by electing him to fill out
I the unexpired term of Mr. Springer. Senator
| Watson, now 83 years old, spends most of his
time in Washington, and he said emphatically
that he was not interested. "Forty years in
Congress," as he put it, "is enough for any
man. Furthermore, campaigning is hard work
and I could not go into a campaign without
| going all the way." Mr. Watson was a power
m the House of Representatives before he
was elected to the Senate, where he eventually
became majority leader.
The death of Representative Gifford of
Massachusetts, a Republican legislator of
many years' service, will give the Democrats
another chance to Knock at tne noor oi tne
House. Mr. Gifford's district—on Cape Cod—
_s regarded, however, as rock-ribbed Republi
can. Mr. Gifford carried the district last
year by 26.500 votes, and in 1944. when Presi
dent Roosevelt was running, by 22,000. It is
presumed that arrangements will be made
lor filling this House vacancy this fall.
Questions and Answers
A reader can gf»« the answer to any question
of fact bv writing Tne Evening Star Information
Bureau, .lift I street N.E.. Washington D. C
Please inclose 3 cents for return postage.
By THE HASKIN SERVICE.
Q. Please e’xplain the meaning of “Operation
Snowdrop."—C. R. T.
A. The maneuvers which will be con
ducted next winter by Gen. Hodges, commander
of the 1st Army, have been labeled “Operation
Snowdrop." An airstrip will be built in virgin
country covered by snow. Equipment for the t
construction of the airstrip will be brought in
by gliders. After the strip is constructed the
troops will be brought in by plrl.e.
Q. Is the land which will be opened for
: settlement along the Alaska highway suitable
for farming?—D. T. J.
A. There will be 2.750,000 acres of public land
; opened for settlement in the Territory of Alaska
i on October 2. 1947. This land lies along the
Alaska highway and very little, if any, of It is
suitable for agricultural homestead use. The
soil is too thin, the ground too wet and frost
and altitude conditions too unfavorable to
make farming generally feasible along the
highway.
Q. Is the widow of Casey Jones still living?—
T. L. D.
A. The widow and son of Casey Jones were
nrocflnt wrhftn a hrr\n7fl anH marhlo mrmnmnnt
to his memory was unveiled recently at Jack
son, Tenn.
Q. How can iodine be removed from painted
linoleum?—J. L. R.
A. The National Bureau of Standards says
that if the iodine did not contain alcohol, the
stain on the linoleum can be removed by using
a dilute solution of sodium thiosulfate. If the
iodine was in an alcohol solution, the stain
would penetrate into the paint and it cannot
be removed without damaging the paint.
Q. Were seats reserved in the early Roman
amphitheaters?—H. A. P.
A. Apparently seats were reserved In early
Roman amphitheaters, for they were all care
fully numbered and tickets of clay bearing
seat numbers have been found.
The Porpoises
In oily opal swells as lustrous as sleek cobra
scales
Arched porpoises disport in gaily antic
frieze,
Like amiable black, horses charging flowers
of foam
In endless hyacinthine meadows of the
Indian seas.
With kindly tolerance for laggard ship they
race
And leap the waves with clocked preci
sion ballet;
Monstrous and yet graceful, agile and cum
bersome at once.
They somehow intimate the ship was
made for play.
Beautiful in action, these sailors' legendary
friends.
Sun glistening on their black macadam
backs.
Preoccupied one moment with the coursa
of ship.
And in another moment fickle, vanished
\ without tracks.
FREDERICK EBRIGHT.
r '}