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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, September 15, 1947, Image 5

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Kaiser Says Increase
In Steel Output Is Way
To Avert Depression
§y the Associated Press
Henry J. Kaiser does not believe
“'we will have a depression Tinless
our own timidity invites one" and
thinks the way to avert it is by ex
panding steel production.
In a statement released today, the
industrialist proposed encouraging
further private expansion of steel
making facilities by Federal tax
concessions so tax exemption for
depreciation could be claimed at a
greatly speeded rate.
Such a provision during the war,
the West Coast industrialist said,
resulted in $1,200,000,000 being in
vested in increased steel capacity
and helped shorten the war.
The accelerated depreciation plan,
Mr. Kaiser said, would be an in
centive for private capital with no
need for the Government itself to
cet Into the steel business.
"For, if the Government extends
this protection, if steel capacity is
then expanded and if then, as I be
lieve, we do not have a depression,
because an ample and comprehen
sive steel supply is our best insur
ance against it, there will have been
no loss to any element—steel man
agement, Government or the pub
lic-all would have gained and, in
deed, all would have averted a (Hs
' aster,” Mr. Kaiser declared.
Mr. Kaiser, who got into the steel
business during the war, said long
established steel management now
segues that this country has suffi
cient steel capacity, or that if it
Hasn’t it will very soon have.
£”By leaving steel capacity where it
la,” he asserted, “we would under
write the economy of scarcity. We
•vtould make sure that steel would
continue in short and erratic supply,
tfius making sure that all costs,
5'nich flow' from steel costs and from
le conditions of steel supply, would
stay or go higher, that purchasing
power would stay where it is or get
Weaker.
‘‘Thus we might well have a de-|
pjressions because we would have
prescribed a depression.”
Treaties
i < Continued From First Page > j
to maintain communications with
occupied Austria.
Peace treaties for Austria. Ger
many and Japan remain to be
written.
As the hour for United States and
British withdrawal neared, disturb
ances continued in Venezia Giulia.
An 11-year-old Italian girl was
killed and a 25-year-old Slovene
woman was wounded in Trieste
Saturday night when a burst of
machinegun bullets was fired against
a Communist cultural club.
Losses in Territory.
Por Italy, today's ratification of
the peace treaty marked the end of
a national adventure with Fascism
which started 25 years ago. The ex
periment, following her attack on
France June 10, 1940, cost her:
Approximately 3,000 square miles
of her homeland, all her African
.empire, the Dodecanese Islands,
*360,000,000 in reparation and her
place as a world power. The terri
tory she loses to Yugoslavia in the
Istrian Peninsula will oast her more
than 41,000,000 tons of coal annually.
The African territories—Eritrea,
Libya and Somaliland—remain un
der British sovereignty for a year,
during which Britaim France and
the United States consider final dis
position. If they fail to reach an
agreement, the United Nations As
sembly must decide.
The Dodecanese Islands go to
Greece and about 50 square miles
in four Alpine districts go to France.
Of the reparations debt, $125,000,000
goes to Yugoslavia, $105,000,000 to
Greece, $100,000,000 to Russia, $25,
000,000 to Ethiopia and $5,000,000
to Albania. All of it is payable
within seven years.
*> <In Bari, Italy, last night,
United States Ambassador James
C. Dunn said in a speech that
the United States had “pored
more than one and one-third
billion dollars into Italy” since
September 3, 1943, when the
armistice was signed by Gen.
Dwight D. Eisenhower and Mar
shall Pietro Badoglio. Mr. Dunn
said the help was continuing.) _
The Italian army was cut to 185,
000 men, plus 65,000 carabinierie and
’00 tanks, she was left but two
battleships, four cruisers, four de
stroyers, 16 torpedo boats, 20 cor
vettes and 25,000 men. The airforce
was permitted 25,000 men, with 200
combat and 150 transport planes.
The other treaties, in brief,
provide:
Bulgaria—No Loss of territory:
70,000,000 in reparations, $25,000,
,00 to Yugoslavia and $45,000,000 to
Greece; armed forces limited to 65,
;00 men, 7,250 tons of warships, 90
■lanes.
Finland—Loses port and province
f Petsamo to Russia and gives
.usla » 60-year lease on Perkkala
■dd for naval base; $300,000,000 in
'parations, all to Russia; armed
■rcea limited to 41,500 men, 19,000
ons of wai,shlp6, 60 planes.
Hungary—Loses Transylvania to
omania. $300,000,000 in repara
ions, • $200,000,000 to Russia, §50,
100.000 to Yugoslavia and $50,000,000
o Czechoslovakia; armed forces lim
ited to 70,000 men. 90 planes.
Romania — Loses Bessarabia to j
Russia; $300,000,000 in reparations,,
>11 to Russia; armed forces limited,
o 138,000 men, 15,000 tons of war
ships and 90 plane*.
Clergyman Declares U. S.
Must Keep Strong Army
fty th» Associated Pr«iS
WILKINSBURG, Pa., Sept. 15.—
Dr. W. O. H. Garman. director of
civil affairs for the American Coun
cil of Christian Churches, says he
believes Russia “is most responsible
!or the prevailing misery” in Eu
rope and that the -United States
must maintain a strong Army “to
protect the safety and welfare of
the eWorld.”
■■JEjjery one, our own troops in
cluSSj, is waiting for the first shot
whic* will start the final conflict
between the Communist oppressors
and the democratic nations,” Dr.
Garjpan said in a letter to Secre
tarjftof War Royall, adding:
"ijfcview of this fact, and believing
that*>ur safety and the welfare of
the <|orld depends upon maintain
ing ft strong Army, we believe that
it is*criminal to curtail military
operations. We believe that uni
versal military training, under cer
tain restrictions, is as necessary as
universal education. Without it we
cannot have even a semblance of
peaee.”
Dr. Garman’s letter, which he re
leased for publication, was a report
of the trip he and 13 ottier Amer
ican clergymen mane to Europe this
suifWfer under War Department,
Text of Secretary Marshall's Address to U. N. Association
By th* AsiociaUd Pr*«t
NEW YORK, Sept. 15.—The
text of Secretary of State Mar
shall’s speech to the American
Association for the United Na
tions and Co-operating Groups
here yesterday afternoon:
I am glad to participate in the
opening of United Nations Week.
The interest and the sense of
public responsibility shown by the
American Association for the United
Nations and the scores of other na
tional organizations who have joined
in preparing this week of public
education in the work of the United
Nations is deserving of commenda
tion. It should result in a deepened
understanding of the purposes, the
accomplishments and the difficulties
of the United Nations and a more
understanding determination on the
part of the American people to make
Ilf OUVlllU.
The General Assembly will con
vene at Flushing Meadow on Tues
day for its second regular session.
Delegates from the 55 member
states are now arriving in this
country for this meeting. They will
receive a warm and cordial welcome
from our people who will follow
their work with close and sympa
thetic attention. The Assembly will
consider a number of unusually
complex political problems, includ
ing those relating to Greece and
Palestine, for which solutions must
be found. There are already ap
proximately 80 items on the agenda,
with still others to be raised in the
course of debate.
It is important that the peoples
of the world should turn their eyes
toward the United Nations while
the General Assembly is in session.
It is of particular importance that
the people of the United States
closely follow the proceedings and
gain a full appreciation of the na
ture of the problems faced by the
General Assembly. The broad out
lines of our foreign policy are de
termined by our citizens. The
American people, fortunately, are
free to speak out on matters of
policy. They vote; they form their
own opinions; and they organize
themselves into innumerable groups
to give expression to their views.
Through a free press and radio
and through the film and other
means of communications, they
nave full access to all shades of!
1 VirvimKt onH nnininn
Face Baffling Policy Questions.
In order that the conclusions of
the American public will be firmly
based upon fact and upon mature
reflection and realistic considera
tion of the issues involved, it is of
importance that all sources of in
formation and aids to the enlight
enment of public opinion be used
to the full. We are faced with
policy questions which are baffling
and far-reaching. Even when all
the facts are available it is seldom
easy to reach a decision with com
plete certainty that the right de
cision has been made. Wjthout the
facts, sound judgment of the issues
is impossible.
This is why your endeavors de
serve the support of all those who
work for a peaceful world. The
achievements of your organizations
in the past^ have been truly remark
able. Without ycur help and the
help of like-minded people in other
parts of the world, the United
Nations might not have come into
existence. Without such continued
help, it can only_ha.ve a ‘limited
future. There is still much to be
done and it is of utmost importance
♦ if hp rfnnp
A recent survey of public opinion
revealed that one out of three people
In the United States still does not
know what the United Nations is
and what it does. The same study
showed that only one in five knows
what is meant by the veto.
The problem of creating a broad
understanding of the many specific
issues before the United Nations
bodies is particularly great. The
annual report of the Secretary Gen
eral to the General Assembly shows
that from July 1, 1946, through June
30. 1947, the General Assembly held
443 plenary and committee meet
ings, the Security Council 347, the
Economic and Social Council 168,
the Trusteeship Council 56 and other
United Nations bodies 897, or a
total of 1,911 meetings in one year.
The most cursory glance at the
subjects discussed at these meetings
indicates that as Americans we are
concerned with almost every topic
dealt with. The entire range of our
foreign policy is involved.
To do our share in the work of
the United Nations the Govern
ment of the United States must
operate as an effective team under
the leadership of the President.
Almost every department and agency
of the executive branch of the Gov
ernment is necessarily involved.
Congress, too, is heavily involved in
international matters and plays a
determinant role in the implementa
tion of our foreign policies from the
flnaneiftl noint of view.
But the American public plays the
decisive role. They set the objec
tives, they select the principal of
ficers of Government and they
weigh and criticize results. That is
the democratic process. If it is to
be fully effective, the public needs
leadership—not only the leadership
of formally elected and appointed
officers of Government—but the
leadership of informed and discern
ing men and women in each com
munity throughout the country,
nils is pre-eminently the role of
the organizations which are co-op
erating in this United Nations week.
The Department of State wel
comes public scrutiny of its efforts
and the criticism which helps us to
Qhcck the wisdom of our actions.
We try in every possible way to find
out what the American public thinks
about the great issues before us
and to explain to them what we
think and do about them. Many of
you have participated in the regu
lar meetings we have organized with
representatives of national organi
zations.
Many oi you nave spoaen iu ui
firers of the State Department, who
are all available for consultation.
Letters from organizations and in
dividuals, which we received in great
numbers, are carefully studied. No
organization or Individual express
ing opinions or judgments on im
portant public issues should con
clude that such views are of no in
terest or assistance. The contrary is
the case.
Let me urge you, therefore, that
you continue throughout the year
activities of the type which you have
developed for this United Nations
Week.
Must Understand Role.
We learned during the recent war
that every household, every farm,
every village and every business
are deeply involved in the great
problems of peace and security for
the solution of problems, and the
efforts to meet them in the United
Nations therefore require intelligent
attention in all of our schools, our
churhes, our civic, business and
social organizations—wherever, in
V J •
1 , (
Charter, whether they are carnea
out through the United Nations or
through other means.
Third, it means that we must refer
to the United Nations problems
which have failed of solution by
other peaceful means and which re
quire solution under the Charter.
Fourth, it means that we must
work persistently an loyally within
the several organs and agencies
within the United Nations toward
the successful accomplishment of
their assigned tasks.
Fifth, it means that we must seek
to improve the procedures and ma
chinery of the United Nations
organization Itself and to join with
others in providing the resources
which are necessary for its effi
ciency.
Sixth, it means that we must join
with others to make it unmistakably
clear that aggression against the
territorial integrity or political in
dependence of others, will be resist
ed by the combined afforts of the
members of the United Nations.
Seventh, it means that we must
exert every possible effort to con
clude the remaining peace treaties,
thereby creating the normal condi
tions under which the United Na
tions was designed to function. It
is intended to maintain peace, not
to make peace, after this war.
Eghth, it means that we join with
others in seeking to improve the
world’s economic situation, to bring
about the economic conditions neces
sary to international stability.
These are clear rules for our con
duct; in fact they accurately reflect
our national policy.
We have heard in this country.1
particularly in recent months, ex
pressions of concern about the future
of the United Nations. I do not
believe that it stems from lack of
confidence in the possibilities of the
United Nations organization or in,
its technical efficiency. This appre
hension is caused rather by doubt as
to whether all members are willing
to adjust their national policies to
the common interest of all humanity.
This common interest is expressed
in article after article of the Charter
enjoining its members to pursue in
their international conduct the
principles and purposes of the
Charter. I can, of course, speak only
for the United States. I have, I
hope, made it clear that our na
tional policies will continue to con
form to these principles and pur
poses. Obviously, if all members do
not similarly strive to meet their
obligations under the Charter, the
United Nations will be imperiled.
The forthcoming session of the
General Assembly may begin a new
phase in the life of the United
Nations. During the course of this
session, on October 24. the second
anniversary of the coming into force
of the Charter will be celebrated.
These two years have, to a very
considerable extent, been taken up
with the work of organization and
with the development of techniques
and procedures. With the estab
lishment of the Trusteeship Council
in March and April of this year,
the maior oreanifetional develop
ment of the United Nations was
completed.
During these two years of birth
and growth, governments and peo
ples have been slow to criticize ana
have shown commendable sympathy;
toward the initial efforts of this new
world organization for peace and
security. That initial period is
coming to an end. Our work will
now be subjected to more critical
examination. Apprehension and
anxiety over the future of the
United Nations reflect insecurity
about the, aims and intentions pf
the members themselves. There is
genuine danger that our hopes of
two years ago will give way to skep
ticism.
The General Assembly is the
forum in which this skepticism must
be forestalled and the forium in
which our disagreements must be
resolved. The great moral end
political forces of the peoples of the
world must somehow be brought to
oear with full effect through the
General Assembly,
Within a few days’ time the
United States delegation will be
making a number of proposals to
the General Assembly which we be
lieve will help to resolve some of the
issues which are now disturbing
good relations among nations. You
will appreciate that presentation of
these proposals must await the
meeting of the Assembly. However,
I believe you will be interested in
two or three general considerations
which bear upon our work in the
coming Gerieral Assembly.
Not Opposed to Revision.
We are not unalterably opposed 10
every proposal for a revision of the
Charter, although we believe that
there is at the present time no need
for major revisions of the Charter
or for a change in the general char
acter of the United Nations.
Many articles of the Charter have
not yet been brought into play
and given life and meaning by no
means exhausted the potentialities
of the Charter in finding ways and
means of overcoming obstruction
ond of meeting their common prob
lems. While we might be willing to
accept certain amendments to the
charter, we believe that rapid prog
gress can be made in the imme
diate future within the general
framework which we now have and
that we shall ourselves make pro
posals for utilizing more fully ex
isting machinery.
In the meantime there are se
rious matters in the political and
security field which require prompt,
action by the Assembly. We are
particularly concerned with the aid
and assistance which are being pro
vided by Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and
Albania to the guerrillas in Greece
—a direct threat to the territorial
integrity and political independence
of that country. We seek nothing
in that situation but the protection
of the Greek people which is their
due under the Charter. We have no
interest beyond the pacification of
that troubled area. The solution
must be the cessation of the threat
—and we earnestly hope that the
General Assembly will be able to
devise means for accomplishing
that. end.
Palestine Case Mentioned.
The matter of Palestine will be
before the forthcoming Assembly for
solution. We believe that the tech
niques which have been used by the
Assembly thus far in dealing with;
this question have been soundly con-!
ceived. After preliminary consider
ation. the General Assembly estab
lished a commission of representa
tives of disinterested states which
has inquired into the problem and
reported its conclusions and rec
ommendations to the Assembly. We
believe that it is of the greatest im
portance that every effort be made
to obtain maximum agreement in
the General Assembly on a solution
for that problem and that the peo
ples directly concerned will accept
the recommendations of the coming
General Assembly as a basis for a
definitive solution of this complex
matter.
Throughout the General Assembly
**»
r.ne unnea ecaies aeiegauon win
be motivated by a desire to develop
the United Nations as the central
organization for the maintenance
of international peace and the pro
motion of international co-oper
ation. We do not look upon it as
a handy instrument for obtaining
temporary national advantage. We
have no desire to slip back upon the
road to international anarchy out
of which we have been hoping we
are beginning to emerge. We look
forward to the early admission into
the United Nations of the remaining
nations who might now be qualified
for membership. If the United Na
tions is to serve the genuine self
interest of all members over the
longer period and if it is to be,
as suggested in Article I of the char
ter, a center for harmonizing the
actions of nations, we believe that
its world-wide membership must
be preserved as far as .possible in
accordance with its original design.
It would be a sore, a tragic dis
appointment if experience should
prove that the harmony which was
achieved at San Francisco was only
temporary. We find it difficult to
believe that members of the organ
ization would deliberately seek to
destroy its structure by persistence
in acts of aggression or by obstruc
tion of a nature to paralyze the
principal organs of the organiza
tions.
Impatient With Obstacles.
Our own attitude and sense of
responsibility will have much to do
with the success of the coming Gen
eral Assembly. Under the pressure
of our war effort we developed in
this country a laudable impatience
for obstacles which stood between
us and the attainment of victory,
obstacles which were removed by
an application of astonishing energy,
ingenuity and singleness of pur
pose. The problems of peace re
quire moral courage and stern deter
mination but they also demand
patience and deliberation if we are
to find a common agreement upon
which aNasting peace can be found.
In reflecting upon our own ex
perience. the American constitu
tional development, we find that
even where we were one people and
there were generally agreed objec
tives, a long time, much of for
bearance and a willingness to com
promise were needed in building
our great constitutional system. We
believe, that the peoples of the
United Nations also have common
basic purposes which provide the
foundation (or effective machinery
for international co-operation. We
should be neither surprised nor
discouraged if time and great ef
fort are required to move forward.
We hope that the effort itself will
produce increasing unanimity of
purpose, a unanimity which will in
turn make possible more effective
international action.
The United States delegation to
the General Assembly will have
continually in mind the basic pur
poses of the American people and
will strive to give them effect. We
seek at this Assembly not a United
States success but a United Nations
success. The latter will include the
former, since our objectives are the
objectives of the charter itself. We
earnestly solicit your backing for
this great effort in which we are
Marshall
(Continued From First Page.!
must be the cessation of the threat
—and we earnestly hope that the
General Assembly will be able to
devise means for accomplishing that
end,” Gen. Marshall said.
His speech, approved in advance
by President Truman, was inter
preted as setting the tone for the
whole United States approach to
the critical Assembly session, par
ticularly regarding the Greek case.
The importance the United States
attaches to the Greek case was
seen in the American move today
to take it off the Security Council
agenda and give the Assembly a
free hand to dea> with it.
The various delegations held hur
ried pre-Assembly conferences to
day, drawing up lines of strategy
for the long session ahead on such
major issues as the Balkans, Pal
estine, the veto and Spain.
A good portion of the 275 dele
gates from 55 nations already were
on hand and the rest were sched
uled to arrive early tomorrow by
ship. These last include Soviet
Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Y.
Vishinsky, Hector McNeil, No. 2
man in British foreign affairs, and
French Foreign Minister Georges
Bidault.
The Arab bloc, topped by Prince
Feisal of Saudi Arabia, was en
gaged in a series of secret sessions
mapping strategy for its battle
against the Palestine report calling
for a partition of the Holy Land.
Russians Refer to Veto
As 'Rule of Unanimity'
MOSCOW, Sept. 15 (/P).—Russians
awaited today the proposals which
SECRETARY OF STATE
MARSHALL,
As he addressed the American
Association for the United
Nations. —AP Wirephoto.
fact, citizens gather to discuss their
vital interests.
We Americans must obtain a
clear understanding of the role
which we ourselves are called upon
to play in the United Nations, we
must understand the roles which
others are playing or are failing to
play. We must continually remind
ourselves that the United Nations
succeeds or fails according to the
conduct of the members themselves
and their willingness to act in ac
cordance with thp Charter. We must
become familiar with the terms of
the Charter. I think this might well
be included in the curriculum of our
high schools and colleges.
The limitations inherent in this
great organization for the preserva
tion of peace should be made clear
to our citizens. We make a grave
error to suppose that every inter
national problem should be handled
by the United Nations. Actually, this
would neither be desirable nor
practicable. The American govern
ment, for example, is conducting
negotiations continuously with every
recognized government in the world
on hundreds of subjects. Other
governments are doing the same.
The great majority £>f these matters
are satisfactorily settled by mutual
agreement between the parties di
rectly concerned. Nothing would be
gained and much would be lost by
complicating the procedures of day
to-day negotiation by multiplying
rilachinery where simple methods
sumue.
Even in cases of international
disputes the continuance of which
might endanger the maintenance
of peace and security—in other
words the matters of primary in
terest to the United Nations—the
Charter enjoins the parties first of
all to seek solution by negotiation,
inquiry, mediation, conciliation, ar
bitration, judicial settlement, resort
to regional agencies or arrange
ments or other peaceful means of
their own choice. Clearly this means
that parties to disputes should use
such peaceful means in good faith
and in a spirit of mutual accom
modation. Recourse to United Na
tions agencies in such matters may
constitute an abuse of the Charter
if the purpose be merely to better
a bargaining position, to obtain a
larger forum for propaganda, or to
create greater rather than less in
ternational friction. Ultimately, of
course, the United Nations is there
and should be freely used where a
basis for agreement does not exist
and action or advice of (the United
Nations is needed for the main
tenance of good relations.
Cites Specialized Agencies.
Those who would understand its
functions must also be aware of
the part which is to be played by
the specialized agencies which are
now being related to the United Na
tions under the general co-ordina
tion of the Economic and Social
Council. These agencies are de
signed to encourage international
co-operation in specific fields; they
are not, in general, agencies with
extensive resources of their own or
with direct responsibility for the
execution of policy within the
United Nations, although some have
mipuriaiiL upci auug xuiiuliuua. ouim,
of them, such as the Interna
tional Labor Organization, have
long histories of accomplishment in
the international field; others, such
as the proposed International Trade
Organization, to be considered at
the forthcoming International Trade
Conference in Havana in Novem
ber of this year, are very young,
indeed. Others, such as the Inter
national Refugee Organization, are
envisaged as temporary agencies to
be disbanded when a/ particular job
is done The International Bank
for Reconstruction and development
and the International Monetary
Fund are agencies with direct oper
ational responsibilities in a par
ticular field.
I have touched upon these mat
ters merely as reminders that an
intelligent participation by the
United States in the United Na
tions requires persistent effort by
our citizens and by organizations
such as yours. I will turn now to
the relation between the United
Nations and the foreign policy of
the United States.
The President and other respon
sible Americans have on many oc
casions declared that support for
the United Nations is the corner
stone of our foreign policy. On this
we are a united people—without
party or regional differences.
nun 4a IT X'
Our "fidelity to the United Na
tions"—to use the words of the Pres
ident in his recent address to the
Inter-American Conference at Rio—
goes deep. Our faith in the United
Nations has its roots in the basic
moral values and spiritual aspira
tions of the American people.
These aspirations of ours are identi
cal with the purposes and principles
of the Charter. The late President
Roosevelt had this in mind when
he spoke of freedom of speech and
expression, freedom of worship,
freedom from want and freedom
from fear—everywhere in the world.
How do we translate these general
principles into practical terms?
What precisely-does our support for
the United Nations mean?
First, it means that we ourselves
must faithfully live up to our ob
ligations under the Charter.
t Second, it means that our public
acts must be consistent with fhe
' *
QUICK EFFICIENT
Service by Experts
Secretary of State Marshall plans to
make to the United Nations General
Assembly. His intimation that the
United States would take a strong;
line in the Assembly, particularly on
the Greek question, is of particular
interest here.
Another suggestion that the
United States may seek to do some-1
thing about the veto will most,
surely bring about strong reaction;
in the U. S. S. R. Only this morn
ing Pravda, Communist Party or
gan, devoted nearly half a page to
discussion of the veto, or “rule of
unanimity,” as the Russians call it.
Quoting from Foreign Minister
Molotov's original statement on up
holding the principle of the veto,
Pravda said:
"That’s why all efforts to break
down the principle of unanimity
must be decisively repulsed. It is
not only the Soviet Union which is
interested but also all other peace
loving nations.”
On the question of foreign criti
cism of the veto, Pravda added: I
“One of the best answers to the;
defamers chattering about ’abuse j
of the veto right’ is the fact that I
many democratic organizations of :
Egypt have appealed to the Soviet1
Union to use the veto in the event:
of Egypt's demands are not satis
fied in the Security Council.”
Air Policy
(Continued From First Page.)
planes from civil to military duty,
Admiral Land commented, “I am
not as concerned about World War
III as some of my friends are, but
I feel we should have a large in
crease in cur transport fleet."
Would Continue Restrictions.
Briefly, his recommendations to
the commission, which is seeking
information from all phases of avi
ation as the basis for writing a new
national air policy, incfuded:
1. Current restrictions on surface
transport agencies entering aviation
should be continued.
2. All mail which can be expe
dited by air should be flown, and an
air parcel past system should be
made available immediately.
3. The government should aban
don efforts to regulate operational
details for the airlines.
4. The present air safety organ-1
ization in the Civil Aeronautics
Board should be continued and di
vision of responsibility in air safety
between the CAB and the Civil
Aeronautics Administrator should
be eliminated.
5. The States should be forbidden
to impose either safety or economic j
regulation upon air transportation, j
6. The Federal Government should
withdraw from motor fuel taxation 1
except with respect to aviation gaso- '
line and should prohibit State taxes
on aviation fuel.
7. The airlines should be exempt
from excise taxes on radio equip
ment, tires, tubes and other items
from which their loreign competitors
are exempt.
Rams peck Asked to Testify.
Along with Admiral Land, the,
committee invited Robert S. Rams
peck, former Georgia representative
and now executive vice president
of the Air Transport Association,
and Milton W. Arnold, ATA’s oper
ating and engineering chief to
testify today.
The study is the second broad
scale investigation of American air
policy since the Morrow board laid
down in 1925 the foundation of the
Air Commerce Act. The next big
study was made 10 years later by
the Federal Aviation Commission.
Mr. Truman appoirited the pres
ent temporary commission July 18.
with orders to report by January 1.
Woman Requests
U. S. to Send Her
Loyalty Check
By the Associated Press
Somewhere in Georgia a young
lady heard that the Government Is
making a loyalty check of its em
ployees.
But she apparently got a slightly
garbled version, because she wrote
the Treasury:
“I understand the Government Is'
to give loyalty checks to Its em-;
ployes.
“I think we deserve them. I
worked for the War Department
two years during the war and I
had an excellent efficiency rating
during that period.
“Pleas don’t overlook me when
the Government starts to hand out j
those checks.”
The Treasury didn’t give out the
lady's name.
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